Muslim Elites Research Articles

Muslims and Politics in Postcolonial Mozambique

This is a collection of previously published articles addressing the relationship between the post-colonial state under the Frelimo government and Muslims of Mozambique. The book aims at understanding the state's policies towards religion and secularity, the formation of Muslim elites and counter-elites, and inter-religious and inter-Muslim competition and conflicts between 1975 and 2022. The last chapter of the book attempts to provide a historical interpretation for the origins and evolution of the current jihadi insurgency in Cabo Delgado.

Muslims for and Against Slavery: Debates on the European Abolitionism Within the Muslim Elite of Saint-Louis, Senegal (1844)

ABSTRACT This article explores the efforts of an inquiry in Saint-Louis, Senegal to abolish slavery in the nascent French colony between 1842 and 1844. It discusses the perspectives of a professional Muslim elite and highlights those who resisted slavery and those resisting abolition. The article thus demonstrates the complex positions Muslims took in facing emancipation and their implications for relationships between them and French colonialism. On the one hand, those Muslims in favour of the ransoming of enslaved people cited the Quran to assert the conditions under which slavery was permitted or denied, stressing the illegality of the current practice in Saint-Louis. On the other hand, those resisting emancipation claimed that abolitionism would destroy their society and traditional ways of living. Debates revolved around the organization of labour markets and the indemnity proposed by the French government to release captives from African or European masters. Those for and against slavery both drew their arguments on Islamic tenets, which shows that different ideas of liberty and society were mostly grounded in social classes rather than a single Islamic discourse.

The Gendered Necropolitics of Migration Control in a French Postcolonial Periphery

Abstract This article examines the postcolonial politics of migration control in Mayotte, an overseas French department, and argues that these bear necropolitical consequences. It sheds light on the gendered dimension of this necropolitical power by focusing on the life and border-crossing experiences of undocumented Comorian women. Entrenched barriers to the regularization of their administrative status endanger their access to healthcare and degrade the conditions for life long-term. The constant risk of arrest and massive forced removals furthermore engender dangerous border crossings, each instance exposing the passengers to the risk of death. The article also foregrounds that these necropolitics are exacerbated as a result of the postcolonial conundrum in which Mahoran elites find themselves, with the increasing support of Black and Muslim elites for the French far-right political party.

Effects of fasting during Ramadan month on soccer-specific technical performance, cognitive function, and perceptions in soccer players

ABSTRACT We aimed to examine the effects of Ramadan fasting (RF) and high-intensity short-term maximal performance on elite soccer players’ shooting accuracy, executive function (EF), and perceptions. Sixteen Muslim elite players fasting during Ramadan underwent assessments before (BR), during (DR), and after Ramadan (AR). Soccer-specific technical performance was evaluated using the Loughborough Soccer Shooting Test (LSST) before and after a 5-metre shuttle run test (5mSRT), conducted at the same time-of-day (17:00 h). Performance metrics recorded included higher distance (HD), total distance (TD), and fatigue index (FI). RPE after a 5-min warm-up and each repetition of the 5mSRT were obtained, and the mean RPE score was calculated. Trail Making Test (TMT Parts A and B) were used after the warm-up and the 5mSRT. Perceived difficulty (PD) was assessed following the LSST. HD, TD, and FI were not affected by RF (p > 0.05). DR, RPE and accuracy scores in the LSST were significantly lower after the 5mSRT compared to BR (1.29 vs. 1.24 AU; 1.29 vs. 1.24, respectively). In conclusion, RF had no adverse effects on physical performance. However, when combined with high-intensity running sessions, RF may impact accuracy and PD, and these adverse effects seem to have been translated into EF.

Islamic Faith as an Ethnic Identity Marker: Overview of Sri Lanka Muslim Identity Formation, Politicization, and Violence

Since the late-19th century, for political expediency, the Sri Lankan Muslims have used Islam as a marker of identity difference which has suffered due to the tensions of religious and ethnic identity markers. Unlike Tamils and Sinhalese ethnic groups, Sri Lanka Muslim elites did not choose language as their primary identity marker but sought to differentiate themselves based on the practices and traditions of Islamic faith. These tensions have manifested in several ways, however, following the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks, there has been a great strain placed on Muslim representation as questions have been asked as to whether the religious identity has laid the foundations for the radicalization of the Muslims, especially in the wake of global Islamophobia and concerns about security. Therefore, it is important to answer questions related to Islamic identity manifestation in Sri Lanka: What is the role of an Islamic religious identity in radicalizing Sri Lankan Muslims? Why did Sri Lanka become a convenient place for IS’ activities? Did religious identity alone cause the radicalization of some Muslims? This article would attempt to answer these questions by (1) revisiting the Muslim community’s identity formation before the independence, (2) explaining Islamic identity in the post-independence Sri Lanka and the political representation to win votes and mobilize support during the ethnic civil war between Tamils and Sinhalese, and (3) analyzing factors that contributed to the radicalization of Muslims, and Islam. Drawing mostly on secondary sources, the article attempts to situate Sri Lanka Muslims’ identity formation in Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict and reconciliation. Using answers from interviews conducted through Zoom, WeChat, and WhatsApp, the article assesses the behavior of Sri Lanka Muslims in the face of the 2019 terrorist attack by some Muslims. The article finds that religious identity alone is not sufficient to trigger violence, as evidence suggests that underlying socio-economic as well as political grievances produce polarization and radical actions. We argue that long-standing arguments tying radical actions solely to religion may require substantial revision and need to be situated within a wider frame of national reconciliation especially if it does not consider existing contexts.

ISLAM, WESTERNIZATION AND THE ROOTS OF MODERNISM IN MUSLIM LAND

This paper Islam, westernization and the roots of modernism in Muslim land is aim at providing the need insight and the causes of the negative effects of the western modernism among Muslims. The paper discussed the western and Islamic modernization and how both of the civilization contributed to the progress of humanity and how the western modernization has negatively affected the Muslim Ummah around the world. It was discovered that Muslim elites has contributed to the infiltration of the western world into Muslim land either due their quest for power in their various countries. It is also revealed that imitators of the western life styles by Muslims most especially those who have traveled to study in either Europe and America only returned to imitate and spread such tendencies in their societies. It was discovered that Islam follows the wind of change once it is not against the true teachings of Islam and moral values as of Islam. The researchers employed desk review method as a mode of data and information for this research where major literary work was utilised. The paper concluded that, Islam accepted any change that comes it way in as far as it does not go social, economic, political and moral system of Islam as taught in the Qur’an and Sunnah of the Prophet (may peace and blessings of Allah be upon him).

The Muslim Elite of the South Caucasus in the First Half — Middle 19th Century: Between the Tsar, Shah and Sultan

The Muslim Elite of the South Caucasus in the First Half — Middle 19th Century: Between the Tsar, Shah and Sultan

Hajj Humanitarianism

This article explores how pilgrimage to Arabia became the catalyst for Northern Nigerian Muslim leaders to develop a kind of humanitarianism for the poor to expand their political power in the era of independence from Britain and postcolonial Afro-Arab alliance-making. Muslim elites forced the British to provide welfare for poor pilgrims who conducted the pilgrimage over land through Sudan and then undertook their own relief and reform as means to resist national integration with Southern Nigeria and bolster their reputation and influence in the Muslim world. Muslim West Africans did not simply side with Sudanese or Saudi Arabian officials in the matter of hajj but instead critiqued Arab racism and enslavement of Africans while also playing on British and American fears of communism in Africa and attempts to use Islam and religious discourse more broadly to create alliances with Muslim Nigerians. Hajj humanitarianism reveals careful Nigerian negotiations of global politics during the Cold War and non-Western involvement in international humanitarianism, which has been treated as a largely Euro-American phenomenon.

A Theological Legitimation of Khusain Faizkhanov’s Pedagogical Project

This article deals with Khusain Faizkhanov (1823–1866) as an Islamic theologian. This aspect of his thought was rarely studied in numerous publications about his work — his orientalist or pedagogical heritage invariably came to the fore, in isolation from its religious roots. This is not accidental, since the thinker did not leave behind explicit theological works. Nevertheless, the complexity of the problem does not relieve us of the need to solve it. As will be shown below, without understanding the theological dimension of Faizkhanov’s thought, essential aspects of his educational activities are also missed. The thinker proposed a kind of theological legitimation of secular knowledge, which was important for him both on a personal level and in the context of social pragmatics. The social consequence of this legitimization, refl ected primarily in the project of reform of religious education, was to be the formation of an educated Muslim elite of the modern type.

Of histories (un)shared: India – Pakistan, postage stamps, and 1857

ABSTRACT While much has been written about how imperialist and Indian nationalist historiographies have approached 1857, scant attention has been paid to how it has been remembered in Pakistan. This article endeavours to explore the ways in which 1857 has been articulated by the state in India and Pakistan through a study of their commemorative postage stamps. On the face of it, India's emphasis on nonviolence and Pakistan's quest for an Islamic history make 1857 a misfit within the historiographies of both states. However, the paper outlines that during the centenary in 1957, both India and Pakistan commemorated 1857 while maintaining some discursive distance from it. While Pakistan chose to memorialise it as the beginning of its struggle for independence, India recessed it within the broader framework of independence itself. The paper goes on to demonstrate how this position has changed drastically over the years. In order to weave a composite and inclusive history of the country, India now celebrates the legacy of 1857 by appropriating it within the frames of national unity, patriotism, and anti-imperialism. Pakistan, on the other hand, uses 1857 merely as a means to segue into a discussion of reform efforts led by the subcontinent's Muslim elite, thereby relegating it to the background of the Pakistan movement.

Moderate Muslim in Indonesia: Views of Muslim Elite toward Religious and Socio-political Issues

This article explores the views of Muslim elites regarding religious and socio-political issues as a means of explaining moderate Islam in Indonesia. Specifically, its aim is to shed light on this matter by mapping the ideological spectrum of Muslim elites’ perspectives on significant religious and political issues. A solid understanding of the socio-political context and the viewpoints of the elite is a crucial step towards comprehending the development of religious and political attitudes among the general population and the resulting impact on the social and political progress of the country. Based on fieldwork, this article argues that the majority of Muslim elites lean towards a moderate stance when it comes to perceiving ideological matters. Nevertheless, some still exhibit a tendency towards conservatism. It is important to note that this study is limited in its geographical scope. Consequently, further research should encompass various regions of Indonesia to provide a more comprehensive and holistic perspective.

The Gendered Necropolitics of Migration Control in a French Postcolonial Periphery

This article examines the postcolonial politics of migration control in Mayotte, an overseas French department, and argues that these bear necropolitical consequences. It sheds light on the gendered dimension of this necropolitical power by focusing on the life and border-crossing experiences of undocumented Comorian women. Entrenched barriers to the regularization of their administrative status endanger their access to healthcare and degrade the conditions for life long-term. The constant risk of arrest and massive forced removals furthermore engender dangerous border crossings, each instance exposing the passengers to the risk of death. The article also foregrounds that these necropolitics are exacerbated as a result of the postcolonial conundrum in which Mahoran elites find themselves, with the increasing support of Black and Muslim elites for the French far-right political party.

Revisiting the Minority Imagination: An Inquiry into the Anticaste Pasmanda-Muslim Discourse in India

AbstractThe article explores the emergent tension between the minority imagination and anticaste politics among India’s most significant religious minority, the Muslims. Since the late 1990s, the mobilization of lowered-caste Muslims in the form of the Pasmanda movement has increasingly challenged the hegemony of the so-called high-caste Ashraf Muslims. The nascent Pasmanda counterdiscourse has contested the critical elements of the entrenched Muslim-minority discourse: identity and the religio-cultural, security and interreligious (communal) violence, and equity and affirmative action. The monolithic image of the Muslim community has been dispelled, and the Muslim-minority discourse has been characterized as a machination for preserving and reproducing the Muslim elite interests. The article maps the Pasmanda discourse and locates it as an instance within the evolving literature on the analytical limitations of the concept of minority to address the justice claims of emergent political subjectivities. The Pasmanda contestations present a sharp anomaly to the existing Muslim-minority discourse and indicate a paradigmatic shift.

Rashid Rida: A “Passage to India”... and Kuwait

In May 1912, under the combined influence of the reformist currents of Egypt and the Indian Ocean, the first school described as “modern” in the country, was created in Kuwait. At the same time, the tenth congress of the Association of Indian Ulemas was held in Lucknow, bringing together reformist intellectuals influenced by the legacy of the famous Sayyid Ahmad Khan who died in 1898. The presence of the Syrian thinker Rashid Rida at these two events is a little-known historical fact, despite its importance, right when the ideas of reformism were experiencing an unprecedented increase in circulation in the major port cities of the Persian Gulf. Rida's account of the trip shows how the theme of education was given an unprecedented political and internationalist meaning by the Muslim elites of the Indian Ocean ; a region strongly connected by its port synapses where both mercantile and intellectual networks wove and intertwined together.

The Hard Road to Reform: Curriculum Renewal for Muslim Education in Early Twentieth-Century China

Since the early twentieth century, Chinese Muslim elites have been engaged in a movement aimed at developing a new style of education for Muslim children. These Muslim elites traveled to the Middle East and were influenced by the modernizing movement in the broader Islamic world. The new-style schools were no longer attached to mosques, and their curricula emphasized the inclusion of modern secular subjects. Islamic knowledge and disciplines began to be transmitted as modern subjects when taught in modern institutions. Based on the detailed analysis of historical documents, this paper examines the trajectories of several prominent modern institutions in Beijing to illustrate the key aspects of Muslim educational reform. The Muslim elites in charge of this educational reform share the common goals of promoting education and improved livelihoods for the urban Hui Muslims; to date, however, these goals have been only partially met, and a mismatch has emerged between the new knowledge that students have learned and the occupational composition of the Hui people in Niujie (mainly small traders).

NEGARA DAN MODERNISASI PENDIDIKAN ISLAM DI INDONESIA

The existence of the SKB of three ministers of social, economic, political, cultural and national civilization and for Muslims the three ministerial SKB has meaning, first, the occurrence of social and vertical mobility of madrasa students which so far has been limited to traditional educational institutions (madrasas and Islamic boarding schools), and secondly, opening up opportunities for the possibility of santri children entering the area of ​​work in the modern sector. The existence of Islamic education policies during the New Order era brought changes to Islamic education and the life of the nation, especially Muslims. The birth of a three-ministerial SKB stating that madrasah alumni could continue their education in public schools both at home and abroad.
 And that was born from the process of modernizing Islamic education which began in the early 20th century. In line with the development of social and economic institutions, the Muslim modern elite mostly live in cities, are highly educated, have religious knowledge, work in the New Order bureaucracy and in various secular modern institutions, the social and religious position of the modern Muslim elite makes them have social access. and strong politics. And they spread a lot to membership in the DPR both through Islamic and nationalist parties such as Golkar and others.

Review: Women, Islam, and the Abbasid Identity, by Nadia Maria El Cheikh

Review: <i>Women, Islam, and the Abbasid Identity</i>, by Nadia Maria El Cheikh

In Remembrance of Saints: The Rise and Fall of an Inner Asian Sufi Dynasty By Muḥammad Ṣadiq Kashgari, translated by David Brophy

David Brophy’s translation of this classic East Turkistani hagiography is an extraordinary achievement and a model of the translator’s art. His challenging Chaghatay source text, by Kashgari, is without a doubt the ‘most popular and widely circulating’ (p. xiii) narrative about the Muslim dynasty that ruled a large portion of what is now Xinjiang on the eve of the Chinese conquests. Kashgari was himself a Chinese-allied Muslim elite, and yet he ‘glorifies resistance to non-Muslim rule’ (p. xiv) and, like an eighteenth-century drill rapper, relentlessly calls out China’s Muslim allies as snitches and traitors. While the tale has many diversions and tipsy versified odes to the cupbearer (saqinamas), the heart of it is the dynasty’s struggle against the Chinese and their reviled running-dogs among the non-Muslim Qalmaqs (Kalmyks) as well as among the Muslim Kyrgyz. The typical conflict in Central Asian hagiography is exclusively between Muslims and non-Muslims, so it is notable to find so many Muslim adversaries fighting the heroes here. Indeed, some of the dynasty’s own amirs object to the idea of Muslims fighting Muslims: ‘we are Muslims and our king is a Muslim, and the shariʿa commands that it’s impermissible for Muslims to wage war on Muslims’ (p. 164). A pre-battle fatwā settles the matter: ‘[S]omeone who lends support to the infidels to strengthen their army and increase it therefore belongs to the army of the infidel, i.e. they are an infidel’ (p. 187). Lest the reader think the dynasty goes easy on ‘erstwhile’ co-religionists, the descriptions of warfare are sometimes wildly graphic. One dynast ‘slaughtered a thousand fanatics like sheep and ground grain in a mill driven by their blood’ (p. 43).

Islam in the Chinese Religious Landscape: Secularization of Mosque Leadership in Late Imperial China, 1600–1900

Abstract This paper argues that in late imperial China, leaders of mosques and Muslim communities underwent a secularizing process, shifting from traditional spiritual leaders to social and political Muslim elites in the mainstream Chinese society. Instead of causing a decline of Islam, the process produced seemingly contradictory outcomes. On the one hand, Muslims came to embrace Chinese political ideology and apparatus. On the other hand, mosques and Islamic education flourished in China. Secularization in this case was a “reconfiguration” of Islam – a strategy of Muslims to incorporate themselves into the Chinese polity and society without losing their Islamic features.

The Role of Tablighi Jamâ’’at (Society of Preachers) in the Expansion of Deobandi Mindset

The present study investigates the role of Tablighi Jamâ’at (society of preachers) in expanding the Deobandi Mindset. The study uses a descriptive-analytical method based on library research. The investigations indicated that although the Deobandi scholars have somewhat succeeded in the education of Indian Muslim elites in the middle of Deobandi’s intellectual life, they failed in reviving the spirit of faith amongst the Muslims and could not accomplish their objective of restoring the authority of Hanafi Islam. Based thereon, some individuals educated in Deobandi’s house of science (Dar Al-Olûm) decided to step on a corrective path to revitalize Islam. Elyâs Akhtar started his preaching-corrective movement to promote the Deobandi mindset, the promulgation of which, as viewed by Mohammad Elyâs, needed taking the path of a correctional movement. It had to be a movement capable of telegraphing the mission of Deobandi science house’s sheikhs to the most distant places around the globe. Mohammad Elyâs Kandehlavi did not believe in the educating of the elites in line with his sheikhs’ movement, and, establishing a mobile school, he endeavored to spread Deobandi teachings to all the Muslim social classes.