Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict Research Articles

One conflict, different meanings: a comparative analysis of Armenian and Azerbaijani narratives of victory in Nagorno-Karabakh wars

ABSTRACT This article comparatively examines the Armenian and Azerbaijani narratives of victory in the First and Second Karabakh Wars, respectively. Drawing on the speeches, addresses and statements by the Armenian and Azerbaijani leadership, it unpacks what meaning the two countries ascribed to their victories. Azerbaijan has developed a complex narrative which includes the definition of several enemies, personalization and extensive symbolization of the victory along with an insulting, demonizing and dehumanizing language in regardto Armenia(ns), the Armenian leadership and army, as well as an assertive and uncompromising attitude towards conflict resolution and the future of Armenia–Azerbaijan relations. Lacking any of these elements, the Armenian narrative has been quite simple, stressing the need of a compromise-based, peaceful resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and describing the victory as existentially important and a watershed development in Armenia’s history.

Israel’s Foreign Policy and the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: A Reflection on Regional Security and Diplomacy

Israel’s Foreign Policy and the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: A Reflection on Regional Security and Diplomacy

Islamic diplomacy of Azerbaijan in the context of the Nagorno-Karabakh 2020 war: the role of the organization of Islamic Cooperation

ABSTRACT Since achieving independence, Azerbaijan has employed its Islamic identity in its foreign policy to develop an international Islamic agenda concerning the Nagorno-Karabakh (NK) conflict. It has promoted the notion of Islamic solidarity and diversified its strategic interests in the conflict. The study aims to analyse Azerbaijan’s diplomatic strategies to garner comprehensive support from the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, focusing on the 2020 war. The paper argues that Azerbaijan has developed Islamic diplomacy and instrumentalized religion as one of the components of its foreign policy against Armenia and the de facto Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh. During the 2020 war, Azerbaijan applied the discourse of Islamic solidarity and the Azerbaijani narratives on the NK conflict that have been introduced in the OIC during the last three decades.

The Second Karabakh War and the Dynamics of Relations Between the Republic of Armenia and the Russian Federation

The article examines the dynamics of development of relations between Armenia and Russia after the Second Karabakh War. Armenian-Russian relations are considered in the context of a comparative analysis of regional processes. In the context of the cooling of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, Russia managed to implement a key policy of containment, as well as maneuver between Azerbaijan and Armenia. However, this policy became ineffective when Turkey actively intervened in the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. The article analyzes the factors that negatively influenced the revision of Russian foreign policy to the detriment of Armenia. The article substantiates the hypothesis that Russia was able to stop military operations in the Second Karabakh war in time to prevent the strengthening of Turkish influence in Azerbaijan. From the point of view of Russian interests, the most effective way to solve this problem was to deepen relations with Azerbaijan through a strategic alliance at the expense of Armenia.

Geopolitics in the South Caucasus: The dynamics of regional rivalry between Turkey and Iran after the Second Karabakh War

After the Second Karabakh War, the rivalry between Turkey and Iran for influence and positions in the South Caucasus has intensified. While there is a number of works focusing on Turkish-Iranian relations in the South Caucasus, the dynamics of their confrontational interaction in the region in the post-conflict period have not yet been examined. The relevance of the study is conditioned by the increased role of both Turkey and Iran in the contemporary geopolitics of the South Caucasus and their influence on the complex political and economic processes in the region. In the article, the author traces the strategy of both countries in the South Caucasus and highlights the negative impact of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict on the regional interests of the two countries. The study draws on historical data and a comparative study of the political and economic strategies of both Turkey and Iran in the South Caucasus, based on official documents, speeches of government officials, and international reactions to the actions of both countries in the region. Based on the data presented, the author concludes that there is a growing rivalry between Turkey and Iran in the South Caucasus. Based on their rich historical ties to the region, these countries are making efforts to realise their geopolitical interests. The conflict of interests between Turkey, which seeks to strengthen its influence in the South Caucasus by supporting Azerbaijan, and Iran, which strives to maintain its sphere of regional influence by further developing strategic partnership relations with Armenia, may increase tension and confrontation in the region.

Peran Diaspora Armenia dalam Konflik Nagorno Karabakh Tahun 2020-2022

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict from 2020 to 2022 highlights the significant role of the Armenian diaspora in supporting Armenia across various dimensions. The research aims to determine the extent to which the Armenian diaspora's support influences the Armenian government's capacity to handle the conflict. The study utilizes theories of public diplomacy and diaspora engagement, employing a mixed-methods approach that includes qualitative data from secondary data processing such as journals and written results containing data about Armenian Diaspora, official website of the Armenian government, and quantitative data from financial contributions and diplomatic records. Findings indicate that the Armenian diaspora's political lobbying and advocacy efforts have secured significant diplomatic support, while economically providing substantial remittances, investments, and humanitarian aid. Socially, the diaspora has shaped international public opinion through campaigns and cultural activities, and intellectually, it has offered strategic insights enhancing the government's approach to the conflict. Additionally, the mobilization of human resources by the diaspora has provided direct assistance in Armenia. This research offers a comprehensive understanding of the dynamics between the Armenian diaspora and the Armenian government, demonstrating the substantial impact of multidimensional diaspora support on the government's capacity to manage the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

The impact of geopolitical transformations on the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict: self-determination or genocide?

ABSTRACT Geopolitical transformations have drastic effects in many spheres of public life. Their most prominent manifestations are observed with regard to ethno-political conflicts and their settlement processes, particularly when they are accompanied by serious regional rearrangements. The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and the process of its settlement are among the most typical cases in this regard. After the 2018 change of power in Armenia, the normally developing process of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict settlement within the framework of the main principles of international law ended up in sharp upheavals, succumbing to the logic of the sharply heated West-Russia geopolitical confrontation. The formation of antagonistic relations between the Co-Chair states of the OSCE Minsk Group undermined their mediation efforts, leaving two options for the resolution of the conflict: the realization of people’s right to self-determination with the support of international community or the genocide of the Nagorno-Karabakh people. The article considers the threats of a catastrophic development of events due to changes in the positions of powerful actors regarding the conflict settlement under the influence of geopolitical transformations, as well as the possibility of preventing such a development.

The Cooperation between the Republic of Armenia and the French Republic in the Defence Sphere

Diplomatic relations between the Republic of Armenia and the French Republic were established on 24 February 1992. Since the beginning of the 1990s, strong political and economic ties have been created between the two Republics. France became one of the members of the tripartite Co-chairmanship of the OSCE Minsk Group (alongside Russia and the USA) in 1997, which was engaged in the NagornoKarabakh conflict regulation process. However, following the 44-Day War in Nagorno-Karabakh in 2020, and especially after Azerbaijani aggression on the sovereign territory of the Republic of Armenia in September 2022, the cooperation between the two states developed in the defense sphere. Particularly in October 2023, several documents were signed between the Minister of Defence of the Republic of Armenia and the French Minister for the Armed Forces in Paris, including military education and military-technical cooperation. The military-technical cooperation between the two states creates a possibility for Armenia to get access to advanced western military technologies, which are used in the development of the military-industrial complex of France.

Inter-State Cases under icerd as an Avenue to Protect Cultural Heritage

Abstract The most recent applications before the International Court of Justice (icj) under Article 22 of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (icerd), Armenia v. Azerbaijan and Azerbaijan v. Armenia, both claim that the destruction of cultural heritage during the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict constitutes a violation of the Convention. The applications have met with enthusiasm that icerd offers a potential new avenue for the protection of cultural heritage, as well as scepticism as to whether these claims fall within the scope of the treaty. Armenia and Azerbaijan bypassed the inter-State communications mechanism under Articles 11–13 before the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (cerd), as they are legally entitled to do. But the cerd perspective remains important. First, the Articles 11–13 mechanism is available in relation to 182 States Parties, whereas due to reservations, the Article 22 mechanism is available only in relation to 157 States Parties. Second, cerd practice in relation to cultural heritage ought to inform the determination of the Court. This article investigates the cerd approach to the protection of cultural heritage. It draws in related questions such as whether religious cultural heritage comes under a treaty on racial discrimination; the applicability of these protections in situations of armed conflict; and icerd’s relationship with other specialised instruments. It offers conclusions as to what extent an avenue for the protection of cultural heritage under icerd exists before the Committee and the Court.

‘Profiles in intelligence’: an interview with 8th Mossad chief Danny Yatom

ABSTRACT This article is based on an interview conducted in July 2023 with Danny Yatom, the eighth Mossad chief. He had a distinguished career in the Israeli Defense Force, joining the Mossad in 1996 after his military service. Yatom’s contributions were pivotal during the 1980s and 1990s, particularly in diplomatic engagements and peace negotiations between Israel and Jordan. With experience spanning elite military units, intelligence agencies, Prime Minister’s offices, and the Israeli Parliament, his insights offer a comprehensive understanding of intricate matters, making it the primary reason for my decision to interview Yatom. Among other topics, Yatom provided nuanced perspectives on Israel’s involvement in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, its relations with Azerbaijan, the special ties between Israel and Germany, and the 1979 Islamic revolution. I also inquired about the impact of emotions on decision-making in national security, the historical trajectory of the Mossad, and Israel’s approach to Official Public Intelligence Disclosure.

Hayder Aliyev's Perspective of the Turkic World: A Qualitative Research on the Concept of Savior Leadership in Political Communication

Subject: Individuals, who form the building blocks of society, can play different roles within their structure. Although it has a controversial and comprehensive terminology, one of the most prominent roles is leadership. Leadership is a crucial role within society, often associated with authoritarian, participatory, and charismatic concepts. The leadership of Heydar Aliyev, the founding leader of Azerbaijan, is often referred to as savior leadership. Despite the Soviet Union's long rule, Azerbaijan quickly built its identity and gained independence in 1991. Various names have been used to describe his leadership style. Purpose: In this regard, in the relevant study, the meaning categories related to the concept of savior leadership towards Haydar Aliyev will be determined and its relationship with this concept at the discourse level will be questioned. In this context, the summit declarations published regularly every year by the Cooperation Council of Turkic Speaking Countries (Turkic Council), which was established in 1991, constitute the sample of this study. Method: In the study, an attempt was made to comparatively analyze Haydar Aliyev's relationship with savior leadership in the context of his discourses and policies, in the declarations of the council established under the leadership of Turkey in order to integrate the newly independent Turkic Republics in Central Asia and the Caucasus into each other and into the international system. In addition, while content analysis was conducted based on qualitative data to determine which research model they reflect in terms of their content and to what extent they meet the dialogical principles, qualitative content analysis was conducted based on thematic coding to describe the topics included in the papers. MAXQDA 20 package program was used while making the analyses. Results: In the seven summit reports made between 1992-2002; Content analysis was conducted with thematic coding of regional and international integration, cultural integration, political integration and dialogue. As a result of the analysis, "One nation, two states", used by Haydar Aliyev for Turkey and Azerbaijan at the relevant summits, stands out as the most frequently used discourse under the theme of cultural integration. In addition, the Turkic World discourse, which the Republic of Azerbaijan sees in parallel with its own identity construction, is another prominent concept in regional and international integration. Under the theme of political integration, he underlined that Azerbaijan should develop friendly relations with both the region and other countries, and maintained its pro-peace attitude until the last moment, even in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, which started with Armenia's occupation of Azerbaijani lands in the early 1990s. This situation also shows us the importance Aliyev attaches to dialogue. As a result, as seen in the content analysis of the summit declarations, Haydar Aliyev displayed a common attitude with Turkish President Suleyman Demirel in the integration process of the Turkic World with a policy prioritizing the full independence of Azerbaijan, but due to both the Karabakh War and the difficulties experienced in Azerbaijani domestic politics afterward, Turkey and other The economic crisis that started in 1994 in the Turkic republics caused the targeted integration to be postponed to another period. In this process, it can be said that Haydar Aliyev gave priority to cultural integration towards the Turkish world.

Relations of Azerbaijan with Central Asian Turkic States within the framework of the Organisation of Turkic States

Following the dissolution of the USSR, Turkic States came together for the first time in 1992 at the Summit of Heads of State of Turkic Speaking Countries. The Summit was transformed into the Turkic Council with the Nakhchivan Agreement in 2009 and renamed the Organisation of Turkic States in 2021. This Organisation is one of the most important institutions shaping Azerbaijan's foreign policy. In this context, the support of the Organisation's member Turkic states in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict with Armenia is critical; in fact, during the Second Karabakh War, the Organisation of Turkic States issued a statement in support of Azerbaijan. Similarly, the Organisation has been an effective tool in supporting Azerbaijan's foreign policy and increasing its regional and global influence. Moreover, within the framework of the Organisation, Turkic States have had the opportunity to share their experiences in areas such as science, technology, education and culture. This study focuses on the importance of Central Asian countries in Azerbaijan's foreign policy and the relations developed within the framework of the Organisation of Turkic States.

Influence and Norm Entrepreneurship: Azerbaijan’s Strategic Deployment of Soft Power

In this article, it is mentioned that Azerbaijan’s strategic deployment of soft power across a variety of realms, including economic and public diplomacy, educational initiatives, and humanitarian leadership, is examined. It is clearly understood from this text that Azerbaijan is actively shaping global conversations and ideals, earning it the reputation of being a norm entrepreneur. Situated at the crossroads of cultural, economic, and political trends, the significance of leveraging its considerable energy resources and economic alliances to bolster its international standing is recognized by Azerbaijan. This analysis explores Azerbaijan as a norm entrepreneur and reveals its ability to respond quickly in crisis situations and global cooperation. At the same time, the article analyzes the priority issues that Azerbaijan has set before itself since the 1990s - issues such as the liberation of its lands from occupation, bringing these situations to the attention of the international community, and preventing all kinds of provocations, and the indispensable role of cultural and public diplomacy in this sense are analyzed. While highlighting the country’s commitment to global solidarity, the challenges posed by the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, and the delicate balance required when using energy resources for political leverage are critically examined in the article. A considerable effort towards resolving the intricate connection between economic power and infrastructural improvements is made. Through ambitious projects like the Baku International Sea Trade Port and the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway, not only is Azerbaijan’s economic prowess enhanced but also its significance in ensuring energy stability in Europe is solidified. More than that, this fact is about widening economic exchanges, the importance of a single market, and enhancing Azerbaijan’s soft power through more cooperation.

Civilizational Deviation in Collective Mediation: A Comparative Analysis of the Cretan Question and the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict

ABSTRACT This study explores the phenomenon of “civilizational deviation” in collective mediation processes within international conflicts, where perceived civilizational identities significantly impact outcomes. Comparing the late 19th-century Cretan Question and the 1988–1994 Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict, it reveals how civilizational factors obstruct collective mediation processes. In both cases, conflicting parties held perceptions of civilizational proximity or distance to the collective mediators, diverting mediation process from established international peace frameworks. The mediation process in Crete failed to deter separatism driven by religious self-determination, resulting in a peace design incongruent with prevailing international peace framework (Richmond, Oliver P. 2022. The Grand Design: The Evolution of the International Peace Architecture. Oxford: Oxford University Press; 2021. Similarly, the OSCE Minsk Group’s efforts in Nagorno-Karabakh faced challenges aligning with normative mandates from the UN peace framework. This analysis illuminates complexities in mediation influenced by civilizational perceptions and highlighting the need to address civilizational deviation for international peace.

Political Aspects of the Origins of the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict

Political Aspects of the Origins of the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict

К вопросу освещения СМИ Азербайджана и Армении подписания Бишкекского протокола (1994-2021 гг.)

The article analyzes the information confrontation and the influence of the media of the South Caucasus states on the evolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and its settlement on the example of the Bishkek Protocol of May 5-12, 1994. The activity of regional media in the conditions of the formation of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia as independent subjects of the world political process in the post-bipolar period is considered. The peculiarities of the functioning of mass media in the conditions of the active phase of the conflict and in the post-conflict period are revealed. The information concepts, strategies and ideological features of the media of the Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Armenia, which were used by the conflicting parties when covering the signing of the Bishkek Protocol and subsequently, are studied in detail. The role and significance of the media, their influence on the dynamics of the ethnopolitical conflict and the formation of geopolitical stability in the South Caucasus are investigated. Based on the analysis of publications in the main state print media of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia, regional electronic mass media, the author comes to the conclusion about the urgency of the problem – the negative influence of the media on the peaceful settlement and post–conflict situation in the region. The characteristic principles, approaches, ideological concepts and information strategies that were used by the Azerbaijani and Armenian media when covering the signing of the Bishkek Protocol are identified. A differentiated approach is noted in the process of covering the peace treaty. The main trends in the information policy of the parties in the period under review – from 1994 to 2021 are identified. The destructive role of the media, which acted as a tool of manipulation within the framework of long-term information and propaganda campaigns to discredit the Bishkek Protocol, is pointed out. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that on the basis of the studied publications, trends have been identified to belittle the historical significance of the Bishkek Protocol in order to resume the armed conflict and its “unfreezing” already in the first quarter of the XXI century.

Framing the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict: an analysis of the narratives of the state leaders of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Turkey, 2002–2022

ABSTRACT The modern phase of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan has lasted for over three decades. Since the independent republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan emerged in 1991, the status of Nagorno-Karabakh has been at the centre of these countries’ foreign and domestic policies. Using Robert Entman’s theory, this article examines speeches about possible remedies to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict by the leaders of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Turkey between 2002 and 2022 and identifies frames that these leaders create over the conflict’s resolution. By enhancing our understanding of how state leaders frame their perspectives on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict for external audiences, this article demonstrates the complex challenges in achieving a peaceful resolution. Understanding these framing strategies is crucial for comprehending the underlying motivations and interests of the involved parties and sheds light on the challenges faced in resolving the conflict through peaceful means.

United States – Azerbaijan Relations (1991-2020)

The purpose of the paper is to thoroughly investigate the intricate relationship between the United States and Azerbaijan from 1991 to 2020, considering diplomatic, political, economic, and security dimensions. Emphasizing the pivotal role of Russian Federation in the South Caucasus, the research seeks to provide a holistic understanding of the factors influencing U.S.-Azerbaijan relations, offering valuable insights into evolving geopolitical dynamics over the three crucial decades.
 The novelty of the paper lies in its in-depth exploration of three decades of U.S.-Azerbaijan relations, the study provides unique insights into the evolving dynamics, contributing a comprehensive analysis of the multifaceted relationship.
 Conclusions. The author identifies 4 periods of US-Azerbaijan relations in 1991-2020: 1) 1991-2001, 2) 2001-2007, 3) 2007-2015, and 4) 2015-2020.
 From 1991 to 2001, the United States underwent a transformative phase in its policy towards Azerbaijan, marked by an increased focus on regional stability and economic partnerships through energy initiatives like the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline. Security concerns in the South Caucasus also influenced policy decisions, while considerations of democracy and human rights were weighed against broader strategic imperatives. This period set the foundation for subsequent shifts in U.S. policy towards Azerbaijan.
 In 2001-2007, U.S. policy towards Azerbaijan underwent significant changes, prioritizing the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline and intensifying efforts in combatting international terrorism. The Global War on Terror played a crucial role, leading to strengthened U.S.-Azerbaijan relations, though democracy promotion took a back seat to energy and security interests.
 The period from 2007 to 2015 saw a nuanced shift, with decreased U.S. focus on energy and security, increased attention to democracy and human rights, and challenges arising from Azerbaijan’s opposition to the Turkish-Armenian Rapprochement. Azerbaijan’s strategic concerns regarding Nagorno-Karabakh intensified, and U.S. engagement faced limitations in influencing regional outcomes.
 Between 2015 and 2020, U.S. policy towards Azerbaijan further disengaged across energy, security, and democracy promotion dimensions, influenced by factors like the unconventional oil and gas revolution, decreasing Central Asia significance, rising isolationism, and the Trump administration’s priorities. The U.S. response to regional dynamics, notably the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, showcased a trend of reduced involvement.

The Role of the Russian Federation in the Nagorno Karabakh Conflict Settlement in 1993—1994

The Role of the Russian Federation in the Nagorno Karabakh Conflict Settlement in 1993—1994

Нагорнокарабахский конфликт (2020–2023): реалии и прогнозы

The article analyzes results of the events in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict zone from 2020 to 2023, as well as their reflection in works of political scientists. The study is based on analysis of open sources with expert assessments and judgments, as well as on works in international relations theory. Main conclusion is drawn about reasons that may cause inaccuracies in political forecasting. The factors that had a negative impact on the consistency of forecasts of development of the situation around Nagorno-Karabakh are determined. Those are the following: obvious abstraction from the position of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, inattention to processes taking place within Azerbaijani society, emotional involvement of a part of expert community in conflict interaction, difficulties in accurate defining Armenia's goals regarding Nagorno-Karabakh during the mentioned period.