Movement In Scotland Research Articles

Politics of the Heart: In Conversation with Porty Pride

This contribution, by four LGBT+ women of the Porty Pride committee, explores the background of Porty Pride as well as the priorities and values that underpin their approach to the events that take place every June. It also touches on the challenges facing particular LGBT+ communities at present, the burgeoning local Pride movement in Scotland and the continued importance of localism moving forward.

SEPARATISM IN SCOTLAND AS A CHALLENGE OF GREAT BRITAIN’S POST-BREXIT UNITY

The article deals with the ontological aspects finding out of the separatist movement in Scotland as a phenomenon of political separatism, which contains the existing differences of ethnic units and state-political entities. The problem of separatism in the historical part of the Great Britain (country), Scotland, which since 2014 has chosen to leave the country, is considered. Attention is drawn to the fact that in the political life of modern British society, separatist sentiments in this country are the product of a long historical and political process, the conflicting pages of which are actively used by the “adult” elite of this region in the struggle for power. A distinctive feature of the modern Scottish separatism is its economic basis, which feeds the political strategy of the Scottish National Party. Considerable weight in the process of secession also belongs to the spiritual and cultural sphere, which over a long historical period formed a stable Scottish identity. It is stated that the Scottish version of separatism embodies the paradigm of political separatism in a distinct region, within which regional and local authorities, spiritual-cultural and socio-economic components function, which gives an additional leverage to the regional elite in the pursuit of independence from London. The factor that has accelerated the process of secession was Brexit, which has been opposed by the Scottish government. Keywords: separatism, Brexit, Scotland, Great Britain, Scottexit, independence, Scottish National Party.

Interactions among national and supranational identities: mobilizing the independence movement in Scotland

As nationalism rises worldwide, understanding the relevance of national identities is at a premium in both the study of mass political behavior and the analysis of social movements. Drawing on research in social psychology, this study explores interactions among national and supranational identities using the concepts of identity interference (i.e., negative interactions) and identity complementarity (i.e., positive interactions). These interactions extend beyond the direct effects of identity considered in many previous studies. Focusing on interactions centers the analysis on the contextual aspects of identity during nationalist mobilizations. Survey data from Scotland demonstrate that interactions among Scottish, British, and European identities were consequential for mobilizing support for Scottish independence in 2019. Strong evidence indicates interference between Scottish and British identities. European and Scottish identities complement one another among independence supporters but not in the general population. The possibility of interference between European and British identities is backed by only mixed results. The timing of this study in the aftermath of the Brexit referendum was likely relevant to its findings on European identity. Overall, this research illustrates the benefits of widening the empirical examination of multiple identities in the social sciences.

Politics, the Constitution and the Independence Movement in Scotland since Devolution

AbstractThis article explores the course of Scottish politics since the establishment of the devolved parliament in 1999. It begins by considering the political roots of devolution before assessing the extent to which the electoral successes of the Scottish National Party (SNP) at the 2007 and 2011 devolved elections indicated a rise in support for Scottish independence. The focus then shifts to the political consequences of the 2014 independence referendum, in particular the relationship between the ‘Yes’ campaign and the SNP, as well as the changing social composition of the SNP's electoral support. The article concludes by examining the attempts of the SNP, and the wider independence movement, to secure a second independence referendum before reviewing recent political developments in Scotland.

The possibility of possibility: Between ethnography and social theory

This paper considers how ‘the possibility of possibility’ as freedom of choice and audacious obligation towards newness found in philosophical works of such scholars as Søren Kierkegaard and Michel Serres is tempered by socio-historical circumstance. Ethnographic material from Scotland and Greece demonstrates contrasting ways that possibilities are impacted by the various timespaces that open or foreclose pathways to the future. Possibility shapes notions of the Self and Society since people are propelled to (in)action by way of recurring and reinterpreted pasts, are pulled through futural horizons in present-day practice or become stuck on the threshold of becoming. In the context of the independence movement in Scotland, possibility plays an active role in political life of independence campaigners with a feedback loop between past-present-future providing momentum to actualise the possible. In Greece, a decade of crisis has foreclosed previously possible futures with people feeling stuck in a repeating spin-cycle where horizons of the possible cannot be crossed. The ethnographic examples showcase how the multiplicities of human life affect the possibility of possibility and how visions of the elsewhere, elsewhen, and otherwise emerge in more or less ‘positive’ scenarios.

The Women's Liberation Movement and the Politics of Class in Britain

The Women's Liberation Movement and the Politics of Class in Britain

Dynamic gravitation and structural dynamics: From Smith to Modern theory

This paper explores the Newtonian roots of Adam Smith's thinking in the structural dynamics of the production system and of social organization at large. Newton's Principia Mathematica inspired a philosophical movement in Scotland that looked for principles that could explain the dynamics of social and economic bodies with the same scientific rigour. In Smith's account, the sources of structural economic dynamics lie in the actors’ capacity to organise production within that domain of interaction of competing forces that he defines as the market. Against this background, Smith analyses the role of the institutional setup. This conceptual framework is central to the theory of structural dynamics in classical political economy. It highlights a possible avenue along which to investigate Pasinetti's distinction between the ‘natural’ (production-based) and the ‘institutional’ levels of analysis (Pasinetti's separation theorem) by exploring the dynamic interdependence of technological and institutional drives in the emerging new industrial revolution.

From Pipedream to Possibility: How European Integration has Helped Secessionist Movements

The European project has brought the states of Europe ever closer together while inadvertently strengthening secessionist movements that seek to fracture the very states it has brought together. Through integration, many of the benefits a region with a potential desire for independence gains from remaining a part of its host state are transferred to the European level. Current academic consensus argues that European integration has overall harmed secessionist movements, but since the UKs decision to leave the EU, this argument has become outdated and no longer holds the strength it once did. This article uses current academic literature on the topic as well as statements from European politicians and separatist political parties to explore and compare the cases of secessionist movements in Scotland, Catalonia, and Flanders. While chosen for their strength and their diversity in circumstances, these independence movements are united in being transformed from pipedreams to possibilities thanks to European integration.

The Brexit effect: Political implications of the exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union

Brexit has brought tensions in European and (especially) British politics. This article illustrates the rationale, scope and research questions of the special issue, which investigates the first Brexit effects in the five years following the 2016 referendum. Taking the distribution of political power as our primary focus and analysing mainly – though not exclusively – British politics, we trace the first developments in the three domains of politics, polity and policy since the UK’s decision to leave the EU. In the politics domain, after the political uncertainties surrounding the referendum period, we detect a return to the power-hoarding dynamics typical of the Westminster model. However, the territorial and constitutional architectures of the British polity are under considerable strain, with Brexit strengthening the nationalistic movements in Scotland and Northern Ireland. In the policy domain, despite strong common interests, Brexit has failed to produce cooperative EU–UK arrangements in finance and foreign policy.

The Reformation in Moray: Precursors and Initiation

Evidence from Moray, an area outside the heartland of radical ‘fervencie’, argues that the reach of the reform movement in Scotland was indeed broad, and assists with an answer to the question as to ‘how this Protestant minority was able to impose such profound religous change so rapidly through the country.’ This article explores what is known of precursors to the reformation in the province, seeking to show that, while ambiguity must be acknowledged, the changes after 1560 were not entirely unheralded. It has long been recognised that ‘the determining factor in any area in promoting the reformed faith was the attitude of the local lairds’, so the connections – by kindred, bonding and marriage – between Moray's intricate networks of landowning families and the national brokers of power are explored. This article is concerned primarily with the lairds, the burgesses and the clergy of Moray rather than with the people of the rural parishes. Moray's history during the reformation period also illustrates the negotiation, both of contingencies and between factions, that the process of change involved.

Presbyterian dissent and the campaign for Scottish education reform, 1843-72

The debates surrounding the reform of national education in Britain and Ireland in the mid-nineteenth century were often framed as a binary struggle between the religious establishment, which sought to retain control of the national schools, and dissenters who viewed education reform as an important step towards dismantling the state churches’ traditional privilege and control over society. In Scotland, however, the picture was somewhat more complicated. While the 1843 Disruption, which split the Church of Scotland in two, was viewed by many within the non-established churches as a victory for dissent, the church that formed out of it – the Free Kirk – retained its belief in national and state-supported religion. This establishmentarian stance led the majority of the Free Church to oppose the creation of a non-denominational education system proposed by Scotland’s voluntary dissenters, and indeed some within their own church, and especially one which failed to secure a place for religious instruction in the national schools. This article assesses how the fractious ecclesiological context of Scottish Presbyterian dissent influenced the direction of the education debates, particularly over religious instruction, in the almost three decades between the Disruption and the eventual passing of the 1872 Education (Scotland) Act. The education debates tended to reflect broader trends within Scottish dissent after 1843, offering dissenters the opportunity to unite against the weakened establishment in the aftermath of the Disruption, while also highlighting and often exacerbating the ideological divisions which hindered the emergence of a truly unified dissenting movement in Scotland for almost thirty years.

ІСТОРІЯ НАЦІОНАЛЬНИХ РУХІВ ШОТЛАНДІЇ ТА УЕЛЬСУ: ПОРІВНЯННЯ Й АНАЛІЗ

The article addresses the history of the Scottish and Welsh approaches towards nationalism within the United Kingdom and features inherent in them. Similarities and differences between the Scottish and Welsh independence movements have been shown. Analysis of historical underpinnings of the creation of the Scottish National Party and the Party of Wales has been conducted. Influence of the Scottish and Welsh nationalism’s unique characteristics on the parties’ electoral performance has been analyzed. Research on the Scottish and Welsh independence movements from the perspective of Anglo–Scottish and Anglo–Welsh relations has been carried out. Influence of the British colonial empire on the suppression of the nationalistic tendencies in Scotland in Wales has been demonstrated. Scottish and Welsh societies’ special features concerning the differences between the independence movements in these countries have been analyzed. Causes of the relative success of the Scottish independence movement and reasons behind the relatively low popularity of nationalism in Wales have been identified. Based on the tendencies in the Scottish and Welsh societies, an analysis of future outlook of the Scottish National Party and the Party of Wales has been conducted. Special attention is paid to the 1979 and 1997 referendums on the restoration of the Scottish Parliament and creation of the National Assembly of Wales. Research on the causes of the referendums has been carried out, electoral preferences have been demonstrated, differences between the Scottish and Welsh national movements and different levels of home rule support among the Scottish and Welsh have been shown. It is argued that independence movements in Scotland and Wales are different in their nature, from which stem the Scottish national party’s and Plaid Cymru’s contrasting electoral results. It is demonstrated that the causes of such electoral performances are not only the historical underpinnings that have shaped both countries throughout centuries, but also the differences in Scotland’s and Wales’ economic development and the ideological distinctions within the Scottish and Welsh independence movements.

The arrival of the ACEs movement in Scotland: Policy entrepreneurship and critical activist responses

This paper combines conceptual and documentary analysis to critique the recent introduction of ACEs (Adverse Childhood Experiences) in Scottish social policy, highlighting the role of the ACE-Aware Nation ‘movement’ and its positioning of the ACEs model through its campaigning activities. Consideration is given to the role of a sophisticated network of policy entrepreneurs and the commercial and political interests at play. Reflection is offered on the critical activist responses to this campaign that seek to highlight the socio-economic and political underpinnings of childhood trauma, which are largely absent in the ACEs model. The argument is that these policy developments amount to a recent turn to the ACEs model as a simplistic solution to complex social problems – a solution that is shown to be ultimately flawed in several respects. This analysis reveals the contradictions, conflicts and confusion that have emerged within the ACEs discourse, caused in the main by heuristic thinking and the conceptual inadequacies, misuses and misunderstandings of the ACEs model. The paper concludes that policy makers and practitioners should exercise caution in their appraisal of the ACEs model and the associated movement in Scotland.

The network of farmed Pacific oyster movements in Scotland and routes for introduction and spread of invasive species and pathogens

Aquatic invasive species and pathogens can have negative impacts on marine biodiversity and economic activities such as aquaculture. Live animal movement networks are important in defining risk for introduction and spread and for identifying targets for surveillance. We have used Pacific oyster movement authorisation data from Scotland to create the first network of mollusc movements between sites at a national level, including both imports and exports. This is a small but well documented mollusc production industry, making it a good example for a case study. The resultant network shows a high proportion of Scottish sites are directly exposed to import movements from relatively few hatchery sources outside Scotland. Should these sources contain invasive species or pathogens their introduction into Scottish Pacific oyster aquaculture could be rapid and widespread. On the other hand, there was relatively few movements of oysters within Scotland, and so if a particular site within Scotland becomes affected by an invader, movement of live animals, as a pathway for further spread, would represent a relatively small risk. This structure shows the need for cross-border surveillance and co-operation.

'Scotland, Nation-States and Beyond': National Identity and Culture in Kathleen Jamie's Poems “Interregnum” and “23/09/14”

Birinci Dünya Savaşı'ndan sonra İskoç şiirinde öne çıkan İskoç ulusal kimlik bilinci ile ilgili konular, İskoç bağımsızlık hareketinin başlaması ve yüzyıl dönümü İskoç şiirinde belli başlı geleneksel yazınsal özelliklerin ortaya çıkmasında önemli bir rol oynamıştır. Çağdaş bir İskoç şairi olan Kathleen Jamie, söz konusu ulusal kimlik konusunu yazınına taşıyan yazarlardan birisi olmuştur. Genelde Jamie doğa ve çevre ile ilintili konulara odaklansa da eserlerinde, İskoçya ve İskoç kültürü konularına da yer vermektedir. Hatta yazar, 1999'da İskoçya'da, sonucunda bağımsız bir İskoç Parlamentosu hakkı elde edilen bağımsızlık hareketine de katkıda bulunmuştur. Jamie, bağımsızlığın tutkulu bir destekçisi olarak, şiirlerinde İskoçya'nın kültürel geçmişi, kimliği ve mevcut siyasi durumunu ve bunun yanı sıra lehçeleri ve siyasi tarihini de ele almaktadır. Bu bağlamda, bu çalışma, İskoçya'nın ulusal kimliğinin, siyasi durumunun ve kültürünün ele alındığı “Interregnum” ve “23/09/14” adlı şiirlerine odaklanacaktır. Söz konusu şiirler sırasıyla Jamie'nin 1997 referandumu sırasında yazmış olduğu Jizzen (1999) ve 2014 bağımsızlık referandumu sürecinde yazmış olduğu The Bonniest Companie (2014) adlı şiir kitaplarından alınmıştır.

Generational and life-cycle effects on support for Quebec independence

The resurgence of separatist movements in Scotland and Catalonia illuminate the ebb and flow of such movements over time. The catalysts of separatism in post-industrial democracies are largely treated as circumstantial, but intergenerational data on attitudes towards independence might assist the development of a general theory of support for separatism. This replace draws on the case of Quebec, leveraging a half-century worth of public opinion data to investigate intergenerational shifts in attitudes towards separatism. Historical data from the Canadian Election Study (CES 1968–2011) allow us to test the relationship between attitudes towards independence among youth in Quebec and general levels of support for separatism. Coupled with this are the more than 1 million observations from the 2011 Canadian federal as well as the 2012 and 2014 Quebec provincial editions of Vote Compass. This last dataset allows us to estimate the variation in support for Quebec independence for very precise age groups defined at the year-of-birth level. The results show a clear generational cycle variation that appears correlated with specific series of historical events.

The Women's Liberation Movement in Scotland

The Women's Liberation Movement in Scotland

Thriving or Dividing? The Women's Movement and the Independence Referenda in Scotland and Catalonia

AbstractTerritorial debates have recently shaken the political systems in Scotland and Catalonia, leading to referenda on independence. This article engages with questions concerning whether this extraordinary process has affected the women's movement and why. Specifically, feminist scholars have often expressed concern regarding how strong territorial identities and nationalist projects might prove detrimental to the movement's unity and success. Here, I look for indications of engagement and revival within the frames of the Scottish and Catalan referendum campaigns. A comparative approach revealed the mobilizing potential of these contexts when certain conditions were present. While the women's movement in Scotland has thrived in the last couple of years, territorial debates in Catalonia have not provided fertile ground for feminist campaigning and have shown divisive potential. The specific dynamics of the women's movement in each setting and the presence of political and discursive opportunity structures account for the different outcomes.

Community Business in Scotland: An Alternative Vision of 'Enterprise Culture', 1979-97.

The force and coherency with which Margaret Thatcher and her inner circle outlined their vision for 'enterprise culture', like so many aspects of Thatcherism, have masked the complexity of its origins and the histories of alternative responses. This article provides a history of an alternative vision for enterprise culture by examining the community business movement in Scotland, the largest experiment of its kind in the UK in the 1980s and a forerunner of social enterprise. Working across Scotland, but with a hub of activity in the Strathclyde region, practitioners worked with local people to find ways to develop their neighbourhood economy while improving their environment, creating jobs, and developing services needed in their area. This article outlines the origins of the movement, the shared values of its founding members, and how their training in community development informed the community business model. It analyses how practitioners put their ideas into practice and the reasons behind the fragmentation of the movement in the 1990s. It argues that although at face value the concept of community business may appear to chime with the dominant political rhetoric of Thatcher's 'enterprise culture', the history of the movement provides a signpost to an alternative, if unrealised, vision for Scotland's recovery from social and economic depression. Where previous historical research has focused on the political consequences of Thatcher's policies in Scotland, this research connects this discussion to the transformation of Scotland's civic society in the wake of deindustrialization.

Sarah Browne, The Women's Liberation Movement in Scotland

Sarah Browne, <i>The Women's Liberation Movement in Scotland</i>