National Government Representatives Research Articles

Exploring the EU’s status quo tendency in the migration policy field: a network-centred perspective

ABSTRACT Why have fundamental policy positions within the EU migration policy field remained relatively stable despite the changing composition of policy players and several ‘external shocks’ in the last two decades? To complement existing explanations of status quo tendencies in EU migration policy, this article applies a network-centred organizational approach shedding light on the policy environment in which policymakers form their understanding of policy problems and make choices. The analysis of data collected through interviews with representatives of national governments, EU institutions, international organizations, and non-governmental actors, suggests that status quo tendencies in EU migration policy depend on processes of knowledge formation and key features of the migration policy network, including not only its compositional specifics but also network constellations, dynamics of trust and perceptions of like-mindedness that guide policy actors’ processing of information.

Key recommendations for developing a national action plan to advance the sexual and reproductive health and rights of women living with HIV in Canada.

Action on the World Health Organization Consolidated guideline on sexual and reproductive health and rights of women living with HIV requires evidence-based, equity-oriented, and regionally specific strategies centred on priorities of women living with HIV. Through community–academic partnership, we identified recommendations for developing a national action plan focused on enabling environments that shape sexual and reproductive health and rights by, with, and for women living with HIV in Canada. Between 2017 and 2019, leading Canadian women’s HIV community, research, and clinical organizations partnered with the World Health Organization to convene a webinar series to describe the World Health Organization Consolidated guideline, define sexual and reproductive health and rights priorities in Canada, disseminate Canadian research and best practices in sexual and reproductive health and rights, and demonstrate the importance of community–academic partnerships and meaningful engagement of women living with HIV. Four webinar topics were pursued: (1) Trauma and Violence-Aware Care/Practice; (2) Supporting Safer HIV Disclosure; (3) Reproductive Health, Rights, and Justice; and (4) Resilience, Self-efficacy, and Peer Support. Subsequent in-person (2018) and online (2018–2021) consultation with > 130 key stakeholders further clarified priorities. Consultations yielded five cross-cutting key recommendations:1. Meaningfully engage women living with HIV across research, policy, and practice aimed at advancing sexual and reproductive health and rights by, with, and for all women.2. Centre Indigenous women’s priorities, voices, and perspectives.3. Use language that is actively de-stigmatizing, inclusive, and reflective of women’s strengths and experiences.4. Strengthen Knowledge Translation efforts to support access to and uptake of contemporary sexual and reproductive health and rights information for all stakeholders.5. Catalyse reciprocal relationships between evidence and action such that action is guided by research evidence, and research is guided by what is needed for effective action.Topic-specific sexual and reproductive health and rights recommendations were also identified. Guided by community engagement, recommendations for a national action plan on sexual and reproductive health and rights encourage Canada to enact global leadership by creating enabling environments for the health and healthcare of women living with HIV. Implementation is being pursued through consultations with provincial and national government representatives and policy-makers.

The View from the Benches: Scientists' Perspectives on the Uses and Governance of Human Gene-Editing Research.

The advent of human gene editing has stimulated international interest in how best to govern this research. However, research on stakeholder views has neglected scientists themselves. We surveyed 212 scientists who use gene editing in their work. Questions captured views on oversight and use of somatic and germline human gene editing for treatment, prevention, and enhancement. More respondents were supportive of somatic than germline editing, and more supported gene editing for treatment compared to prevention. Few supported its use for enhancement. When presented with specific conditions, levels of support for somatic editing differed by type of condition. Almost all respondents said scientists and national government representatives should be involved in oversight, but only 28% said scientists are best positioned to oversee gene-editing research. These results can inform the development of sound approaches to research governance, demonstrating the importance of identifying specific gene-editing uses when considering oversight.

Cultura y creatividad en contexto de gobernanza internacional. La Nueva Agenda Urbana

El artículo explora la relación entre la cultura y la creatividad en el contexto de la gobernanza internacional. Partiendo del concepto de ciudad creativa, extendido a escala mundial gracias a la Red de Ciudades Creativas de la UNESCO, en primer lugar, se hace un repaso del concepto, para luego estudiar aspectos relacionados con el tratamiento que le han dado varias organizaciones internacionales a la creatividad y a la cultura, centrándose en el papel de la UNESCO. Por último, con el objetivo de identificar elementos de cultura y creatividad presentes en el texto de la Nueva Agenda Urbana (NAU), se realiza un análisis de su contenido. El artículo finaliza con un resumen de cómo los organismos internacionales entienden la relación que se establece entre cultura y creatividad con el desarrollo urbano; y se plantea la pregunta sobre cómo poner en práctica las propuestas de la NAU dado que, por un lado, tiene un carácter ejecutivo desde lo local, pero, por otro, está firmada por representantes de los gobiernos nacionales que, en muchos casos. no tienen competencias en este asunto. Las ciudades, aunque están en el centro de la Agenda, no son percibidas como sujetos sino como objetos de la nueva agenda urbana.

Специфіка діяльності міжнародних неурядових організацій щодо забезпечення принципу гендерної рівності: досвід для України

The article considers the specifics of the activities of international non-governmental organizations to ensure the gender equality principle. Attention is drawn to the practice of activities of such international non-governmental organizations as: «Gender and Development Network» (GADN), Equality Now, Promundo, which directly fulfill the mission of advocating for women's interests, guaranteeing their equal opportunities with men in all spheres of public life. Women's international non-governmental organizations are best known for two different but often interrelated activities: firstly, it is the provision of services for women in need, and secondly, it is the organization of informational outreach activities and public campaigns to implement the social transformations needed to achieve gender equality. INGOs are important partners of national governments in ensuring gender equality; act as experts, diplomats, advocates for specific issues or groups, protesters and activists; they are involved, for example, in the development of international rules, standards and regulations; use their experience and special authority to inform societies and national governments on particular issues and raise people's awareness about specific problems; promote new ideas and encourage governments to implement them; can act as representatives of national governments in times of crisis; awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for «spreading authoritative information and raising public awareness». Ukraine's positioning in the leading international rankings, which consider gender equality as an integral component, the basis of a democratic society, is examined. It is about such reports as the Human Development Index, the Freedom House Report, the Global Gender Gap Report. It is concluded that, according to the 2020 Global Gender Gap Report, in Ukraine a positive dynamics is observed compared to a similar report for 2014, however, the worst is the situation with the political component (women's participation in decision-making) – 83th place with a value that is almost approaching zero, that is, continuous gender inequality.

A thought leadership piece: Where are the rural groundwater quality data for the assessment of health risks in northern Malawi?

The Sustainable Development Goals place a strong emphasis on water quality. However, what is the local capacity to ensure safe water availability in a low-income country such as Malawi where groundwater is still the primary source of drinking water for rural communities? We conducted a systematic review of peer-reviewed literature containing primary data on groundwater used for drinking water in northern Malawi published over the period from 2006 to 2016. We also interviewed district, regional, and national government representatives supporting the water quality management sector. The results showed that the government cannot tell if groundwater is safe for drinking in the northern region of Malawi. Current literature provides only minimal information on groundwater quality for the assessment of human health risks, and there are limited laboratory services. Nitrate and pH were the most commonly available data. There is evidence that the following constituents need further investigation about possible human health risks: antimony, arsenic, barium, calcium, chloride, color, cyanide (CN-), Escherichia coli and/or thermotolerant coliform bacteria, fluoride, iron, lead, manganese and turbidity. Water quality monitoring needs to especially consider mining activities, including uranium. Varied levels of engagement appear in that while there is some strengthens in the national government capacity, as this is decentralized to districts weaknesses are most evident with no laboratories and either limited data or no data in the case of the most rural districts. Malawi needs to build human capacity, laboratory infrastructure and a publicly available water quality database under national government regulatory oversight with real time monitoring data available to both district and national government decision makers, practitioners and water users to determine groundwater quality for the assessment of possible health risks.

A new urban agenda?

The text for what is termed “The New Urban Agenda” is being prepared for agreement by national government representatives at Habitat III, the United Nations Conference on Housing and Sustainable Urban Development in Quito in October 2016. The most pressing issue for this Agenda is not so much in what it says. We can predict with some certainty that there will be ringing endorsements for urban centres to be resilient, sustainable, safe and inclusive...Ideally, it will be shorter and more coherent than its predecessor, the Habitat Agenda endorsed at Habitat II in 1996, which ran to over 100 pages.(1) But what will determine the effectiveness of any New Urban Agenda is whether it is relevant to urban governments and urban dwellers, especially those whose needs are not currently met, and gets their buy-in. This means that it has to be clear and relevant to “slum”(2)/shack dwellers and mayors, as well as to other urban politicians, civil servants and other civil society groups. And what it recommends has be within their capacities. It should also set out a framework to support these local groups to meet goals and targets that have already been established – for instance, within the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the Paris Agreement.(3) Dangerous climate change will not be avoided unless urban governments all around the world act on both adaptation and mitigation. So is this local relevance possible – when it is national government representatives that are developing the text and that will have to approve it at Habitat III? Will national government delegates endorse an agenda that supports this local relevance with needed strategies, plans and resources? If they do, they will have to go far beyond the SDGs. The Millennium Development Goals and the SDGs are full of goals and targets (i.e. what has to be done), but very weak on how, by whom (in each locality) and with what support. Then there is the issue of the New Urban Agenda’s length and detail. If it is to clarify the implementation of the SDGs in urban areas, then it has to address almost all the SDG objectives and the many groups or sectors with legitimate claims to having their views represented. The livelihoods and health of almost all the planet’s

Accessing emergency rest centres in the UK – lessons learnt

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine access for disabled people to emergency rest centres (ERCs) provision in the UK. ERCs are premises used for the temporary accommodation of evacuees during an emergency situation. They form an important part of emergency response, by providing a focal point for receiving people and providing food, shelter, information and support.Design/methodology/approachThree case studies of ERCs that were established in different local authority areas within the Yorkshire and Humber region in the UK, during a flooding event on 25 June 2007, were used to determine the level of accessibility and inclusion of disabled people at these centres.FindingsWhile uncovering many instances of good practise, the results from the research identified lessons to be learnt, in particular the main barriers to access were: facilities and elements that did not comprise part of the building's normal operation, such as the provision of bedding, medical assistance and effective communication; and facilities that would not normally be expected to be used to the extent, or duration, whilst the ERC was in operation, such as the adequate welfare facilities. The research found that the civil protection legislation within the UK contains limited guidance for those with responsibility for ERC provision, and little impetus for emergency planners to consider the needs of disabled people.Practical implicationsThe paper has broad implications for local authorities and national government representatives. It identifies a need for those with responsibility for emergency planning and response to strengthen their knowledge of disabled people, and to adopt a more holistic approach to the provision of emergency planning and response.Originality/valueThe study of access issues in ERC situations, as far as the authors are aware, has not been studied previously.

International Protection of Human Rights On-Line: Key Problems

The paper presents an introduction to the complex issue of human rights protection on-line. It presents the progress made so far by various international and civil society (par. 1-2) organisations. It present a proposition for a human rights catalogue to be applicable to on-line activities (par. 3) and advocates for a strong governmental involvement in this area of practice as the only solution of the growing problem (par. 4). Is disputes the suitability of social activities as the sole mean of granting human rights protection on-line. It proposes a Human Rights On-Line Framework Convention to be elaborated by authorised representatives of national governments, supported by civil society members and legal and technical professionals. It emphasises the need of national authorities’ support of any action aimed at protecting human rights on-line as the necessary condition for its effectiveness.

Taking Actors' Preferences and the Institutional Setting Seriously: the EU Common Fisheries Policy

The recent bifurcation of European studies into state-centric and new institutionalist camps has resulted in a sterile theoretical debate that says little about an empirical world where bargaining outcomes cover both member states' preferences and the institutional setting. This article is an attempt to move beyond the theoretical debate. It juxtaposes a conceptual framework for analyzing EU negotiations with an analysis of the bargaining process on the settlement of the European Union's Common Fisheries Policy. The conceptual framework will identify a set of variables that can explain the bargaining outcome: preferences of national government representatives, preferences of the European Commission, and the institutional setting.

Federalism and the Evolving Cross-Border Role of Provincial, State, and Municipal Governments

THE EVOLUTION OF A MODERN BILATERAL RELATIONSHIPIn his introduction to first American Assembly volume dealing with Canada-US relations, John Sloan Dickey emphasized that book aims at a better understanding of relations in time, place, and human affairs that add up to phrase each of us uses with such unconscious ease: 'the United States and Canada,' or vice versa.' Nevertheless, coverage of bilateral relationship in this excellent volume is dominated by decisions made and actions taken by representatives of national governments in Ottawa and Washington, DC. The second volume, which appeared two decades later, does occasionally go beyond respective national beltways, with Gordon Robertsoris chapter discussing how Canadian federalism, especially unfolding events in Quebec, might eventually affect crossborder ties.2 Other chapters deal with influence of economy, culture, and environment on Canada-US relations.Thus, second volume puts somewhat less emphasis on importance of Ottawa-Washington relationship, and this is not too surprising, because between publication of first book in 1964 and second in 1985, Robert Keohane, Joseph Nye, Jr., and others had begun to write about complex interdependence and growing networks of international ties which go far beyond relations between national governments. Indeed, Keohane and Nye highlighted Canada-US relations in 1977, labelling these ties quintessential model of complex interdependence, defined by the absence of force, lack of hierarchy among issues, and presence of multiple channels of contact between societies.' For Keohane and Nye, three types of cross-border interactions are prominent in contemporary world of international relations. The first is interstate interactions, typified by official exchanges between representatives of national governments. The second is transnational interactions which involve at least one nonstate actor such as a corporation, a labour union, or a church organization. The third is transgovernmental interactions which include at least one governmental entity or representative not linked directly to leadership of a national government. In this chapter, we will focus primarily on this latter category which was largely ignored in first two American Assembly volumes and which merited only one sentence in Keohane and Nye's own study of Canada-US relationship.DOCUMENTING MULTIPLE CHANNELS OF INTERACTIONCanada and United States share a 4,ooo-mile border and another 1,500mile border separating Alaska from British Columbia and Yukon. The evolving cross-border relationship, which affects 32 million Canadians and 295 million Americans, is as complex and diverse as any in world, evincing many of features of globalization emphasized by Keohane in following statement: Interdependence refers to a state of world, whereas globalization describes a trend of increasing transnational flows and increasingly thick networks of interdependence.4 The overall complexity in bilateral relationship is illustrated in figure 1.In economic terms, United States and Canada maintain largest bilateral trading relationship in world, with two-way trade in goods and services in range of US$1.2 billion per day, up over 150 percent since 1988, year before Canada-US free trade agreement (FTA) went into effect. US foreign direct investment in Canada, a type of investment which provides Americans with control over management of companies operating in Canada, surpassed $192 billion in 2003, with US-owned companies accounting for over 10 percent of Canada's gross domestic product (GDP) and providing 1.16 million jobs for Canadian workers.5 Canadian foreign direct investment in United States stood at $105 billion at end of 2003, with more than 470,000 Americans working for Canadian majority-owned non-bank enterprises. …

The changing role of nation states in international environmental assessments—the case of the IPCC

In 1988, the incoming head of one of the most prominent scientific assessment bodies, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), explained: “Right now, many countries, especially developing countries, simply do not trust assessments in which their scientists and policymakers have not participated.” Since then, the international community gathered significant experience in designing and organising international assessments that allow for broad participation by representatives of national governments and influence domestic and international policy making. By analysing the case study of the IPCC, the paper focuses on the role of individual nation states played in international assessments and how this role changed over time and why. It is shown that there is a tendency of increasing internationalisation in the field of climate research and climate policy that limits the specific influence of individual nation states. The study of the internal processes of the IPCC reveals a growth of internal dynamics that built up boundaries for the behaviour of individual actors (such as government representatives and scientists). However, over the years the actors involved also learned how to use the IPCC mechanisms more effectively.

Access, voice and loyalty: the representation of domestic civil servants in EU committees

This study confronts a classical problem in public administrations: the inherent conflict between political loyalty and professional autonomy built into bureaucratic structures. More recently, the EU integration process has added a new supranational dimension to this old conflict. In this article we ask to what extent national civil servants, when participating on Commission expert committees, consider themselves mainly as national government representatives, as independent experts, or merely as supranational actors. Empirically, we observe that Swedish officials attending Commission expert committees evoke supranational roles more extensively than Norwegian civil servants. However, supranational roles tend only to supplement pre- established national and sectoral roles, not replace them. Hence, both Swedish and Norwegian officials attending EU committees evoke several different role perceptions. The representational status of Norwegian and Swedish officials reflects their affiliation to Commission expert committees and domestic governmental institutions. Contrary to old neo-functional accounts, supranational roles tend to supplement pre-existing allegiances rather than replace them.

Beyond Transnational Governance

REFERENCES TO WORLD GOVERNMENT have long been treated as utopian notions held by a few visionaries. This much-dismissed vision is re-examined here in light of the fact that self-determination based on national governments, to the extent that it existed a generation ago, is increasingly curtailed by transnational developments. Weapons of mass destruction (and the means to build them) are traded across national borders. Hate materials, drugs, guns, and child pornography banned in one country are readily accessed via the internet in others. Civil war in one country (for example, Yugoslavia) threatens others with massive immigration. Crime is increasingly organized across state lines and is on the rise.(1) Women and children are sold across borders into slavery for sex and forced labour.(2) A currency collapse in Russia, Thailand, or Indonesia rattles the world's financial markets. A computer virus set loose in the Philippines causes worldwide disruptions. Supranational corporations shift capital and jobs from one nation to another, circumventing national policies, regulations, and taxes. While these problems and others like them differ greatly from one another, they have one common denominator: the national institutions that are supposed to express people's preferences in these matters are increasingly ineffective in coping with them.This article takes for granted that the old functional approach is properly discredited, that the fact that there is a growing need for some different form for managing transnational problems does not mean that a new system will necessarily develop. Nor does it mean that world government is necessarily the only or the likely response, even if some new global architecture does arise. Rather, the discussion focuses on recent changes in global architecture, whether they might suffice to deal with the increase in transnational problems, and the different types of global architecture that could arise in response to the future escalation of these problems.INTERGOVERNMENTAL SYSTEM IS OVERLOADEDReference was made to the decreasing ability of national governments to cope with rising problems that are increasingly transnational in nature. The same holds true for the old international system, based on bi- or multilateral agreements by national governments and on international organizations composed of national governments, largely because the old system is not well suited for a high volume of significant governing activities.One major reason for the increasing inadequacy of the old international system is that it is largely an intergovernmental one that draws on formal procedures, relies on decision-making by representatives of national governments, and involves large numbers of actors. In this system, worldwide policies are formed - as is well known - through negotiations, via accredited diplomats or other national representatives, sometimes involving as many as two hundred nations. Diplomats must consult with and receive instructions from home-based authorities (the Department of State and the White House in the United States or their equivalents in other countries). Significant parts of these agreements must be ratified by national legislatures, which takes years. Often they are not ratified at all or demand further adaptation, which then requires years more of inter-national negotiations.Moreover, when agreements finally are reached, they are often not honoured or are openly breached; frequently, the mechanisms for enforcement either do not exist or are themselves cumbersome, slow, and weak and can handle only a small volume of traffic. The argument may be made that the North American Free Trade Association (NAFTA), the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), and the World Trade Organization (WTO) have worked reasonably well.(3) However, one should note that trade is different in character from most other transnational issues,(4) and it is hence a mistake to generalize from the experience of trade treaties and organizations to other transnational treaties and organizations. …

The World Wide Fund for Nature Arctic Tourism Project

This article investigates the involvement of an environmental non - governmental organisation (ENGO) in a sustainable tourism initiative. The article examines the collaborative relationship between this ENGO, the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF), and other stakeholders in this Project, which involves integrating conservation with Arctic tourism. The collaboration has included tour operators, polar scientists, tourism academics and researchers, local and national government representatives, Arctic community representatives and members of NGOs, in addition to WWF representatives. The goal of the Project was to integrate conservation ideals into tourism in Arctic locations to enable communities, tourists and operators to work towards a more sustainable form of tourism. This article discusses the aims of the Project, presents an analysis of the processes involved, particularly those of negotiation and implementation, and provides an evaluation of the outcomes in relation to the original aims.

The Role of Process and Participation in the Development of Effective International Environmental Agreements: A Study of the Global Treaty on Persistent Organic Pollutants (POPs)

I. INTRODUCTION The number of treaties in the environmental field has grown markedly in the past thirty years,(1) as people and societies have become increasingly aware of, and concerned about, the health of the global environment. Studies of these treaties have considered a number of questions relevant to their effectiveness. Some offer an in-depth review of key factors and personalities leading to finalization of a treaty, in essence setting forth its storyline.(2) Others identify important tendencies and difficulties present in negotiating treaties, such as the tendency to slide toward a lowest common denominator or to face long time lags before implementation.(3) Others emphasize a regime-oriented, problem-solving approach, and focus upon how key elements in a particular treaty regime generate -- or fail to generate -- incentives to change behavior in response to global environmental problems.(4) Some highlight questions of compliance and implementation, looking into other fields of public international law as potential models,(5) while others focus upon the role of international institutions.(6) Questions relating to the of treaty-making, including who participates in that process, certainly are not absent from these studies. In recent years, however, these questions are emerging more prominently as a focal point of analysis.(7) One explanation for this, perhaps, is that the growing level of experience in the field now presents a stronger basis to examine and participation themes. In addition, because the subject matter itself yields substantive issues that are both important and complex -- e.g., what normative standards should apply to address transboundary pollution -- matters of process might sometimes have received less consideration. Yet another explanation is worth considering. Public international law, and foreign policy more generally, have well-established histories and traditions about institutions and process. There are conventional understandings and experiences with the of diplomacy, how nations interact with each other and what the (limited) role is for international organizations and the public in this context. In the traditional model, international law is a law of nations. Governments, not individuals -- nor nongovernmental organizations -- have rights and are subject to obligations (e.g., under a treaty) in this model; they are the actors on this stage. Countries and regions have developed long-standing working relationships within this basic framework, and have created international organizations to facilitate and support their efforts. Today, some of these traditions and understandings are being challenged. One of the most dominant claims from the street protestors in the battle in Seattle in November 1999 (that accompanied the meeting of World Trade Organization (WTO) ministers in Seattle, Washington) was that the international trading system was making decisions that affect people's lives without allowing members of the public an opportunity to see and participate in the decision-making process. Many images have been displayed either of national government representatives or faceless international officials making decisions in secrecy and without accountability, including decisions that yield inaction on important matters. Similar concerns have been voiced over the years with regard to activities of other international organizations, such as the World Bank. Policymakers now devote significant attention to the nature and scope of public participation in the international policy process. Significant questions also exist about the extent to which all governments, especially those representing smaller countries, can participate effectively in international initiatives. These questions involve not just the formal rules of participation but resource constraints and other practical realities as well. Just as the issue of capacity among countries is relevant to the development of norms in international environmental treaties,(8) so too is it relevant to the question of how countries participate in treaty initiatives. …

Gender-Biased Transportation Planning in Sub-Saharan Africa with Special Reference to Cameroon

ABSTRACTThe paper discusses transport problems facing women in Cameroon. Among major factorscontributing to these problems are: societal attitudes, urban-biased development schemes, gender-based discriminatory transport policies, inappropriate spatial organization, and negative trendsin the country’s economy. The author argues that the uniqueness of women-specific transportproblems warrants special and calculated action on the part of planners and policy makers in adeveloping nation such as Cameroon. Remedial steps, such as altering societal attitudes, lesseningand simplifying women’s chores, promoting non-motorized modes of transport, reducing trip volumeand length by, for instance, revamping antiquated zoning ordinances, and actively discouraginggender-based discrimination in public transportation through appropriate legislation, are suggested. IntroductionRecognition of the indispensable role of women in the development processhas grown phenomenally in recent years. However, women as a group, continue tobe sidelined in the development agendas of most less developed countries (LDCs).As a result, the gender-based socio-economic disparities characteristic of thesecountries have escalated in the recent past. A smattering of evidence suggeststhat not only are authorities in these countries cognizant of this problem, they aresurprisingly willing to address it. In fact, a notable revelation at the Fourth WorldConference on Women held in Beijing, China in September 1995 was the officialcommitment by representatives of national governments, including those of mostLDCs to combat gender-based socio-economic inequities.However, concrete actions in this regard are yet to be initiated. One plausiblereason for the delay in efforts to match rhetoric with deeds is the fact that real andpotential impediments to the socio-economic advancement of women are largelyunknown. Yet, attempts to socio-economically empower women are unlikely tosucceed unless they are preceded by meaningful efforts to isolate and accordinglydeal with these impediments. This is essentially the underlying premise of thepresent research endeavour. We focus specifically on one developing country,namely Cameroon. Our principal concern is with the country’s transport sector.

Reconfiguring the spatiality of power: the construction of a supranational migration framework for the European Union

This paper examines the construction of a supranational framework for immigration control for the European Union since the mid-1980s and its implications for national sovereignty, for EU membership and for migrants. As in the case of European integration more generally, this construction process has been highly contested, involving numerous negotiations, tensions and struggles among different political actors situating themselves and operating at different geographic scales. Contestation occurred over three issues in particular: first, over where power and authority should be located—at which geographic scale and in which institutions; second, over geographic scope—the territorial extent of the framework; and third, over the principles according to which power and authority should be exercised—over divergent visions of justice and democratic accountability. Examination of the cacophony of intergovernmental institutional arrangements and agreements on immigration matters suggests that power over the immigration of non-EU nationals remains in the hands of nation-states, with supranational policies materializing only when they are seen as consistent with national interests. An analysis of the tensions and struggles between different state and non-state actors concerning the rights of current and potential non-EU immigrants reveals contrasting visions of justice and democratic accountability. Juxtaposed to the exclusionary policies promoted by national government representatives and right-wing nationalist parties are calls by transnational nongovernmental organizations for more inclusionary policies encompassing the protection of human rights of immigrants and their representation in the democratic process.

Educators, practitioners and politicians in the European common market

Educational requirements for entry to professions ordinarily develop along insular national lines. These can usefully be examined in the member-nations of the European Economic Community where efforts to harmonize differentials, thereby reducing national barriers to migration of qualified persons, are under way. This effort permits analysis of the extent to which educators participate in the development of public policy regarding educational requirements for entry to professions. Appraisal of EEC Directives for medicine and law and of Draft Directives for pharmacy and architecture demonstrates the major impacts upon public policy formation of representatives of national governments, of national professional associations, and of cross-national liaison committees of national professional associations. Educational interests are shown to play minor roles. International public policy concerning educational requirements for entry to professions is shown to be significantly affected by exchanges between practitioner groups and governments, with educators having a smaller, derivative sphere of influence.