Muslim League Research Articles

The Levy System in East Bengal and its Impact on the Peasantry (1949-1967)

The peasants of Bengal have been living through exploitation since ancient times. The intensity of exploitation of farmers increased manifold from the ancient period to the colonial period. The main reason for this was that on the one hand, the land tax or rent paid to the state during the pre-British period was increased many times and on the other hand, apart from rent, many kinds of abwabs were levied on the peasants. During the British era, the farmers thought that this exploitation and deprivation would end if the country became independent. But after the departure of the British in 1947, in the independent state of Pakistan, the farmers of East Bengal were subjected to exploitation and oppression as in the colonial period. During the Pakistan period, like the British period, the taxes and abwabs paid to the state were increased. Moreover, the levy system, a unique type of agricultural land tax that was assessed based on the total production of the farmer's total land, was introduced by the Muslim League government. As a result, the level of exploitation and oppression of the farmers of East Bengal increased manifold during the Pakistan period. Based on primary and secondary sources, this paper attempts to provide a comprehensive understanding of the introduction of the levy system and investigate its impact on the farmers. The paper will also shed light on the reactions of politicians and peasants to this newly introduced levy system in East Bengal during the Pakistan period. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh (Hum.), Vol. 69(1), 2024, pp. 107-121

The Quit Kashmir Movement 1946

The Cabinet Mission aimed to negotiate the transfer of power and the future structure of government with Indian leaders particularly with the Indian National congress and Muslim league. The future of the princely states was one of the mission's most major concerns. As soon the members arrived in Kashmir, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah the president of the National Conference submitted a memorandum to its members that demanded not just a responsible government under the aegis of the Maharaja but also the Kashmiri people's right to absolute freedom from the autocratic rule of the Dogra House. The Quit Kashmir movement was launched to pressure the oppressive Dogra government to grant sovereignty to the people of Kashmir. The National Conference by launching the Quit Kashmir had emerged as a principal national organization advocated for political, social, and economic changes to end privilege and raise the masses. The Dogra despot’s barbarism was unashamed in trampling unwarned people who dared to speak the truth and demand their freedom. This paper explores the circumstances that led Sheikh Abdullah to start the Quit Kashmir Movement and highlights the state response against the Movement.

Post-Truth Politics: An Analysis of News Channel’s Coverage of Political Leaders’ Speeches in Public Processions in Pakistan

This study attempts to find out the symptoms of post-truth political culture — politics of emotions rather than rational political debate — in the context of Pakistan. The data in the form of political speeches of politicians from March to July 2022 was taken from Youtube. Political speeches of leaders of four main political parties of Pakistan were analyzed: Imran Khan from Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), Maryam Nawaz from Pakistan Muslim league (PML-N), Bilawal Bhutto Zardari from Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), and Maulana Fazal Ur Rehman from Jamiat-Ulema-Islami (JUI-F). Using the quantitative content analysis method, the content of 26 speeches, consisting of almost 854 minutes, was broken down into nine categories: policy, facts, false statements, religion, party, promises, performance, public issues, and opposition. Agenda setting theory laid the theoretical approach to observe post-truth dilemmas in political speeches in the public processions. The observed categories were compared across all politicians descriptively: the speeches had 2% facts; 4% false statements; 5% discussion on policy making; 41% arguments attacking the opponent political party; 12% religious references; 12% promises; 10% arguments were about the leader’s own political party; 5% were based on their past performance; whilst, only 9% addressed the public issues.

Political and Public Discourse in the backdrop of 'Regime Change' in Pakistan (2022): A Thematic Analysis of the Facebook pages of PTI, PML-N and PPP

In today’s day and age, the social media platforms like Facebook and Twitter have converted a rather conventionally one way ‘political communication’ process into an effective and influential two-way communication process. This two-way communication process has an impact on the political communication phenomenon all around the world. Bearing in mind this aspect the researcher has attempted to explore how and to what extent the ‘public discourse’ matched or differed from the ‘political discourse’ regarding the political ‘regime change’ in Pakistan that took place in the first half of the April 2022. Employing the ‘Framing’ as theoretical basis the researcher has attempted to determine how the ‘regime change’ was framed in the political and public discourse. The researcher has employed thematic analysis as methodological tool in this study to identify, analyze and interpret the meanings within the political and public discourse in the backdrop of the ‘regime change’ appeared in the Facebook pages of the top three political parties in Pakistan i.e. Pakistan Tehreek-E-Insaaf (PTI), Pakistan Muslim League- Nawaz (PML-N) and Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP).

مولانا عبدالحامد بدایونی کی دینی و ملی خدمات کی عصری افادیت کا تحقیقی مطالعہ

Maulānā Abdul Ḥāmid Badāyunī (1901-1970) was an eminent scholar, orator and politician. He enthusiastically participated and supported the Khilāfat Movement, and courageously opposed the Shuddhi movement. Moreover, he was unanimously selected as a member of the Majlis-e-Moied-Islām and Muslim Conference. He continuously and unceasingly tutelaged the Muslims of Hind from the platform of the All India Sunnī Conference (1925-1947). He set a record of ceaseless and untiring struggle with his involvement in the All-India Muslim League (1937-1945). Notably, he played an important role in conducting a successful referendum in N.W.F.P province; therefore, he is also remembered as a liberator of N.W.F.P (Fateh Sarhad). He is considered a close companion of Quaid-e-Azam Muḥammad Alī Jinnāḥ. After the independence of Pākistān, he became the president of Jamiat Ulemā Pākistān. Furthermore, he stood by the armed forces of Pākistān during the 1965 war and participated in immigrant relief activities. His stance regarding the Palestine issue was explicit and categorical. His National contributions will always be remembered in the history of Pākistān.

Beyond good and evil: imagined nation in Hindi films

ABSTRACT The influence of Indian films on popular culture and the influence of dominant political ideology on Indian films are interspersed with dialectical variations. Although a binary representation of these subtleties remains elusive, while promoting ideological superstructures in society, ‘the relatively mixed, confused, incomplete, or inarticulate consciousness' is replaced with a ‘generalised system'. In practice, the tendencies governing public emotions during moments of crisis are employed as tropes in Bollywood films. However, the ontology of political underpinnings and subversive ideological possibilities that enmesh lived experiences remain smothered by an unproblematic representation of historical events. With this rationale, the paper analyses three Bollywood films Panipat (2019), Tanhaji (2020) and Samrat Prithviraj (2022). These films seem to auger the idea of Dharma and Ramrajya in the construction of a Nation catering to the populist notion of a safe and secure nation under just Hindu rule. The paper argues that these films cater to the framework of historiography promulgated by the colonial historians on one hand; and function as a contrapuntal response to the ideological moorings of the leaders of the All-India Muslim League. This objective is achieved by a stereotypical and binary projection of good and evil by glossing over the ‘mixed consciousness’.

Cultural Exchange vs. Marginality: A Project for an Islamic Culture House in Genoa, Italy

Social marginalization at the urban scale can stem from an ingrained fear within opposing societal blocs that their identity is inevitably destined to be undermined, or even lost, due to cultural conflicts. This article argues that the design of projects that juxtapose different cultural traditions and practices and encourage an openness to the exchange of knowledge and learning can both promote the reinforcement of identity, and set the stage for the willing and mutual acceptance of difference. With this perspective as a starting point, this article explores an unrealized project for an Islamic Culture House in Genoa, Italy, intended to be a place in which Islamic culture can be shared with the Christian and non-Christian residents of the city. This unrealized project, which received the European Muslim League’s support in 2012, proposes the transformation of an old building located in the Darsena area, the dockyards of Genoa, into a centre of Islamic culture.

Investigating the Framing of the Tweets of Three Leading Political Parties of Pakistan

Online media let politicians speak with their crowd straightforwardly, especially during political proceedings. This study examined the media frames Pakistani politicians used while covering a Twitter political campaign in the Kashmir election. The study contained content analysis. This study mainly examined the three political parties, Pakistan Tehreek e Insaf (PTI), Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz), and Pakistan People's Party (PPP), and political representatives Imran Khan, Bilawal Zardari, and Mariam Nawaz’s political tweets. Tweets were collected from 25th June to 25th July 2021 and revealed eight frames (Word choice, Metaphors, Exemplars, Descriptions, Arguments, Visual Images, Depict, and Catchphrases) with different percentages in the relevant tweets. Results further indicated that Politicians use the hashtag in their official tweets. PPP used more metaphors than PMLN and PTI. PPP used more Catchphrases than PMLN and PTI. PTI used more word choices than PMLN and PPP. PMLN comparatively used more frames than PTI and PPP. PTI used more visual images than PMLN and PPP. Maryam Nawaz used more metaphors in comparison to Imran Khan and Bilawal Zardari. Imran Khan used more word choices than Maryam Nawaz and Bilawal Zardari. Maryam Nawaz used more Visual Images while tweeting than Bilawal Zardari and Imran Khan. Additionally, there were similarities between political leaders’ tweets and their official party page tweets. The frames that political representative’s emphasis is different from their party tweets’ frame strategy. Thus, this study concluded that the research findings specify that the choosing Twitter was a significant framing tool for campaigning and was resourcefully used to disseminate campaign apprises, endorse political accomplishments, and staying connected with the potential followers.

Women's political participation in the socio-cultural environment of Pakistan: A critical review of mainstream political parties (2018-2022)

Although women make up half of Pakistan's population, their participation in politics has historically been limited. While women today are more politically active and articulate than in the past, their involvement is still hindered by various factors, including patriarchal structures, a genderbiased socio-cultural environment, and a conservative interpretation of Islam. This study utilizes qualitative methods to assess the participation of women as voters and candidates by examining the roles of far-right (Jamaate-Islami), central (Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz and Pakistan Tehreek-eInsaf) and left (Pakistan People Party Parliamentarian) political parties in the 2008, 2013, and 2018 elections. Relevant secondary sources, including the selected parties' manifestos, have been analyzed through content analysis to establish the appropriate context. The research findings indicate that although regulatory efforts aim to increase women's representation, political parties frequently prioritize female candidates with preexisting political backgrounds. Nevertheless, it is worth mentioning that the parties' ideological positions significantly impact their dedication to female political participation and representation. Although political parties have made some progress in improving women's representation and participation in elections, it is clear that a significant and ongoing dedication is necessary to close the gender gap in political engagement.

Two-Nation Theory and division of the Indian Subcontinent: analysing the idealist and revisionist perspectives

Two-Nation Theory, long regarded as the linchpin of the partition of the Indian Subcontinent in 1947, has come under scrutiny by revisionist scholars who seek to challenge and question the prevailing idealism surrounding this historical division. Revisionist perspectives offer a critical analysis of the Two-Nation Theory by contesting its oversimplified portrayal of Muslims in the Subcontinent. These scholars assert that the theory, which framed the partition because of irreconcilable religious differences, neglects the intricate tapestry of cultural, linguistic, and regional identities among Muslims. Moreover, revisionists delve into the multifaceted causes of partition, asserting that it cannot be solely attributed to religious disparities. They emphasise the role of political manoeuvring, economic inequalities, power dynamics, and the shortcomings of leadership in shaping this historical event. Revisionist arguments also suggest that political leaders, such as Muhammad Ali Jinnah and the All-India Muslim League, may have strategically employed the Two-Nation Theory to secure advantages during negotiations with the British colonial administration. This challenges the prevailing notion that the demand for a separate Muslim state primarily reflects religious sentiment. This research attempts to contemplate the revisionist perspectives on the Two-Nation Theory, which ultimately led to the division of the Subcontinent.

Partition of India: A Brief Discussion on Mahatma Gandhi Vs Muhammud Ali Jinnah, the Debate over Partition

The aim of the researcher is to deal with “ Partition of India :Mahatma Gandhi vs Muhammad Ali Jinnah the debate over partition”. It also emphasis from where the idea of a partition emerged . As well as who is responsible for the partition of India . Further it provide the information about the important leaders who play a vital role during the time of partition .As well as I also deals with the party whose existence play a important role. It also deals with acts they are as ‘Regulating Act’, Independence Act and Partition of Bengal from where the first partition of India started. As a researcher I try to find the circumstances which made the condition possible for partition . Moreover I also deals with the causes which play a crucial role during the time of partition. After these how Muslim League Party emerged , and how Mohmmad Ali Jinha started to arise his demand for separate states . The Gandhi-Jinnah debate involved a clash between two important personalities of the twentieth century. But it also personified the tensions between two major ideological systems, Hinduism and Islam. It is my conviction that anyone concerned with the issues of world peace and intercultural communication can profit from studying the developments within India in the 1940s. In combining the methods of the historian and rhetorical critic, I have sought to interpret the Partition debate as fairly and objectively as possible. One should not minimize the deep-seated misgivings of Indian Muslims faced with the threat of permanent discrimination by a frequently insensitive and occasionally hostile Hindu majority. At the same time, one must recognize that ultimately Partition was motivated more by politics than theology, and that it not only failed to resolve, but in many ways intensified, the problems of religious and cultural pluralism on the subcontinent.

Nationalism, Revivalism and Pan-Islamism: Shifts in the Political and Cultural Imaginings of Allama Iqbal’s Poetry

This paper argues that contrary to some popular perceptions, the ideological shift in Iqbal dates not from 1930 (when he apparently moved towards the acceptance of the two-nation theory at the Allahabad Session of the Muslim League) but to his stay in Europe from 1905 to 1908 (after which he made a complete and abrupt shift from Indian nationalism to revivalism and Pan-Islamism). This shift is powerfully expressed in the political and cultural imaginings of both his Urdu and Persian poetry. His poetry becomes suffused with the ideas of revivalism and Pan-Islamism in counter-position to those of composite nationhood and territorial nationalism on which the Indian national movement was premised. The shift is embodied in poetic imagery and metaphor incompatible with the modern idea of nationalism, especially the dominant idea of Indian nationalism. Iqbal’s later thoughts concerning Islam’s relations with non-Muslims in India and elsewhere promote an adversarial historical and cultural narrative of Islam. Though triggered by a passionate rejection of the West and its modernity, the shift manifested not just in a critique of the West but also of all non-Islamic cultures and civilizations. Iqbal’s narrative of Islam is teleological and triumphalist. Far from being defensive about the charges of intolerance and aggression levelled against Islam by its critics, he proudly invokes imagery of the sword and the conquest in the history of Islam, while bemoaning the decline of its political power in the modern era. Iqbal’s quest is for a supposedly pure Islam of the past and its revival in the twentieth century in the form of a redefined, reconstituted and revitalized Umma which cuts across boundaries of nations, continents and ethnicities. Few poets in the history of the modern world have had such influence as Allama Iqbal, and fewer still have made such fundamental shifts.

Region, religion, and locality: revisiting Punjab politics and the Unionist Party, 1923–1947

AbstractThis article revisits a series of articles published in the early 1980s on Punjab politics in the pre-partition decade that grew out of my thesis ‘The Growth of the Muslim League in the Punjab’ which was supervised by Francis Robinson. It initially locates the publications in the existing literature, before assessing the extent to which subsequent research has enriched academic understanding. The article concludes with some brief reflections on the conceptualisation of the Unionist Party's power-sharing as a form of consociationalism.

Religio-Political Dynamism in the 20th Century Colonial India and Subsequent Muslim Response: A Case Study of the Punjab Province

Religio-Political Dymanism is a term that was coined in the 20th century political milieu especially in the perspective of famous Khilafat Movement in the backdrop of the World War I (1914-1919). The entire ‘Muslim India’ stood with their Turkish Brethren at that time of turmoil and upheaval in order to provide them helping hand against the ominous British Imperial designs to disintegrate centuries old Ottoman Empire. This movement that could later be called a mother of all other movements like Tehrik-i- Hijrat (Migration Movement) of 1919-1920, Tehrik-i-Tark-i-Mawalat of 1919-1920 (Non-cooperation Movement) and Tehrik-i-Nafarmani of 1929-1930 (Civil Disobedience Movement). It was for the first time in Indian History that Ulama (Muslim religious scholars as they were called by the community) and Masha’ikh (commonly called as pirs:spiritual guides) arrived into political arena and later this nexus or liaison was established on more profound and stable grounds. This early immature unison failed to prove its worth as the issue of Khilafat was extra-terestrial and was called as an ‘international problem’ by some seasoned politicians like Iqbal and Jinnah. They were of the view that changes and challenges on international scenario were under rapid changes and could not solely be controlled by Indian Muslims who were already in the bonds of slavery and the roots of International Imperialism were very deep which could not easily be deracinated. However; this religio political dymanism proved its effectivity during the decisive phase of freedom movement when the religio-political relationship between religious ranks and All India Muslim League used ‘religion’ as effective tool to attract and convince ‘Muslim India’ under the banner of two-nation theory. ‘Muslim Response’ as another effective term applied in Indian political milieu is actually the counter-strategy of Muslim political intelligentsia to mainly cope with the propaganda of Indian National Congress, the represenatative of Hindu Majority in the garb of so-called ‘nationalism’. Although a faction of Ulama supported the nationalist’s agenda of Congress. So they were called as ‘nationalist Ulama’ who opposed All India Muslim League demand for a separate homeland. Another faction of Muslims called Unionists were the landlords of Punjab, ‘the landed aristocracy’ who were previliged by the British Colonizers in order to subdue the Indian subjects of rural areas. During the War of Independence, this artificially created class appeased their colonial ‘benefactors’. These land artiatocrats like Sir Fazl-e-Hussain, Sir Sikander Hayat Khan, Sir Chhotu Ram, etc established their own political party in 1923. They worked for their own vested interests and nothing to do with the common folk. They were so powerful in Punjab that Jinnah had to sign a pact with them to seek help for the Muslim unity, called Jinnah-Sikandar Pact in 1937, as AIML had badly failed in 1937 General Elections. In order to curb their power, it was quite advisable to adopt another strategy so ‘religio-political nexus’ of Ulama-League which was later transformed into ‘religio-political dymanism’ by the dint of political circumstances filled this gap. The research paper in hand explains the political process and circumstancial pressure that brought AIML and Ulama closer and also highlights the fact that a considerable faction of Ulama, the Ulama-i-Ahl-i-Sunnat worked voluntarily, unconditionally and were sincere with cause of Islam and Pakistan and this fact was proved after the partition of India that they did not demand any reward from the newly established administrative set up.

Nawab Bahadur Yar Jang: A Catalyst in the Formation of Pakistan

Nawab Bahadur Yar Jang was a prominent leader in the freedom movement in the State of Hyderabad, playing a significant role in the socio-political activities of his time. He is remembered for his inspiring speeches, delivered with fiery oratory skills in Urdu, that captured the attention of millions of people at the local and national level. During his 39 years of service to the nation from 1905–1944, he formed socio-political organizations to safeguard the interests of his community, including the State Muslim League, which protected the political rights of Muslims in the state of Hyderabad. Jang not only projected the demands of Muslims through this organization, but also played a pivotal role in carrying the message of the Muslim League to other states. Jang's dynamic role in generating political awakening and uniting the States Muslims under the platform of the Muslim League was crucial in cultivating social and political consciousness, which paved the way for the creation of Pakistan. This paper focuses on his invaluable services in cultivating the social and political consciousness of States Muslims, bringing success to the Muslim League in the Northwest Front. As far as the methodology of the present study is concerned, it is based on quantitative historical-descriptive approach. Various sources have been consulted for the present study including primary and secondary sources.

Education and Communalism in Colonial India: The Context of the 1930s

The decade of the 1930s appears to be one of the most tumultuous as well as complex in the timeline of India’s anti-colonial struggle. It witnessed a close interplay of community-based identities and their politico-cultural manifestations. Education was one such important cultural attribute which increasingly pervaded the political domain. Its various manifestations, viz., language, script, textbooks and curriculum, etc., gradually acquired political connotations. Such a process began with the nineteenth-century socio-religious reform movements when in the pursuit of cultural nationalism, education and its symbols were appropriated to create community-specific cultural identities. One of the key objectives of this article is to delineate the process by which this appropriation resurfaced with much more vigour during the 1930s; this time associating itself with the idea of separate nationhood. Thus, the category of education was used as an agency to create and further accentuate sociocultural identities with specific political dimensions. Also, a critical observation of the ideological tussle, associated with the various symbols of education during the 1930s, along with the structures of British colonialism would unravel the process which culminated in the Pakistan Resolution of the Muslim League (1940) and ultimately the Partition of India. This would also reveal that amongst a section of Muslims, cultural alienation preceded political alienation.

ELECTORAL POLITICS OF PAKISTAN MUSLIM LEAGUE (QUAID-E-AZAM) 2002-2020

PMLQ has a political career spanning over decades. Their political career is full of landmarks where they proved themselves as a party working for the betterment of Pakistan. Also, their political struggle is reminiscent of their sincerity towards service, for the prosperity of Pakistan. In a nutshell, if we look at the decades-long political struggle of PMLQ it can be deduced that though today they do not have the same political stature that they had in their early years of inception, it would be a miscalculation to entirely write them off from the political scenario of Pakistan. During their early years of inception, PMLQ was known as one of the greatest and most impactful political parties of Pakistan. It didn’t have to do much to prove this due to being affiliated with the independence movement and letter its leaders being prominent former members of the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz). It was after their disassociation with the PMLN that Pakistan Muslim League Quaid began its actual movement of struggle.

An Analysis of Taliban Conflict in daily Dawn during Three Regimes in Pakistan

This study analyzes news reports on the Taliban conflict published in the daily Dawn newspaper to identify the factors responsible for shifts in press narratives in an environment of diverse and conflicting voices over the period 2001-2015. The study shows different reporting patterns during the governments of the Pakistan Muslim League Quaid-i-Azam, PML (Q) led by President Pervez Musharraf, the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), and the Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PML-N). Using quantitative content analysis and using the conceptual framework of political contest theory, this study examines how the competing positions of political actors were mediated by the journalistic agency. The results show that the selected newspaper treated the official and dissenting sources differently during different regimes, meaning that press support for official or dissenting sources constantly changed according to the changing political environment. In addition, the results related to the press's treatment of tones in headlines indicate that the positive, negative, and neutral trend toward government policies during the Taliban conflict in different regimes did not remain static and was constantly changing. Keywords: State-Press Relations, War, Taliban Conflict, Newspapers, Content Analysis, Political Contest Theory

Role of Sir Sahibzada Abdul Qaiyum Khan in constitutional reforms in the North-West Frontier Province of the British India

This paper analyses the services of Sahibzada Abdul Qaiyum Khan in granting constitutional reform to North-West Frontier. Quaid-i-Azam of Sarhad, Sahibzada Abdul Qaiyum, after his retirement from government service in 1919, started a struggle for constitutional reforms to the North-West Frontier. The constitutional reforms introduced in British India since its inception in 1901 were not extended timely to North-West Frontier, due to which it remained a Chief Commissioner's Province till 1932. Sahibzada Abdul Qaiyum pleaded the case on all fronts, including the Bray Committee, Indian Legislative Assembly, Delhi Proposals, annual sessions of All India Muslim League, Simon Commission, Haig Committee, and Round Table Conferences held in London. After a long struggle, North-West Frontier was levelled from a Commissioner Province to a Governor Province, and a Legislative Council was formed in 1932. After the elections, Sahibzada Abdul Qaiyum was elected as the Minster of the Transferred Departments of N-W.F.P. After five years, according to the Act of 1935, the Legislative Assembly was formed, and he was elected as the first Chief Minister of N-W.F.P. in 1937. The article reviewed primary and secondary data available in the provincial archives, Peshawar, National Documentation Centre, Islamabad, British Library, London, and other libraries.

Pakistan, Pan-Islamism, and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation

Pan-Islamism had resonated strongly with Muslim political leaders of the Indian sub-continent, including those inspired by Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī, credited with coining the term. These political leaders included prominent members of the All-India Muslim League, who were at the forefront of the Indian Muslims’ struggle for a separate homeland that led to the creation of Pakistan in 1947. It is therefore no surprise that Islam and pan-Islamism became key features of the new state of Pakistan; however, domestic and geopolitical realities demanded a different approach to addressing the country’s key national interests, i.e., security through economic development. This article analyzes Pakistan’s policy on the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) to understand how far Islamabad has advanced its national interests through the OIC. Based on the interviews of elites and key opinionmakers in Islamabad, this paper argues that pan-Islamist ideals in Pakistan’s foreign policy were confronted by reality soon after Pakistan’s creation. The geopolitical realities of India have kept security concerns paramount and all-consuming. Consequently, pan-Islamism has been pragmatically used by Pakistan, especially within the OIC, for not just ideological reasons but also for material and diplomatic gains.