National Movement Research Articles

The Ideological Apologetics of the Communist Party during Suppression of Lithuanian National Resistance (1944–1953)

After WWII, the second wave of Stalinist terror initiated by the USR acquired special features in Lithuania. The suppression of national resistance, Sovietisation of the country, and destruction of national identity by combining terror, repression and ideological propaganda took place throughout the country. In the resolutions adopted by the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) (AUCP[B]) between 1944 and 1948 on the political situation in Lithuania, the demand was made to destroy the ideology and social basis of the national underground movement and to expel the nation’s aspirations for freedom from its consciousness as soon as possible. Destruction of the spiritual life and identity of the nation was initially carried out by promoting contempt for the nation’s historical past and culture and promoting vandalism. Spiritual and physical terror became the everyday reality of Lithuania’s political life. The national attitudes of the intelligentsia and their attempts to preserve spiritual values that had formed over the years became the cause of never-ending persecution and reprisals against them. One goal was to use a certain part of the intelligentsia for the dissemination of the Soviet ideology. The intention was to bridge the gap that emerged after the repressive measure that caused the emigration of intellectuals to the West. Propaganda and mass political agitation became an important area of ideological activity of the Soviet regime and accompanied spiritual terror and implementation of Communist ideology based on Stalinist dogmas. The Soviet press was full of vitriolic condemnation of the “enemies of the people” and euphoric praise of Stalin and his henchmen. With the help of the press, the Soviet regime hoped to purge ideas about the nation’s freedom from people’s consciousness. Under the veil of Soviet patriotism and proletarian internationalism, Russian nationalism was forced down people’s throats, the role of Russia as the elder brother was constantly emphasised, the spiritual values of the nation were derogated, the nation was humiliated, and it became increasingly difficult to communicate in the native Lithuanian language. The Communist regime created a social environment that it hoped would help to destroy the resistance movement as soon as possible. With the help of the government and the organisations of the Communist Party, society was divided and one social stratum was pitted against the other. By combining repression and ideological measures, the Communist Party eroded the typical mutual relationship of trust that had formed over centuries in the nation.

Understanding Inward-Looking Nationalism: An Instrumentalist Approach in Analyzing the Discourse of The People’s Alliance in Turkey1

Abstract Many theories, approaches, definitions have been laid down for the understanding of nationalism, which simultaneously produces many questions to answer later on. One of the recent debates is the ‘inward looking’ nature of nationalism. Whether it is the recent pandemic, Brexit, or alarming rates of Islamophobia in the West with an identitarian populist flavor, the issue pertains to nationalism, or for some, nativism. Contemporaneously with an ‘inward looking’ instrumentalist nature, it uncovers new debates arising out of the conflicts in today’s nation-states. One of these appears to be the ruling coalition known as the ‘People’s Alliance’ (de facto alliance between the Justice and Development party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) and the National Movement Party (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi) in Turkey thanks to its nationalist rhetoric, yet with an ‘inward looking’ direction. The deepening of polarization is causing a mutual fear, mistrust, and antipathy among the people in Turkey. As the coalition aims to re-invigorate the nation, its opponents are claiming it is a dissemination of hatred. This political rift is deepening via the political discourse and atmosphere. The goal of this paper is to inquire into this via a critical discourse analysis. The study analyzes the discourse of the party leaders forming the People’s Alliance. This discourse displays an inward-looking nationalist rhetoric, circling around three prominent issues: the proclamation of opponents as traitors via a blame shifting rhetoric; the protection of the fate of the coalition as the savior of the country; and finally, the determination of who adheres to the nation or not via the native and national (yerli ve milli) debate.

Countering Holocaust Trivialization: How Educational Resources Support Teachers in the Context of Political Extremism

In this study, we used Terrance L. Furin’s concept of transformational countering to examine six Holocaust education resources designed to address Holocaust trivialization and antisemitism. While academic comparisons are useful to helping students understand challenging content, superficial Holocaust analogies for political purposes are identified as Holocaust trivialization. Given that the current context consists of a growing white nationalist movement characterized by authoritarianism, antisemitism, and conspiracy theories, we enter the study understanding that Holocaust trivialization and far-right extremism must be understood together. We, therefore, examined the type of support teachers receive from Holocaust and human rights organizations in countering extremism and Holocaust trivialization. After analyzing the six resources, our findings demonstrate that resources produced to counter Holocaust trivialization become quickly outdated given the rapid evolution of extremism. Also, findings indicate that teachers receive stronger support in countering extremism and Holocaust trivialization from organizations that focus broadly on supporting human rights compared to the organizations that focus exclusively on Holocaust education.

On the relations between the grammatical codifications of the serbian and ‘illyrian’ literary languages by Karadžić (1818) and Babukić (1836): plagiarism and adaptation

Contemporary debates regarding whether or not the Croatian literary language is equal to the Serbian literary language seldom touch upon the matter of the Illyrian national revival and its organiser, Ljudevit Gaj (German: Ludwig von Gay). Their Illyrian literary language, whose purpose was to become the common literary language of all Southern Slavs, was codified in Zagreb in the Osnova slovnice slavjanske narěčja ilirskoga by the Croatian linguist Vjekoslav Babukić, first published in the mouthpiece of the Illyrian movement Danica ilirska in 1836. This short grammatical sketch corresponds to Karadžić’s grammar in his dictionary Српски рјечник (1818) far more than it does not, and this fact is dealt with awkwardly in the histories of the Croatian language. In essence, the differences in Babukić’s text with respect to the source text consist in Slovene-Kajkavian lexemes and grammatemes, but they are not great in number. In this article, we propose to analyse the claim that Babukić’s short grammatical sketch constitutes a case of plagiarism and of adaptation with regard to the grammar appended to Karadžić’s dictionary, as seen through the scientific literature covering the Illyrian National Movement.

A Requiem for “Jadidism”? Debates on Islamic Education in Contemporary Tatarstan

Abstract Over the last two decades, the public discourse on Islam in Tatarstan has seen a shift from celebrating “Jadidism” to a new emphasis on “Qadimism”. This paper explores the Tatar national movement’s use of “Jadidism” in the 1990s and 2000s and then reconstructs the “Qadimist” countertrend which started to gain visibility with the works of DUM RT deputy mufti Valiulla Yakupov (d. 2012), and which became dominant in the religious establishment of DUM RT under Mufti Kamil’ Samigullin (in office since 2013). In the second part of the paper we trace the marginalization of “Jadid” literature in Tatarstan’s Islamic teaching institutions. We argue that also “Qadimism”, as the discursive counterpart of “Jadidism”, has undergone changes in scope and meaning over time, and eventually became a self-ascription of the current Islamic leadership. Furthermore, our paper compares the attack on “Jadidophilia” by religious leaders in Tatarstan with the ongoing critique of “Jadidophilia” by Western academic scholars.

The Women of Corsican Nationalism: Between Tradition and Modernity (1975–98)

AbstractThis article investigates late twentieth‐century Corsican nationalism through the lens of gender, drawing attention to how women have sought to play an active and creative role in the movement. Through a series of interviews with female nationalist militants, this article will focus on what belonging to the nationalist movement meant to Corsican women. Gender relations within the nationalist movement reflected the changes taking place in a society fluctuating between tradition and modernity.

The Spatiality of Popular Politics on the Urban Margins: Insights from Argentina and Chile

AbstractPopular politics—a heterogeneous set of grassroots demands and subjectivities antagonistic to dominant power blocs—finds itself at a crossroads in Latin America. In Argentina and Chile, progressive governments have failed to curtail a resurgent populist‐right despite, as recently as 2019, appearing to be on the brink of a new centre‐left hegemony. This paper argues that paying attention to the spatiality of popular politics demonstrates a failure to articulate popular politics within a national movement, either neglecting them (under Boric in Chile) or incorporating them in a top‐down strategy that erased particularities (under Fernández in Argentina). It does so from the vantage point of two neighbourhoods at the urban margins in Buenos Aires and Santiago. Bringing together Ernesto Laclau's work on populism together with Henri Lefebvre's relational understanding of urban space, it analyses how popular demands and subjectivities have been articulated in relation to national progressive politics.

The Influence of Tiken Jah Fakoly’s Reggae Music in Post-independence Côte d’Ivoire

Tiken Jah Fakoly, a prominent Ivoirian reggae artist, has played an important role in the social and political development of post-independence Côte d’Ivoire. This paper explores the impact and influence of Tiken Jah Fakoly’s music on the socio-political dynamics of the country, especially as these relate to national unity, political awareness, and social movements. To assess Fakoly’s influence on the social fabric of Côte d’Ivoire, we administered a questionnaire-based survey to a diverse sample of participants. The questions included information on demographics, music consumption habits, familiarity with Fakoly’s music, perceptions of his recordings, his influence of their sense of identity, and their impressions of the impact his music has on social and political issues. The results show that Tiken Jah Fakoly’s music has had a significant effect on the attitudes of Ivoirians and has helped shape the unique character of Ivorian reggae. His music has fostered a sense of unity and solidarity among Ivorians, and it has inspired numerous individuals to take part in advocacy and activism-related activities. The outcomes of this research have broad implications for the role African music plays in nation-building processes, in the creation of a sense of cultural identity, and in the capacity to motivate political and social movements.

Beyond (Ethno)linguistic Determinism: Diverse Approaches to Nationalism in Habsburg-Austrian Schools

Abstract Research on the nexus between education and nationalism in the Habsburg Empire has often focused on the role that language may have played in top-down nationalization processes and the popular dissemination of national thought. According to contemporary nationalist logic, undergoing education in a certain language of instruction also entailed the internalization of nationalist values inherent to its corresponding nationalist movement. The present article argues that the Habsburg educational experience was much more contingent, and draws attention to the diversity of pedagogical approaches towards nationalism and nationality that could be encountered in Austrian schools during the last five decades of Habsburg rule. By using examples from German- and Slovene-language textbooks, it shows that sociopolitical, temporal, as well as institutional factors played an important role in determining the practical values and attitudes towards the nationalism that students encountered during their school years. With systematic empirical studies remaining rare, further research will be necessary to gain a fuller insight into the complexities of the Habsburg education system and its potential effects on popular collective identity formation.

National Origins of International Solidarity Movements: Nationalism and International Solidarity for East Timor in Post-Cold War Southeast Asia

Abstract The international solidarity movement for the East Timorese was developed in Southeast Asian nations during the 1990s as ‘the issue of East Timor’ became a primary concern for the ASEAN countries’ civil society. Proponents of liberal democracy have assumed that international solidarity movements for human rights and democracy during the 1990s resulted from the powerful momentum of liberal democracy that universally linked foreign people. However, Michael Hardt, Antonio Negri and their marxist followers have explained these transnational movements as a transnational network that overcomes national borders against the capitalist Empire. Nevertheless, the political history of transnational solidarity movements from East Timor to Southeast Asia in the post-Cold War 1990s makes clear that nationalism has continued to be an ideological driver to link people from different nations. Focusing on the international solidarity for the East Timorese independence struggle, this paper demonstrates a transnational function of nationalism through which international solidarity movements are created, resonate and function. The East Timor international solidarity struggle successfully created a transnational platform through the APCET conferences held in the Philippines, Malaysia and Thailand in the 1990s. Socio-historical analysis of APCET reveals that nationalists in Southeast Asia shared collective memories of national struggles beyond their spaces and times to create a transnational force to support self-determination for the East Timorese. Through its analysis, this article extends the theoretical framework of nationalism that has explained nationalist movements to serve as a more powerful tool to explain international solidarity in the age of globalisation. (247 words)

RISORGIMENTO'S ECHOES IN THE SOUTHWESTERN KRAI DURING THE 1860s IN THE CONTEXT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN EUROPE

The article emphasises that during the nineteenth century, the processes of the rise of national movements in Europe, which led to large-scale transformations in international relations, were reflected in the territory of Dnipro Ukraine, and of particular interest is their impact on the public life of Kyiv, Podillia and Volyn provinces, where the Polish socio-cultural presence was traditionally significant. After the November Uprising of 1830-1831, Polish political emigration influenced the formation of Polonophile sentiments in Europe and the actualisation of the Polish question in the activities of European diplomacy, parliaments, and press. The echoes of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth's noble democracy were embodied in the Polish national liberation struggle, the uprisings against Russian autocracy in 1830-1831 and 1863-1864, the role of Polish emigrants in the socio-political processes of Western European and Balkan countries, and, above all, in the events of “the Springtime of Nations” of 1848-1849. The study of the documents of the Office of Kyiv, Podillya and Volyn Governor-General at the Central State Historical Archives of Ukraine in Kyiv, which were first introduced to scientific circulation, sheds light on the rise of patriotic sentiments and resistance to Russian autocracy among the local Polish population against the background of intensification of national liberation movements in Europe during the nineteenth century, the emergence of new states on the political map – Greece (1830), Belgium (1830), Romania (1861), completion of the unification of Italy (1871) and creation of the German Empire (1871), and the state and legal transformation of the Austrian (since 1867 – Austro-Hungarian) monarchy. First of all, it is about the influence of information about the events of the Risorgimento and the related intensification of Polish emigration in Europe on the public life of the Southwestern region of the Russian Empire in the 1860s. The unification of Italy was a significant process in the context of the dismantling of the Vienna system of international relations that was initiated by the results of the Eastern War of 1853-1856. In general, it was about a set of international political processes and phenomena that influenced the balance of power on the continent. Italy's geopolitical position determined its key role in the struggle of the great European powers for control over the Mediterranean, powerful military, trade and economic leverage at the intersection of strategically important sea routes between the West and the East.

Norita is the first of many self-managed community neighbourhoods to come: A conversation with organizers and residents of Barrio Norita Cortiñas in the Buenos Aires metropolitan area (Part II)

These two conversations with organizers and residents of Barrio Norita Cortiñas in Buenos Aires reflect the ongoing struggle for housing rights in Argentina. The discussions detail the development of the self-managed community, which emerged from land occupations in Guernica during the COVID-19 pandemic. The participants highlight the collective efforts to secure land through self-organization and assembly-based decision-making, ultimately purchasing land to establish a neighbourhood for 62 families. The conversations explore the obstacles faced, including government repression, real estate speculation, and economic challenges, while also emphasizing the critical role of feminist leadership and multisectoral collaboration in their fight for land and housing rights. Additionally, the residents connect their local struggle to broader national and international movements for land reclamation and workers' rights. This underscores the urgency of solidarity and collective action in confronting neoliberal policies and housing precarity.

Norita is the first of many self-managed community neighbourhoods to come: A conversation with organizers and residents of Barrio Norita Cortiñas in the Buenos Aires metropolitan area (Part II)

These two conversations with organizers and residents of Barrio Norita Cortiñas in Buenos Aires reflect the ongoing struggle for housing rights in Argentina. The discussions detail the development of the self-managed community, which emerged from land occupations in Guernica during the COVID-19 pandemic. The participants highlight the collective efforts to secure land through self-organization and assembly-based decision-making, ultimately purchasing land to establish a neighbourhood for 62 families. The conversations explore the obstacles faced, including government repression, real estate speculation, and economic challenges, while also emphasizing the critical role of feminist leadership and multisectoral collaboration in their fight for land and housing rights. Additionally, the residents connect their local struggle to broader national and international movements for land reclamation and workers' rights. This underscores the urgency of solidarity and collective action in confronting neoliberal policies and housing precarity.

Exhibiting Colonialism and Nationalism: The Case of Egyptian Museums and Its Cultural Heritage

Abstract: Egypt is one of four ancient civilizations acknowledged by the international community as having a time-honored historical legacy and a profound cultural heritage. However, from the 19th century onward, Egypt's cultural development trajectory underwent a significant shift due to the influence of Western colonial powers. Subsequently, with the uninterrupted progression of the nationalist movement, the trajectory of Egyptian history and culture, in addition to the conservation and investigation of cultural heritage, underwent yet another transformation. Museums, as crucial instruments for the conservation and exhibition of cultural heritage, have played a pivotal role in the history of Egyptian cultural research, bearing witness to the transformation in the preponderance of Egyptian historical narratives. This paper examines how historical narratives and cultural developments in Egypt were shaped under the influence of colonialism, with a particular focus on the profound impact of Orientalist theories and practices on the construction of museums about the study of historical and cultural heritage. In the post-colonial period, Egyptian museums have served as conduits for disseminating the country's rich cultural heritage and as instruments for enhancing Egyptian national identity. These institutions have played a pivotal role in the formation of national identity and the "decolonization" of the country's cultural heritage, largely due to their irreplaceable cultural space and their capacity to adapt to changing needs. As Egyptian museums have evolved, they have played a significant role in shaping national identity and contributing to the processes of decolonization and de-Westernization. Furthermore, they symbolize the prospective trajectory of Egyptian national identity within the context of globalization and the emergence of a more interconnected world.

LI DOR ZAYEND Û NETEWE(TÎ)YÊ JINA KURD DI BERHEMÊN ELIYÊ EVDILREHMANÎ DA

Nationalism is a masculine field and is based on “the unity of brothers”. However, there is an important participation of women in national projects. Women play an important role in the construction, strengthening and continuity of nationalism, both through active participation and through cultural and ideological involvement. Therefore, women attract the attention of national movements and discourses and become an indispensable subject of nationalism. This situation is also seen in the works of Eliyê Evdilrehman. In this context, in order to verify this claim, three works of Eliyê Evdilrehman, named Xatê Xanim, Şer Li Çîya, Gundê Mêrxasan, in which he tries to create a national identity with nationalist discourse and equip his readers with a Kurdish consciousness, have been examined. As a result, it was seen that the author presented the Kurdish woman as a national representation with her different roles and characteristics. The author characterises Kurdish women as rulers, leaders, warriors, resisters, advisors to men, biological carriers, carriers of culture and honour and idealises them as strong, free, intelligent and visionary. The author has glorified the Kurdish woman greatly, but he has done so by using sexist language and attributing masculine behavior and characteristics to women. Therefore, ironically and paradoxically, the glorification of Kurdish women in the works studied served to reproduce the patriarchy embedded in the Kurdish language and society.

Corporate Endorsement of Controversial Nationalist Movement: Influences of Divergent Customers and Consequences

A growing body of research has revealed that firms leverage nationalism in their strategies. However, it is unclear why some firms are more likely to do so than others. This paper uses institutional theory to address this question and examines the influences of domestic and foreign customers. We study firms’ responses to nationalist movements, a type of sociopolitical mobilization arising in response to international controversies. We argue that, as firms attempt to maintain legitimacy with their customers, those with more domestic customers are more likely to endorse nationalist movements, whereas those with more foreign customers from antagonistic countries are less likely to do so. Furthermore, reputation-sensitive customers exert a stronger influence than other customers. However, when firms have foreign customers who are targets of nationalist movements, they face an urgent need to demonstrate their patriotism and hence are more likely to endorse nationalist movements. We find support for these theoretical propositions in a study of Chinese firms’ endorsements of a nationalist movement. Chinese firms that endorsed the movement obtained short-term gains in the stock market and domestic sales but no significant growth in overall sales. These findings contribute to the research on antecedents of firms’ strategic leverage of nationalism, organizational responses to institutional complexity, and corporate side-taking in sociopolitical controversies.

The Historical Roots of the Emergence and Development of Higher Education in Egypt

This study examines the historical roots of higher education in Egypt, highlighting its evolution from ancient times to the modern era. The origins can be traced to the rich intellectual traditions of ancient Egypt and the renowned Library of Alexandria, which served as a center for scholarship. The establishment of Al-Azhar University in the 10th century marked a significant milestone, positioning Egypt as a key hub for Islamic education and scholarship. The 19th and 20th centuries introduced Western educational models, leading to the creation of modern universities, such as Cairo University in 1908, which emphasized secular and diverse curricula. This evolution reflects broader socio-political transformations, including colonialism and national identity movements. Today, Egypt's higher education system continues to navigate the interplay between its historical legacy and contemporary challenges, striving for innovation and global integration.

COVID-19's Effect on Practice Quality Improvement and Transformation Activities: Practice Survey Results.

The Transforming Clinical Practices Initiative (TCPI) was a 4-year, large-scale, collaborative, peer-based learning initiative for physician practices of all specialties with broad goals to improve the quality of patient care, spend health care dollars more wisely, and assist practices in being ready to succeed under value-based payment (VBP). We investigated whether the COVID-19 pandemic had erased or diminished practice transformation progress made during the TCPI program period, through a follow-up survey of participating practices fielded in October 2021. In October 2021 to April 2022, we surveyed a probability sample of 2207 primary care and specialty practices that participated in the TCPI, receiving 610 responses. We asked about practice characteristics, financial and ownership stability, clinical performance, and quality improvement efforts, both now and prior to COVID-19. The COVID-19 content was part of a larger survey. Responses were weighted to account for sample selection, unknown eligibility status, and nonresponse. We generated weighted univariate descriptive statistics representative of practices with clinicians enrolled in TCPI. These estimated percentages have a 95% confidence interval of about ±5%. Multivariate analysis of unweighted data examined associations between practice characteristics and other variables of interest. For all but one of 13 practice transformation activities engaged in prior to the COVID-19 public health emergency, a majority of practices (at least 52%) reported that the progress on these activities were either not hurt or were helped by their COVID-19 experience. Compared to January 2020, only about 7% of practices reported that their quality of care or clinical performance was worse due to COVID-19, and 32% reported that their quality of care was better. More rural than urban practices reported that half or more of their transformation activities were hurt by COVID-19 (29% and 14%, respectively). Physician-owned practices were more likely to report quality is better today than prior to COVID-19 relative to practices with other ownership types such as hospitals or health systems (43% vs 24%). Most practices have been able to recover from the deep stress of the COVID-19 pandemic and continue their efforts to improve patient care and performance to succeed under VBP. These results suggest a high perceived return on investment in value-readiness support along with emergency financial support in times of crisis, as well as room to continue preparation for any future pandemic and the national movement toward increased VBP, especially in rural settings.

Историческая значимость деятельности Иоанна Каподистрии в решении греческого вопроса в первой половине XIX века

The article examines the activities of Ioannis Kapodistrias as an eminent politician and diplomat in the history of Russia and Greece. It analyzes Kapodistrias’ contributions to the national liberation struggle of the Greek people for independence from Ottoman domination. The role of Russia in facilitating Greece’s path to independence is highlighted, alongside an exploration of the leaders of the Greek national liberation movement. The significance of Orthodox faith, indigenous traditions, and culture for the Greek people is also addressed. The research underscores the pivotal role of Ioannis Kapodistrias in fostering relations between the peoples of Greece and Russia, grounded in their shared Orthodox faith and the institution of the Orthodox Church. An examination of archival data, scholarly works, historical literature, and the statements of high-ranking officials from the Russian Federation provides essential groundwork for further study of the personality of Ioannis Kapodistrias, as well as the application of his experiences and insights in the modern geopolitical conjuncture.

Курдский народ в борьбе за независимость (вторая половина ХХ – начало ХХI в.) и геноцид в Иракском Курдистане

The article delves into the struggle of the people of Southern (Iraqi) Kurdistan for self-determination and the repression of the ruling regime in Iraq, which brought the Kurdish population to the brink of extermination. The issue of Southern Kurdistan in Iraq has been on the agenda for many decades. The Iraqi Kurds achieved self-government at the cost of incredible efforts. It is emphasized that the recognition of the right to territorial autonomy by the Iraqi government in 1974 was a success of the Kurdish national movement. However, the infringement of the rights of the Kurds continued. The apogee of the repressions were the events of the Iran-Iraq War of 1980–1988 and the use of chemical weapons against the population of the autonomy. In 2005, Iraq promulgated a new draft Constitution, which reflected the opinion of all ethno-confessional groups of the country – Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds: the country was declared a Federal Republic, and the Kurdish language was declared the state language on the territory of Kurdistan. Conclusion dwells upon the fact that the centuries-long struggle of the Kurds of Iraq ended with the proclamation of autonomy and the granting of democratic rights and freedoms to the population of the Kurdish Autonomous Region. And the facts reflected in the documents of international organizations on the deliberate destruction of the Kurdish minority in Iraq, especially during the years of Saddam Hussein’s rule, are obvious. An important condition for the success of the Kurdish national movement at any stage of its development is the unity of its ranks. The methodological basis of the article is the principles of historicism and objectivity. Documentary materials, personal sources, and media news data serve as the empirical basis of the study and are introduced into scientific discourse.