National Democratic Revolution Research Articles

FROM HO CHI MINH'S WORK “NEW LIFE” TO BUILD NEW RURAL RULES IN VIETNAM NOW

While leading the Vietnamese revolution, President Ho Chi Minh had many measures to direct and build new life to change the way of eating, dressing, living, and traveling in a scientific manner, civilized and progressive. His instructions are the basis for the Communist Party of Vietnam to set out policies and guidelines for cultural development in the people's national democratic revolution and the socialist revolution. In this article, the author mentions two essential contents: building a new life - the core contents; and the work of new life with new rural construction today.<p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/soc/0044/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>

Scientific and legal principles of determining the territorial boundaries of cathedral Ukraine in the light of revolutionary practice (1917–1920)

Formulation of the problem. Recently, issues related to the history of the implementation of the idea of Ukrainian unity have become extremely acute in ideological life. Along with statements about the absence of the phenomenon of the Ukrainian nation, denials of the fact of the existence of a full-fledged statehood of Ukraine, Russian politicians and some scientists are promoting misleading statements that the current Ukraine was the result of unfortunate mistakes of the leaders of the previous stages of social development, turned out to be a conglomerate of artificially "glued together" in the information space. a territory with an ethnically heterogeneous,or even simply predominantly non-Ukrainian, population. The purpose of the article is to highlight the chronologically first attempt at scientific and practical-political determination of the natural boundaries of territories with the predominance of the Ukrainian ethnographic element as an objective, fair, convincing criterion for their regular composition into a single national-state space. Using the methods of scientific objectivity, concrete-historical and analytical comparative research, the processes of ideological-theoretical and legal substantiation of the concepts of achieving Ukrainian unity in the times of the Ukrainian People's Republic, the times of the Central Council and the Directory, the Hetman's Ukrainian State and the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic (1917-1920) are reproduced yr.). On the basis of the available documents and real facts, the picture of the implementation of interconnected concepts of the Ukrainian national-democratic revolution and the unification of the branches of Ukrainianism, which had been dispersed until then, is being reconstructed. A convincing conclusion is made that the observance of clear, principled guidelines for the ethnographic principle, as an unshakable legal basis for the formation of an independent cathedral state, brought undeniable practical results, while neglecting this principle, replacing it with other,mostly opportunistic approaches, ended without results. Key words: Ukrainian revolution, national unity, ethnographic principle, national territorial autonomy, independence, regionalism, separatism, Act of Zluka.

UNR MEMBERS IN THE UPA IN VOLYN

The circumstances of joining to the Ukrainian insurgent army of former participants of the Ukrainian National Democratic Revolution of 1917–1921, soldiers of the Army of the Ukrainian Peopleʼs Republic, who in the interwar period became political emigrants and lived in the Volyn Voivodeship, were analyzed. Some of them did not stop fighting until the middle 1920s , trying to support the anti-Bolshevik movement in the Soviet Ukraine. A new chance to compete for the Ukrainian state appeared during the Second World War. Through the involvement of archival and criminal case materials, memories, periodicals of the time, it was possible to fi nd out their names and partially trace their fate activists of the revolution. The reasons for the small number of such soldiers were explained. It was emphasized that these were mostly elderly people, burdened by old wounds and diseases. It was proved that the UPR community suffered signifi cant repression during the period of the first Sovietization (September 17, 1939 – June 22, 1941), which led to its dispersal. Some of these people saved their lives by leaving for Nazi-controlled territory. It was emphasized 94 Руслана Давидюк that the members of the Ukrainian National Peopleʼs Republic remained loyal to the idea of Ukraine’s independence during the Second World War, two of them, Leonid Stupnytskyi and Ivan Treiko, were awarded the rank of corporal general of the UPA (posthumously). The contribution of UPR political emigrants to the insurgent struggle as founders of intelligence, priests, and initiators of the reorganization of the UPA was clarified. Attention was drawn to a significant percentage of children of former Petlyurians in the ranks of the UPR Army, which is due to parental upbringing during the formation of their personality. It has been proven that the participation of the soldiers of the UPR Army in the UIA, where they shared their experience and military skills, testifies to the continuity and persistence of the struggle of Ukrainians for national independence. Keywords Ukrainian People’s Republic, Ukrainian political emigrants, Ukrainian insurgent army, Volyn, liberation struggle.

Katerynoslav's conscious Ukrainianness in the context of the problem of national identity and historical memory of 1917-1919

The article analyzes the events of participation of Ukrainian lovers of Ekaterislav region in the process of restoring national identity, related to overcoming amnesia of historical memory in the Ukrainian National Democratic Revolution of 1917–1921. Formulation problem. Chronological framework of the study March 1917 – end of January 1919 due to That it was during this period that various forms of Ukrainian statehood (Central Rada, Hetmanate, Directory) operated in Katerynoslav with a short break due to the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks (January 1918 – March 1918). The aim of research to this era was the most favorable for the restoration of historical memory, which influenced the development of the national identity of the inhabitants of the industrial Russified Katerynoslav, who had Cossack Ukrainian roots. Conscious Ukrainianness of Katerynoslav played an important role in the processes of revival of the Ukrainian nation in Katerynoslav. The main results. The article notes that the decisions of the Ukrainian National Congress of Katerynoslav in 1917 had a significant impact on the processes of national revival in Ekaterinoslav during 1917–1919; organization of Free Cossack detachments and their participation in repelling Bolshevik aggression in December 1917 – early 1918. During the Hetmanate, the Council of the Union of Democrat Farmers in Katerynoslav, headed by Dmytro. In 1919 The Council of Ukrainian Teachers in Katerynoslav not only initiated the renaming of Katerynoslav, but also called on representatives of other Ukrainian cities to get rid of Russian imperial markers. During 1917–1919, the conscious Ukrainianness of Katerynoslav played an important role in the revival of Ukrainian national identity in the Katerynoslav region, which had important practical results in defending the region from Russian occupiers. D. Yavornytsky, V. Bidnov, M. Omelyanovych-Pavlenko, Agapit, and the Sparrow Brothers played an important role in these processes. The author uses the methodology of microhistory and biography, a regional approach, associated with little-known episodes of the life of D. I. Yavornytsky. Concise conclusions and practical meaning. The influence of the Ekaterinoslav pro-Ukrainian intelligentsia on the processes of restoration of Ukrainian national identity and historical memory during the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921 has been established. The author interprets little-known sources and introduces into scientific circulation new documents that reveal little-known episodes of D. Yavonytsky's activity during the Hetmanate. The study is based on a variety of sources of different origins documents : normative documents, ego-sources and materials of the press. Ekaterinoslavshchina. Scientific novelty and originality. The author highlights the events of the Ukrainian Revolution, which are not well known enough for the life of Ukrainian-loving Katerynoslav. Some sources are introduced for the first time with analytical author's interpretation. Scientific novelty and main results are the introduction into scientific circulation of unknown or insufficiently known documents, analysis and interpretation of documents insufficiently processed by researchers. The type of article: research article.

Уроки консолідаційних процесів українства Західної України першої чверті ХХ ст.

The domestic and foreign policy circumstances of the consolidation aspirations of Ukrainians in Western Ukraine in the first quarter of the twentieth century is analyzed. The search for a common path, unification of political parties and their consolidation for the common goal of protecting the socio-economic and national-political rights of Ukrainians formed on both sides of the Dnipro River awareness of the need for unity, independence and unity in creating their own state. The ways and means of political struggle of various parties and organizations indicated the search for a common course in overcoming the denial by international structures of the existence of young sprouts of Ukrainian statehood. The reasons for its failures and the consequences for further consolidation of national- patriotic forces in Western Ukraine have been clarified. At the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth century’s, political parties and organizations in Eastern Galicia clearly outlined the program of their activities: protection of socio-economic and national-political rights of Ukrainians in the Austro-Hungarian Empire and consolidation of the Ukrainian people and intellectual structures to restore state independence and unity. Depending on the domestic and international situation, the program of actions of political parties was improved and concretized. This is the time of the First World War and the Ukrainian national-democratic revolution in the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires, with the proclamation of the Ukrainian People’s Republic and the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic, during the struggle against Poland’s attempts to annex Eastern Galicia in 1918–1923. After the decision of the Council of Ambassadors of the Entente on March 14, 1923 on the transfer of Eastern Galicia to Poland, the national and patriotic forces of the region, deeply analyzing the reasons for the defeat of national liberation struggles, tried to understand the real situation and determine further action. It is clear that various political parties and groups have assessed the causes of the defeat in their own way, as well as ways and means of overcoming this situation, offering their vision of resolving the Ukrainian issue in Galicia and all Ukrainian lands enslaved by foreign states.

The Democratic Limits of Populist Politics

The Democratic Limits of Populist Politics

«The November Breakdown» («November Action») 1918: a Revolution or a Military Coup?

The purpose of the study is to analyze peculiarities of the historical event «The November Breakdown» («November Action») – the national democratic revolution in the Western Ukrainian lands – not as a revolution in its classical version, but a military coup with the elements of the national liberation struggle of Western Ukrainians in the autumn of 1918. On the basis of the historical and political analysis of the historiographical heritage concerning the preconditions and creation of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic, the events of October 31 – November 1, 1918, are described as discrepancies and generalizations of their direct participants; the research also clarifies the factors of political and ideological «explanations» of the revolutionary «November Breakdown» in historiography of the Ukrainian diaspora of the 20th Century. The Soviet and contemporary Ukrainian historiography statements about the «revolutionary nature» of the events in Eastern Halychyna in 1918, and hence the November 1918 national democratic revolution, are still debatable. Halychyna Ukrainians made a legal proclaimation of the Ukrainian state within the framework of the Austrian-Hungarian state, they were waiting for a peaceful transfer of power in Eastern Halychyna, and the armed uprising of October 31 – November 1, 1918, became a military coup in the geopolitical realities of the rising tension in the Polish-Ukrainian relations. Therefore, on November 1, the Austro-Hungarian government authorized an act of transfer of the state power in Eastern Halychyna to the Ukrainian National Council, and on November 13, 1918, the Council proclaimed Western Ukrainian People’s Republic. The origins of the myth about the «revolutionary character», or «revolution» in Eastern Halychyna in 1918, are rooted in attempts to «inject» the non-existent in reality class struggle of the region population into the broader context of the Bolshevik and socialist revolution. During the Khrushchev Thaw, in 1957 this myth underwent certain modification in the famous article of historian O.Karpenko, and later on, in 1993, this myth transformation turned into a «national-democratic revolution» in Western Ukrainian lands. In fact, the memoirs of the participants and creators of the «November Action», the external sources, as well as the mass media of that, do not interpret the events under study just as “a revolution”, but only as “a coup”, “disarmament”, etc., which testifies to the militaristic nature of events.

“Land Expropriation without Compensation:” Populist Political Charade and Electioneering Slogan in South Africa’s 2019 National Elections

Land expropriation without compensation in South Africa has dominated the political landscape for the 2019 national elections. The African National Congress (ANC), as the ruling party, jumped onto the radical land policy bandwagon devoid of pragmatism, whilst being aware of the complexities attended to the implementation of such a policy framework. Whereas the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) was radical and populist in its approach, the ANC merely exploited “land expropriation without compensation” in order to arrest electoral underperformance. This paper argues that the ANC’s adoption of this electioneering stance was an absurd charade that sought to create a respectable appearance as a former liberation movement that reserved ownership of the Freedom Charter and the National Democratic Revolution (NDR). Inevitably, there was controversy surrounding political electioneering plagiarism between the ANC and the EFF, which was not surprising because the latter’s leadership was schooled within the former’s ideology. The EFF could afford to be reckless in its land policy whilst the ANC had to be moderate and sensible in order to preserve food security and the economy. This paper demonstrates that the radical land policy appears to have increased the EFF’s share of national votes in May 2019 whilst the ANC continued to experience a downward spiral of its electoral performance, with its national votes count dropping below 58%. The paper argues that the ANC took notice of this historical trend of electoral underperformance and usurped the EFF’s radical land policy for 2019 campaign, only to revert back to its moderate approach when confronted with the requirement for constitutional amendments. Using a literary analysis approach, the paper demonstrates that the ANC’s 2019 electioneering platform was a political charade that papered over the years of the governing party’s failure to achieve respectable land reform. The paper concludes that the ANC’s drop to below 47% in the national vote count during the November 01, 2021 local government elections is the clearest evidence that its fiddling with the EFF political agenda will not arrest its trend of electoral underperformance.

Соціально-економічні передумови створення спеціалізованої системи сільськогосподарської кооперації в УСРР (перша половина 1920-х рр.)

Introduction. In the proposed article, the author deeply examines the state of agriculture in Ukraine, which developed in the mid-20s of the twentieth century. Effective support by universal agricultural cooperation of the energetic efforts of the Ukrainian peasantry to restore the productivity of agriculture, livestock and other sectors of agriculture has yielded positive results. In general, the sown areas and livestock in the village almost reached the pre-war level (1913). Then came the question of increasing the productivity and marketability of agricultural production in Ukraine, which was based on individual farms. The emergence of a significant number of new peasant farms as a result of agrarian transformations during the Ukrainian National Democratic Revolution of 1917-1921 and significant demographic losses of the male population during the war of 1914-1921, led to the fact that a large part of peasant farms, especially on the right bank from the lack of sown areas and male labor, on which most of the production processes of the peasant economy were based, especially in agriculture.Under these conditions, the Ukrainian Agricultural Cooperative has identified the transition from universalism to specialization as its priority. The purpose of the research is, based on the analysis of historical sources, historiographical base, as well as modern methodology, to determine the socio-economic prerequisites for the creation of a specialized system of agricultural cooperation. The research methodology includes the principles of scientific objectivity, historicism, systematics, as well as methods of analysis and synthesis, generalization, historical-comparative, historical-typological. Results. The socio-economic preconditions for the creation of a specialized system of agricultural cooperation were quite good, as it was constantly expanding and improving, involving more and more peasant farms in market relations and finding new ways to intensify agriculture. There was a stable process not only economic but also social and production development of small farms, which contributed to the emergence of specialized professional societies, which in early 1924 had a small contingent of farms, but further practice has shown that special cooperation contributed to significant intensification of agricultural production. The originality of this study is an attempt to analyze objectively the socio-economic preconditions for the creation of a specialized system of agricultural cooperation. Conclusion. It is obvious that for the further organizational design and raising the efficiency of various networks of specialized cooperation it became necessary not only to form their All-Ukrainian centers, which by themselves would significantly expand the economic capabilities of specialized societies, because based on their purpose, such centers concentrated efforts on the intensification of complex production processes in the peasant economy, but also on the rapid establishment of their practical work. We should also emphasize the following: the positive moment in the formation of the structure and directions of the network of specialized cooperative systems (“Dobrobut”, “Kooptakh”, “Buryakospilka”) was that it took into account not only those agricultural sectors that have traditionally brought the main income (for example, grain production and meat and dairy industry), but the emphasis was also on those industries that until recently were considered secondary (poultry, horticulture, viticulture and winemaking, etc.). Quite often such areas of agriculture as poultry farming were even somewhat ironically called “women’s money”. Similarly, poultry farming has traditionally been considered “an appendage of the peasant’s yard, not a commercial sphere”. However, the practice of the following years clearly demonstrated the potential of these “secondary” branches of agricultural production, as the activities of specialized systems of agricultural cooperation, which in the mid-20s took off, gave a powerful impetus to the development of commodity farms of Ukrainian peasants.

Hrushevsky M. and the concept of Ukrainian unity (1917–1918)

The article reveals M. Hrushevsky's contribution to the substantiation of the concept of the unity of Ukraine. Historiography includes a wide range of publications devoted to elucidation of the phenomenon of the development by scientist and constant leader of the Central Council of a comprehensive, multifaceted, polyhedral concept of the Ukrainian national democratic revolution, while its organic, integral (though in some sense self-sufficient) component – the theoretical formation of projects to collect in a heap ethnically related branches of Ukrainianness, the territories in which they lived – much less often became the subject of special study and evaluation, freely or unwillingly moved to the periphery of the analysis. As a rule, attention shifted to the events of late 1918-early 1919, when the historical figure no longer exerted such influence on social processes as before. However, the fact remains that a prominent intellectual, impeccably possessing scientific methodology and historical data, in particular – statistics, convincingly proved that the most reliable, most logical and understandable, by the large extent and in general terms legitimate version of the constructive movement to the desired goal must be strict adherence to the ethnographic principle. On its basis, the general boundaries of the settlement of the Ukrainian ethnic group were objectively delineated and specifically calculated real proposals were formulated (such work was not simple and not momental) as to include in the revived state at the district level (of course, especially in borderline cases) historically formed lands, where the undoubted predominant array was Ukrainianness. In controversial and сontradictory situations, taking into account the dynamics of revolutionary change, local referendums and plebiscites were planned. Honest, verified, fair approaches formed the basis of the defining documents that guided the current and perspective process of formation of Ukrainian statehood – the Universals of the Central Council and the Constitution of the Ukrainian People's Republic. Theoretical hypothetical constructions were subsequently seriously confirmed in their deep essence by life practice. The author concludes that the specified aspect acquires a special sound and political relevance in connection with the modern information war, the epicenter of which has recently been more than a century of experience of Ukrainian statehood, especially its unity component.

Россия — Монголия: век дружбы и сотрудничества (к 100-летнему юбилею установления дипломатических отношений)

Introduction. In 2021, Russia and Mongolia are celebrating the 100th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations. In fact, this year is remarkable for a number of anniversaries: the 100th anniversary of the formation of the Mongolian People’s Party, the first political party in Mongolia; the 100th anniversary of the national democratic revolution; the 100th anniversary of the organization of the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Army; the 100th anniversary of the Scientific Committee, which served as the prototype of the Mongolian Academy of Sciences; the 60th anniversary of the UN membership of Mongolian People’s Republic; and the 40th anniversary of the joint space flight of the Russian-Mongolian space crew. These anniversaries are closely related to a significant event in the history of the two countries — the Agreement between the Government of the RSFSR and the People’s Government of Mongolia on the establishment of friendly relations signed on 5 November 1921, which laid the legal basis for bilateral relations. It is certainly beyond the scope of this article to cover every significant and remarkable event and date in Soviet / Russian-Mongolian relations, but it intends to highlight the most important events in Russian-Mongolian relations in the 20th and early 21st centuries. The article aims to focus on the principal stages and most important dates and events, as well as to underline the role and relevance of the documents of key importance in the history of these relations. Materials. The study is based on archival records, published materials, and scientific literature. Conclusions. Over the past century, the relations between the countries, whose histories are full of dramatic events (revolutionary upheavals, World War II, the collapse of the Soviet Union), have seen both high and low points: friendship and special relations of allies, which changed to a certain degree of distancing from each other; then, rejection of the previous ideologized attitudes and renewal of traditional cooperation, leading to a current comprehensive strategic partnership. However, there has always been an understanding that there is a special closeness of the countries for historical, geopolitical, and cultural factors in play. A hundred years is a sufficiently long period to conclude that the key principles of Russian-Mongolian relations established by the 1921 Agreement have stood the test of time. Presently, there is a new stage to these relations based on both parties’ interests in promoting their comprehensive strategic partnership.

Anti-Imperialism and Kemalism in Turkey’s Long Sixties: Mahir Çayan’s Theory of Revolution in Context

Abstract This article aims to reassess the evolution of Mahir Çayan’s theory of uninterrupted revolution in the context of the radical ideological currents of the long sixties in Turkey. It concentrates on Çayan’s relations with the National Democratic Revolution (Milli Demokratik Devrim, mdd) movement that enjoyed a considerable degree of political and ideological authority over the youth movements starting in the second half of the 1960s. The article discusses how Çayan interpreted and attempted to revise the theory of national democratic revolution by reference to the changing characteristics of imperialism and colonial domination. Consideration is given to Çayan’s critical approach towards the role of Kemalists in the anti-imperialist bloc to be formed.

THE STATE OF RESEARCH OF THE HISTORY OF BELARUSIANS IN THE SOUTH OF UKRAINE IN THE REVOLUTIONARY ERA: AN OVERVIEW OF MODERN PUBLICATIONS

The article is devoted to the analysis of contemporary Ukrainian, Belarusian and Polish historiography of the history of Belarusians in the south of Ukraine and in Odesa and the district during the Ukrainian National-Democratic Revolution. The scientific relevance of the problem of research is associated with an insufficient level of its research in Ukrainian historiography. This aspect was chosen with taking into account the fact that during the Ukrainian National Democratic Revolution of 1917-1920 the territory of Southern Ukraine, mainly the city of Odesa and the district, due to economic ties and its political significance, became an important region for concentration of Belarusians, their trade activities, participation in political life and national state construction, etc. Of particular interest are the researches of M. Sсhavlinskiy, D. Mikhalyuk, O. Zubko. The researchers from Odesa are represented insufficiently. Researchers address such important problems as the creation of the Belarusian National Council in Odesa, the Belarusian National Commissariat and the Consulate, the activities of Belarusian national organizations. Most of the research examines the history of Belarusians in the south of Ukraine and the city of Odesa in the context of studying other problems. As a result of the study, it was found that in modern historiography – Ukrainian, Belarusian, Polish – some aspects of the history of Belarusians in the south of Ukraine, mainly in Odesa and the district, were covered for the period of 1917-1919.The researches are as special as and more general, in which events in the region are mentioned briefly in the context of a wider problem related mainly to the Belarusian national movement and the Belarusian state construction. As a rule, the investigators are limited only to mentions of personalities, or briefly characterize the Odesa period of their biographies. Further research requires the problem of interaction between the Belarusian ethnic group in the population of Odesa and in the south of Ukraine in the early XX century and Belarusian refugees during World War I, also Belarusian cultural and educational activities in the south mentioned in the research literature, etc.

An Analysis of the Historical Roots of Partisan Governance within the ANC: Understanding the Road to State Capture

ABSTRACT Despite constitutional aspirations for good (impartial) governance since 1996, partisan governance nearly brought South Africa to the brink of economic, social, and political implosion. For the duration of his tenure (2009–2018), President Zuma spent public funds for private ends with impunity and enabled the creation of a shadow state, which effectively siphoned millions out of the public purse into private hands and hollowed out the country's state-owned enterprises. The question posed here is: How did the Zuma administration manage to ‘capture the state' in a context where the 1996 Constitution enshrines impartial governance? Using the analytical framework of good governance, this article aims to understand the governance approach of the African National Congress (ANC) in terms of its overarching national plan, the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) and its strategy of cadre deployment. Using document and conceptual content analysis of ANC policy documents it is noted that the ANC’s governance approach is inherently partisan, with historical roots. In line with the Marxist tradition, governance based on partisanship was established together with the blurring of lines between party, government and state. This framework of partisanship, justified with the language of transformation, allowed for repurposing the state for private ends.

The slippery slope to State capture: cadre deployment as an enabler of corruption and a contributor to blurred party-State lines

Drawing on both legal and political sources, this article scrutinises the policy of cadre deployment that the African National Congress (ANC), the ruling party in South Africa, has implemented, and continues to apply. The analysis begins by recalling and commenting on the only reported judgment in South African jurisprudence that dealt with the political influencing of municipalities' exercise of their public power to make appointments, namely, Mlokoti v Amathole District Municipality & another 2009 (6) SA 354 (ECD). What the Mlokoti case has confirmed is that the legal foundation for the exercise of public power is found in the Constitution and its enabling legislation, and not in party political policy, such as the ongoing practice of cadre deployment. In an investigation of cadre deployment, the article then demonstrates that this ANC policy, particularly judging by its stated purpose, is incompatible with the constitutional State and, instead, enables the rise of the shadow State. Unsurprisingly, therefore, political commentators increasingly observe that, apart from the revelations at the Zondo Commission of Inquiry, State capture in South Africa in fact commenced when the ANC assumed political power in pursuit of the National Democratic Revolution. It is argued that the pursuit of a National Democratic Revolution in South Africa is directly at odds with the vision and goals of the 1994 constitutional pact. Convening a bipartisan national convention on philosophical and other approaches to the fight against corruption may offer a solution. Here, a starting point would be to reconsider the country's anti-corruption strategies to pay proper attention to the ethical causes of this scourge.

Ukrainian contribution to soviet historical and party science: analysis of anniversary editions the second half of the 1950s

The presented article actualizes the scientific research of Ukrainian Soviet historical science in the field of studying the history of the Communist Party of Ukraine — one of the largest detachments of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which ruled the republic for over seventy years. The article is devoted to Ukrainian-language collections of scientific works of the second half of the 1950s, concluded in honor of the anniversaries revered in the Ukrainian SSR, in particular, the 50th anniversary of the First Democratic Revolution in Russia (1905—1907), which had its largest area in Ukraine, and the 40th anniversary of the First (Constituent) Congress of the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks of Ukraine (KP(b)U), which took place in July 1918 in Moscow. The theme of the events of 1905—1907 in the South-Western Territories of the Russian Empire preserved in school and university courses on the history of Ukraine, according to the author, needs to expand the source base for detailing events, their personification and an objective vision of causation. The study of events related to the formation of the Communist Party of Ukraine also fits into the context of studying no less relevant topic of modern educational courses on national history, namely, the section "Ukrainian national-democratic revolution of 1917 and the struggle for Ukrainian statehood 1918—1921". Based on the principles of objectivity and comprehensiveness in historical research, the author considers it necessary to involve a wide range of works on these topics — this, at the same time, strengthens the historiographical contours of the study and significantly enriches the information and factual content. It should be noted that the works used in this article from the funds of the Book Chamber of Ukraine named after Ivan Fedorov, given their removal from the extensive library network, are currently rare.

Soviet ukrainization as an important stage language development of Ukraine

The presented article raises the problem of the development of an institutional thing for any nation, namely, the problem of language. Given the centuries-old stateless life of the Ukrainian nation and the extremely unfavorable conditions for the development of its language, the latter needed not so much genesis as a statement of its existence and the realization of the natural right to preserve and enrich. Participants in this important rescue work were figures of national and cultural revival of Ukraine in the late XVIII — early XX centuries, the Ukrainian national democratic revolution and the struggle for the preservation of Ukrainian statehood 1917—1921, frontists of Western Ukraine in 1920—1930, who fought desperately against the forcible Polonization, Romanianization, and Magyarization of Ukrainians in the interwar period, representatives of the Sixties and dissident movements in the USSR, who cherished their native language at the time of the establishment of the Russian language in the USSR as a language of interethnic communication. The apotheosis of the struggle of the latter was the proclamation of the state status of the Ukrainian language in October 1989. Based on the press of the USSR—USSR, the author argues that a significant contribution to the preservation and development of the Ukrainian language was made by the Bolshevik political campaign. The policy of indigenization proclaimed in 1923 in the conditions of Ukraine turned into a large-scale and long-term Ukrainization. The course and achievements of the latter were clearly reflected in the pages of Ukrainian Soviet periodicals (scientific, socio-political, literary and artistic, etc.). At the same time, the author testifies not only to the scale but also to the prolongation of the campaign until the early 1960s and 1970s, which gives grounds to reject the now widespread thesis that the tragic suicide of Ukrainian communist Mykola Skrypnyk in 1933 put an end to implementation. campaign of Ukrainization in the USSR—USSR.

SACP and ANC-led Alliance Government's Inclination to the National Democratic Revolution: A Review of Implementation Successes and Failures

SACP and ANC-led Alliance Government's Inclination to the National Democratic Revolution: A Review of Implementation Successes and Failures

Yol Ayrımında Bir Sosyalist: Kemal Tahir’de Marxizm ve Sosyalizm

In this study, Kemal Tahir's thoughts on Marxism and socialism are discussed in comparison with the left orthodoxy of the 1960s. The main motivating factor for the study is that Kemal Tahir's distinctive features from the orthodoxy of the period in terms of his thoughts on Marxism and socialism and the emphasis on his criticism will make an important contribution to the literature. Therefore, it focuses on the question “What are the features that differentiate Kemal Tahir's view of Marxism and socialism from his contemporary intellectuals?”. Due to the characteristics of his intellectual heritage, the study has been prepared through the literature review based on careful examination of primary sources and the comparative method that provides determining the context of the data. The main argument put forward by the study is that what makes Kemal Tahir original and different in terms of his thoughts and criticisms is his understanding of Marxism in particular, and of science or scientific way of thinking in general sense. From the point of the socialist thoughts and movements, this study that presents the left orthodoxy of the 1960s on issues such as Marxism, socialism, society, the issue of development, the strategy of power and the envisioned socialist order within a theoretical and conceptual framework consisting of “high modernism”, “scientism” and “political religions” contains the ideas of the party and opinion leaders of the three most representative and influential formations of the 1960s: Turkish Labour Party, National Democratic Revolution Movement and Yön (Destination) Movement. While Kemal Tahir's thoughts differ from these formations at some certain points, it should also be emphasized that despite all its differences, they have a paradigmatic similarity with the orthodoxy of the period in terms of her modernization strategy based on the distinction between culture and civilization.

Agrarian policy in Ukraine during the National-Democratic Revolution of 1917-1921: experience for contemporary agrarian transformations

The experience of the events of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1921 is especially relevant for modern Ukraine. Modern geopolitical transformations, radical changes in the domestic political life of Ukraine, ambitious plans of the government are a chance for our state to restore its full-fledged subjectivity in the international arena, in the domestic life of the country. An effective mechanism of external and internal subjectivization of Ukraine, given the longevity of agricultural culture (in a broad sense), can be agrarian policy, its effective implementation. This implies not only a clear understanding on the part of the state of the essence of agrarian policy, its purpose, stages and mechanisms of implementation. The author of the article aims to propose, taking into account the agrarian transformations of the Ukrainian revolution, a possible model of the latest agrarian transformations. Under modern conditions, the most discussed issue is the feasibility/inexpediency of opening a land market in Ukraine. The heated debate on this is primarily about the socio-economic and socio-political consequences. Last but not least, the debaters in the discussions focus on only one segment of this multifaceted phenomenon � foreign land tenure/land use/land management. That is, they are only interested in the institution of private land ownership for foreigners on the whole set of issues. The main risks of opening the land market: external and internal. External: desubjectification of Ukraine, increasing dependence on foreign capital, especially credit one, loss of status of the granary of Europe, reduction of foreign exchange earnings to the budget, desoilization (dechernozemization). Internal: legalization of the agrarian oligarchy, desubjectification of power, degradation of civil society, increasing shadowing of the economy in general, agro-industrial complex in particular, the absence of the middle class � the social basis of the state, the extinction of the countryside, its disappearance as a socio-economic, socio-political, spiritual-cultural component of the Ukrainian political nation, strengthening the demographic challenges, etc.