Multiparty Governance Research Articles

How Traditional Fishing Villages Move Towards Sustainable Management: A Case Study of Industrial Transformation and Multi-Party Governance Models

The purpose of this study is to explore the key roles and functions of institutions or organizations in the process of the spatial activation and industrial transformation of leisure fishing villages and to summarize this operating model. This study takes Xunpu Village, Quanzhou City, Fujian Province as the research object, which is well-known for its recreational fisheries. It mainly uses case study methods and uses on-site surveys and interviews to understand the formation time, spatial distribution, and business type information of the Zanhuawei shops in Xunpu Village. Zanhuawei, which refers to the traditional hairstyle of Xunpu women, was later applied for national intangible cultural heritage status in China. After the outbreak, the spread of Zanhuawei on the Internet inspired a large number of tourists to visit Xunpu Village to experience Zanhuawei. The study found that (1) Zanhuawei industry replaced traditional fishery and became the leading industry type in Xunpu Village. (2) The operating model led by the government and integrating public and private funds has had a stimulating effect on the revitalization of local commercial and residential space, and a large number of idle spaces have been reactivated. (3) The cooperation model between a large number of investors and local fisherwomen has completely changed the economic model of the village. Zanhuawei industry mobilized all official and media resources to promote spatial activation at various scales, including regions, settlements and commercial spaces.

Confidential Consortium Framework: Secure Multiparty Applications with Confidentiality, Integrity, and High Availability

Confidentiality, integrity protection, and high availability, abbreviated to CIA, are essential properties for trustworthy data systems. The rise of cloud computing and the growing demand for multiparty applications however means that building modern CIA systems is more challenging than ever. In response, we present the Confidential Consortium Framework (CCF), a general-purpose foundation for developing secure stateful CIA applications. CCF combines centralized compute with decentralized trust, supporting deployment on untrusted cloud infrastructure and transparent governance by mutually untrusted parties. CCF leverages hardware-based trusted execution environments for remotely verifiable confidentiality and code integrity. This is coupled with state machine replication backed by an auditable immutable ledger for data integrity and high availability. CCF enables each service to bring its own application logic, custom multiparty governance model, and deployment scenario, decoupling the operators of nodes from the consortium that governs them. CCF is open-source and available now at https://github.com/microsoft/CCF.

Multiparty Cabinets and Coalition Governance in the Arab Middle East and North Africa

Abstract This article investigates a specific type of cabinet government in the Arab Middle East and North Africa (mena): the multiparty coalition. Although mostly associated with parliamentary democratic systems, coalition governments are not uncommon in the region, comprising in fact since 1990 a sizeable proportion of the cabinets formed post-election. Drawing on novel data collated by the authors, this article offers new macro-level comparative insights into some of the key parameters of coalition governance, including their formation, composition, and durability. In doing so, the article seeks not only to document and analyse the spectrum of multiparty governance in the Arab mena but advance the development of a research agenda on the subject that, whilst sensitive to local context, engages critically with, and feeds into, the broader coalitions literature.

Pelaksanaan Sistem Pemerintahan Presidensial Dengan Multi Partai Di Indonesia

The government system in post-reform Indonesia is a presidential system with many parties. The advantage of this system is that it is more democratic because many parties are considered to accommodate the wishes and interests of people from various backgrounds through political parties, while the weakness is that it is difficult for the ruling party if it is not in the majority. The purpose of this study was to determine the implementation of a presidential system of multi-party governance in post-reform Indonesia. The results of the study are that in a presidential government system with many parties (multi-party system) such as in Indonesia, it will cause problems if no political party wins the election with a majority vote, the President must build a coalition with a number of political parties that have representatives in the House of Representatives (DPR). DPR). Since the holding of the 1999 and 2004 elections, there have been efforts to simplify political parties, by reducing the number of election participants through the electoral threshold and then changing since 2009 to reducing the number of political parties that may sit in parliament by using the minimum threshold requirement (parliamentary threshold). However, this method has not been successful because there are still relatively many political parties sitting in parliament, this is due to the parliamentary threshold that is too small. Ideally, the parliamentary threshold, which was previously 4% in the 2019 election, is raised to 8% in the 2024 election. Thus, a strong, effective and stable presidential government system with only 4 (four) to 6 (six) political parties will be realized.

A comparative study of Chinese and American public perceptions of shale gas development

This paper examines public perceptions of shale gas development in China and the United States. Public perceptions are important, as they are known to influence public policy at national and local levels of government in both multi-party and single-party governance systems. Online surveys were conducted in several states/provinces in each country, the US survey in 2014 (N = 2833); the China survey in 2016 (N = 1571). Similar survey instruments were used in both countries. The survey results show that the reported levels of public support for shale gas development among Chinese respondents in select provinces are significantly higher than that among US respondents in the states included in this study. Perceptions of the advantages and disadvantages of shale gas have both similarities and differences. Shale gas is perceived favorably in both samples because it is seen as a way to reduce dependence on foreign energy suppliers and strengthen the economy. The potential environmental advantages appear to be relatively more important to Chinese respondents than to American respondents. The statement “shale gas development is good for the environment because it substitutes dirty energy such as coal and oil” is seen as “Extremely important” by 54.23% of all Chinese respondents but by only 33.75% of American respondents. When it comes to the potential disadvantages of shale gas development, concerns about impacts on drinking water quality are important in both samples. Earthquakes related to shale gas is the second most important concern to Chinese respondents but a lesser concern to US respondents. We argue that the results are consistent with risk experiences, a variety of socio-cultural theories, and differences in media coverage in the two countries. Future work should examine how public perceptions in the two countries change over time, and how the stances of environmental groups, government, and industry may influence public opinion.

Rational Reflection in the Post-epidemic Era: Institutional Advantages and Improvement of Governance Efficiency

Currently, the national epidemic prevention and control is still facing the challenges of secondary risk stacking, coordinated optimization of multi-party governance resources, and effective conversion of normal and abnormal conditions. Therefore, systematic thinking should be established in the normalized precision prevention and control and local emergency response, prevention and control should be implemented in accordance with the law, and source governance should be strengthened so as to overcome the risk challenges and improve governance efficiency.

Transition and the Pitfalls of Nondemocratic Institutions: A review of Constitutionality in Ethiopia

Ethiopia has undertaken important political reforms after the fall of authoritarianism in 2018. This article examines the performance of Ethiopia’s constitutional review mechanism amid the ongoing political and institutional reforms in the country. The study focuses on the process and merit of the constitutional ruling to delay the 2020 national and regional elections because of the coronavirus pandemic, thereby extending the government’s tenure. It further unravels the challenges posed by nondemocratic institutions of the past regime in navigating the transition. In doing so, this study draws on legal, documentary and case analysis, and a literature review. While the mandate extension comes as no surprise, the reasoning of the decision to do so was disappointing for many, dashing the hope and sense of a constitutional moment that accompanied the highly publicised constitutional hearing process in June 2020. The judgment reveals an endemic deficiency of the institutional system. Thus, it is imperative for Ethiopia to establish an independent constitutional umpire to check and control the exercise of government power and support the transition to multiparty democratic governance in the country.

Democratic illiteracy: A threat to sustainable democracy and peace in Ghana

Following the political instabilities that have characterised Ghana few years after independence from British colonialists, many were those who thought multiparty democratic governance was the surest way to good governance and sustainable human development. The paper argues that citizens’ uncooperative attitude in governance issues, and leaders’ unpreparedness to be accountable to the citizenry result from lack of democratic acculturation. The way forward to achieving and ensuring good governance and peace in Ghana therefore is an elaborate and sustained democratic education geared toward making democracy a way of life for Ghanaians. The paper is an empirical study founded on current affairs and democratic politics in Ghana. It combines historical and sociological approaches in the interpretation of textual data and empirical observations in the formulation of its reflections. In so doing, it examines what democracy is not, on one hand, and what it is, on the other. Informed-knowledge of these two realities will lead to democratic literacy urgently required for good governance, socio-economic and political development in Ghana. Key words: Democracy, governance, illiteracy, authoritarianism, dictatorship, responsiveness.

European Union’s Rule of Law in Climate Governance and the Enlightenment to China

Climate change has developed into a global problem that threatens human existence. The European Union (EU) was the first to start climate governance, and has formed an effective, mature governance model and the rule of law system. The recognition of climate and social rules has led to the formation of a multi-party governance network. The analysis of the gains and losses of EU climate control aims at deepening our understanding of climate governance laws and providing new ideas for climate governance in different countries. The rapid and extensive development in China has also brought a series of climatic problems, but the “fragmentation” governance scheme has suffered “bottleneck” in the governance effect. This paper introduces the practice and legal experience of European Union climate control to give some enlightenment and promotion to China’s climate control.

Legislative Review and Party Differentiation in Coalition Governments

Multiparty governance requires compromise and this compromise can lead to electoral losses. I argue that coalition members are motivated to differentiate themselves from their cabinet partners to mitigate potential electoral losses resulting from voters perceiving them as not rigorously pursuing their core policy positions or not possessing strong policy stands. I test this argument with original data on the scrutiny of over 2,200 government bills gathered from three parliamentary democracies incorporating information on voter perceptions of partisan ideology and parties’ policy preferences as derived from their manifestos. I find that coalition partners that are perceived as more similar will amend one another’s legislative proposals more vigorously in an effort to differentiate in the eyes of the electorate—to protect their brand—and therefore provide evidence for “pure” vote-seeking behavior in the legislative review process. Furthermore, these original data provide answers to several open questions regarding the policy motivations of cabinet parties in legislative review and the role of committee chairs and external support parties on policy outcomes.

A Year of Living Dangerously? Urban Assertiveness, Cooperative Governance and the First Year of Three Coalition-Led Metropolitan Municipalities in South Africa

ABSTRACTSouth African cities enjoy significant constitutional autonomy and financial independence, meaning that they are well-placed to assert themselves against national and provincial governments, especially in situations of political discordance between different levels of government. This article considers the first year of multi-party coalition-led opposition governance in three South African cities, in attempting to better understand the relationship between cities’ constitutional powers and functions, on the one hand, and their modes of governance, on the other. It focuses on national or provincial attempts to undermine urban governance in opposition-run cities, as well as instances of ‘urban assertiveness’ – city governments conducting themselves in ways that depart from, or oppose, government priorities at regional or national levels.

Business briefs: AnVa Polytech's eco-rubber approved for the pipes and fittings application

Globally, few protected areas exist in areas beyond the jurisdiction of a single state. However, for over 50 years the Antarctic protected areas system has operated in a region governed through multi-national agreement by consensus. We examined the Antarctic Treaty System to determine how protected area designation under a multi-party framework may evolve. The protected areas system, now legislated through the Protocol on Environmental Protection to the Antarctic Treaty and the Convention on the Conservation of Marine Living Resources, remains largely unsystematic and underdeveloped. Since the Antarctic Treaty entered into force in 1961, the original signatory Parties – and Parties with territorial claims in particular − have dominated work towards the designation of protected areas in the region. The distribution of protected areas proposed by individual Parties has largely reflected the location of Parties’ research stations which, in turn, is influenced by national geopolitical factors. Recently non-claimant Parties have become more involved in area protection, with a concurrent increase in areas proposed by two or more Parties. However, overall, the rate of protected area designation has almost halved in the past 10 years. We explore scenarios for the future development of Antarctic protected areas and suggest that the early engagement of Parties in collaborative area protection may strengthen the protected areas system and help safeguard the continent’s values for the future. Furthermore, we suggest that the development of Antarctica’s protected areas system may hold valuable insights for area protection in other regions under multi-Party governance, or areas beyond national jurisdiction such as the high seas or outer space.

The spatial distribution of Antarctica’s protected areas: A product of pragmatism, geopolitics or conservation need?

Globally, few protected areas exist in areas beyond the jurisdiction of a single state. However, for over 50 years the Antarctic protected areas system has operated in a region governed through multi-national agreement by consensus. We examined the Antarctic Treaty System to determine how protected area designation under a multi-party framework may evolve. The protected areas system, now legislated through the Protocol on Environmental Protection to the Antarctic Treaty and the Convention on the Conservation of Marine Living Resources, remains largely unsystematic and underdeveloped. Since the Antarctic Treaty entered into force in 1961, the original signatory Parties – and Parties with territorial claims in particular − have dominated work towards the designation of protected areas in the region. The distribution of protected areas proposed by individual Parties has largely reflected the location of Parties’ research stations which, in turn, is influenced by national geopolitical factors. Recently non-claimant Parties have become more involved in area protection, with a concurrent increase in areas proposed by two or more Parties. However, overall, the rate of protected area designation has almost halved in the past 10 years. We explore scenarios for the future development of Antarctic protected areas and suggest that the early engagement of Parties in collaborative area protection may strengthen the protected areas system and help safeguard the continent’s values for the future. Furthermore, we suggest that the development of Antarctica’s protected areas system may hold valuable insights for area protection in other regions under multi-Party governance, or areas beyond national jurisdiction such as the high seas or outer space.

The Electoral Implications of Coalition Policy Making

Coalition governance requires parties to come to collective policy decisions while simultaneously competing for votes. This reality has inspired a vibrant literature on coalition policy making, which is focused on legislative organization and behavior, though it is not clear how it affects the electorate. This article addresses this gap in the literature by examining how voters’ perceptions of compromise in coalition policy making affect their vote choices. Analyzing data from six parliamentary democracies where multiparty governance is the norm, it finds that voters punish parties they view as compromising. More specifically, voters are found to discount the policy accomplishments and policy promises of compromising parties, and that this tendency is more pronounced among previous incumbent cabinet supporters and the politically disinterested. These findings have important implications for the study of voting as well as coalition policy making.

Eradication of the non-native Poa pratensis colony at Cierva Point, Antarctica: A case study of international cooperation and practical management in an area under multi-party governance

The on-going introduction of non-native species to Antarctica due to expanding human activity presents an increasing threat to biodiversity. Under the Protocol on Environmental Protection to the Antarctic Treaty, all introduced non-native species should be removed from the Antarctic Treaty area. The non-native grass Poa pratensis was first introduced to Cierva Point (Danco Coast, Antarctic Peninsula), along with substantial quantities of non-Antarctic soil, in the mid-1950s. Consistent with the Protocol, in January 2015 an internationally coordinated team undertook the eradication of the grass. Immediately prior to removal of P. pratensis, factors affecting its establishment, persistence and impacts upon local indigenous species was examined within the international management framework of the Antarctic Treaty System. The underlying soil had a high organic content of 15.5%, which may have contributed to the successful establishment of P. pratensis and restricted, at least initially, its vegetative growth to the enriched area. Examination of P. pratensis expansion from the original introduction sites showed that the plant colony intricate root system facilitated little or no coexistence of other native plants within its extent. The non-native plant colony also constituted a novel habitat for soil fauna within Antarctic terrestrial environments. The P. pratensis plant colony provided an unfavorable habitat for two of the locally endemic soil invertebrates, Cryptopygus antarcticus and Belgica antarctica. These observations led to the selection of an appropriate eradication approach, where the plants were targeted for physical extraction along with all underlying soil. During the eradication, c. 500kg of soil and plant material from the P. pratensis colony was removed from the site. Monitoring one year later showed no evidence of re-establishment. Consistent with the Committee for Environmental Protection ‘Non-native Species Manual’, we recommend development and implementation of rapid response protocols following the discovery of a non-native plant colony to limit future impacts on indigenous species and local habitats.

Parties and Policymaking in Multiparty Governments: The Legislative Median, Ministerial Autonomy, and the Coalition Compromise

In parliamentary democracies, governments are typically composed of multiple political parties working together in a coalition. Such governments must confront a fundamental challenge in policymaking—the preferences of coalition parties often diverge significantly, but the government can adopt only one common policy on any specific issue. This fact raises a critical question that has far‐reaching implications for the quality of democratic representation: Whose preferences are ultimately reflected in coalition policy choices? In this study, we explore three competing answers to this question derived from the theoretical literature on multiparty governance and parliamentary institutions. Our findings, based on an analysis of the legislative history of more than 1,000 government bills from three parliamentary democracies, strongly suggest that coalition policies reflect a compromise between government parties rather than the preferences of the ministers proposing them or the preferences of the median party in the legislature.

Martin, Lanny W. und Georg Vanberg. Parliaments and Coalitions. The Role of Legislative Institutions in Multiparty Governance.

Martin, Lanny W. und Georg Vanberg. Parliaments and Coalitions. The Role of Legislative Institutions in Multiparty Governance.

Party Discipline and Parliamentary Politics. By Christopher J. Kam. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009. 278p. $103.00 cloth, $55.00 paper. - Parliaments and Coalitions: The Role of Legislative Institutions in Multiparty Governance. By Lanny W. Martin and Georg Vanberg. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011. 208p. $99.00.

Party Discipline and Parliamentary Politics. By Christopher J. Kam. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009. 278p. $103.00 cloth, $55.00 paper. - Parliaments and Coalitions: The Role of Legislative Institutions in Multiparty Governance. By Lanny W. Martin and Georg Vanberg. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011. 208p. $99.00.

Conservation Biology through the Lens of a Career in Salmon Conservation

Conservation Biology through the Lens of a Career in Salmon Conservation

After the age of majority? Multi-party governance and the Westminster model

The ‘Westminster family’ of democracies – the UK, Canada, Australia and New Zealand – share a history of majoritarian politics and two-party dominance. However, recent elections in each of these four countries have delivered legislatures with no single-party majority, following long-term trends towards greater pluralism in the party system. Despite their common heritage, when faced with the challenge of forming a government from a hung parliament, these four countries have followed rather different paths. The UK opted for full coalition government, while Canada from 2004 to 2011 was governed by a pure minority government. New Zealand and Australia fall somewhere in between these two extremes in terms of the extent of formal cooperation between parties. This variation can be explained by a range of factors, including the particular history of each country and the belief that multi-party governance is merely a temporary exception to majoritarian rule.