Modern Gender Gap Research Articles

Examining the Modern Gender Gap in Voting Behavior among Young Voters: Insights from the 2024 General Elections in South Korea

Examining the Modern Gender Gap in Voting Behavior among Young Voters: Insights from the 2024 General Elections in South Korea

Toward a Modern Gender Gap in Left-Right Self-Placement: A Study Case of the Population Aged Over 64 Years in Spain

The gender gap in political/ideological self-positioning literature usually considers that Spain is stagnant within traditional parameters, where women are more right-wing than men. However, an analysis of more than 87,000 opinion polls collected by the CIS over a period of almost 40 years shows that Spain is moving toward the modern gender gap, although following a particular path conditioned by its own history of the 20th century. These findings disagree with the conclusions reached by Inglehart and Norris about Spanish women in their study about the development of modern gender gap. Our research investigates the impact of cohort and period effects on the population aged over 64, whose political identity, in accordance with the theories of political socialization, was formed in a context alien to the modernization process, largely coinciding with the Franco dictatorship in Spain.

Seven Decades of Gender Differences in German Voting Behavior

This article describes long-term changes in gender differences in voting behavior in Germany, using a globally unique data source: information from real ballots. Compared with self-reports in available surveys, actual votes counted by gender and age groups have three advantages: neither representativeness issues nor social desirability bias, a huge sample, and coverage of seven decades, beginning in 1953. Besides party-specific voting patterns, I analyze summary measures for gender dissimilarities, both overall and separated by age groups. The modern gender gap—women voting more left-wing than men—first appeared in Germany in the 2017 election, surprisingly late compared with previous international research. The speed and structure with which the modern gender gap grew suggest that it is due to period effects rather than cohort effects. The modern gender gap differs by age group and, in post-World War II Germany, women and men have never been as divided about politics as the youngest voters in 2021. These findings partly contrast with previous survey-based results. To explore whether this contrast stems from the smaller sample sizes of previous studies or gendered survey bias (e.g., more social desirability bias among women), I compare results from real ballots with estimates from two survey data sources. Findings suggest that large surveys might provide reasonable estimates at the aggregate level but might overestimate the gender gap for more radical parties such as the AfD (Alternative for Germany).

Finally rising with the tide? Gender and the vote in the 2019 British Elections

ABSTRACT When it comes to gender and voting behaviour Britain had become something of an outlier. Whilst more countries shifted along Inglehart and Norris’ “rising tide” continuum from traditional gender gaps, to realignment, into modern gender gaps (Inglehart and Norris 2000, “The Developmental Theory of the Gender gap: Women and Men's Voting Behaviour in Global Perspective.” International Political Science Review 21 (4): 441–462, 2003, Rising Tide: Gender Equality and Cultural Change Around the World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), Britain remained at the realignment stage. But in 2017 a modern gender gap emerged with a greater proportion of women than men voting for Labour, and a greater proportion of men than women voting Conservative. In this paper we examine the 2019 European Parliament and General elections to assess whether the modern gender gap persists in Britain. We show that whilst in the 2019 General election we again observed a modern gender gap, it nevertheless is rooted in the specifics of the political context in Britain, specifically post-EU referendum cleavages. Moreover, the gender gaps in the European Parliament election reveal a more nuanced picture, and demonstrate how the electoral context shapes the gender vote gaps we see. Our results indicate that the presence of the modern gender gap in Britain is contingent, rather than the result of long-term realignment, as well as provide evidence for key processes that may cause gender gaps to vary across time and space.

Gender gap in voting: Evidence from actual ballots

This paper looks at the development of an electoral gender gap over time, using, for the first time, actual ballot data collected in the Austrian state of Vienna. Vienna recorded female and male ballots separately in the years from 1954 to 1991. Firstly, using this unique design, we conclude that the traditional gender gap (males more left-leaning) existed up to 1969 and then changed into the modern gender gap (females more left-leaning), from that date. These results confirm the considerable literature based on survey data. As an alternative explanation for the observed pattern we explore the gender gap in voting for the central vs the flank parties. We can confirm survey-based findings that male voters support more extreme positions than female voters, and link this observation to the “social-harmony” gender gap.

The gender gap in welfare state attitudes in Europe: The role of unpaid labour and family policy

Previous research has shown a prevailing ‘modern gender gap’ in socio-political attitudes in advanced capitalist economies. While numerous studies have confirmed gender differences in attitudes towards the welfare state in Europe, few have addressed the reason for this rift in men’s and women’s views about the role of government in ensuring the general welfare of citizens. In this article, I examine the relationship between gender equality in unpaid labour, family policy and the gender gap in welfare state attitudes. Based on data from 21 countries participating in the European Social Survey (ESS) Round 4, and using a mix of country- and individual-level regression models and multilevel models, I find that there is a clear relationship between country-level gender equality in unpaid labour and gender differences in support of an encompassing welfare state. A more equal distribution of unpaid care and domestic work correlates with women being increasingly supportive of a large and encompassing welfare state, in comparison with men. This pattern holds when controlling for individual-level economic risk and resources, cultural factors such as trust and social values traditionally related to the support of an encompassing welfare state, and beliefs about welfare state efficiency and consequences for society in general. This pattern is evident for countries with a low level of familistic policies, while no distinguishable pattern is discernible for highly familistic countries. These findings have implications for the perception of gender as an emergent social cleavage with respect to welfare state attitudes. The results are discussed in the light of institutional theories on policy feedback, familism, social role theory and previous findings relating to modernization theory and ‘gender realignment’.

Gender Gaps in the Center versus the Periphery

Recent evidence from industrialized countries shows that men and women tend to exhibit different voting preferences, with greater proportions of women favoring left-wing parties. This phenomenon, known as the ‘modern gender gap’, has been observed in recent Israeli elections as well. After discussing the history of the ‘traditional gender gap’, the article examines the gender gap in the 2013 and 2015 Israeli elections from a geographical and socio-economic perspective, using Israel National Election Studies (INES) data. We focus on two main hypotheses concerning these elections: first, that the gender gap in voting varies according to the geographic location of voters; second, that the modern gender gap affects voters residing in affluent localities. Our findings indicate that both hypotheses hold for the 2013 election but not for the 2015 election.

변화하는 한반도 환경하에서의 우리 국민의 통일인식 분석: 현대적 성차, 국가 자부심, 통일효용 인식

변화하는 한반도 환경하에서의 우리 국민의 통일인식 분석: 현대적 성차, 국가 자부심, 통일효용 인식

Gender, voting and Christian Democratic parties

ABSTRACTThe influence of gender on voting behaviour has attracted a growing amount of academic attention in recent years as scholars have looked for evidence that female voters have moved to the left in Western democracies. Closer examination of the electorate of different right-wing party families in Western Europe uncovers, however, that there is no sign of a gender imbalance in the electorate of Christian Democratic parties. This article therefore examines male and female support for Christian Democratic parties in four countries (Belgium, Switzerland, Germany and the Netherlands). It firstly explores whether a modern gender gap in Christian Democratic support is obscured by lingering compositional differences in terms of religious belonging and practice and participation in the workforce. However, while compositional differences do significantly influence the relationship between gender and Christian Democratic voting, controlling for these differences does not expose a previously hidden modern gender gap. Secondly, the article, drawing on the modern gender gap literature, tests whether there are significant differences in the effect of structural, situational and cultural/attitudinal variables on male and female voters. The results show that apart from age, the effects of these predictors on Christian Democratic support do not vary by gender.

An ‘Angela Merkel Effect’? The Impact of Gender on CDU/CSU Voting Intention between 1998 and 2013

By referring to the theoretical and empirical literature on ‘same gender voting’ and the ‘modern gender gap’, this contribution aims to analyse whether gender played a role in party choice in Bundestag elections. We concentrate on the time period between 1998 and 2013, enabling us to cover three elections while Angela Merkel was the chancellor candidate of CDU and CSU (2005, 2009 and 2013), while she was CDU party chair (2002) and while no women served as chancellor candidate or party chair of CDU and CSU. The results of a dataset compiled from five German national election studies show that women were not more likely to opt for the CDU/CSU since the nomination of Angela Merkel as chancellor candidate, nor were they less likely to vote for the Christian Democrats due to their rather conservative programmatic profile on the order of society.

Sexual Conflict and Gender Gap Effects: Associations between Social Context and Sex on Rated Attractiveness and Economic Status.

Human mate choice research often concerns sex differences in the importance of traits such as physical attractiveness and social status. A growing number of studies indicate that cues to social context, including other people who appear in stimulus photographs, can alter that individual’s attractiveness. Fewer studies, however, consider judgements of traits other than physical attractiveness, such as wealth. Here we manipulate the presence/absence of other people in photographs of target models, and test the effects on judgments of both attractiveness and earnings (a proxy for status). Participants (N = 2044) rated either male or female models for either physical attractiveness or social/economic status when presented alone, with same sex others or with opposite sex others. We collectively refer to this manipulation as ‘social context’. Male and female models received similar responses for physical attractiveness, but social context affected ratings of status differently for women and men. Males presented alongside other men received the highest status ratings while females presented alone were given the highest status ratings. Further, the status of females presented alongside a male was constrained by the rated status of that male. Our results suggests that high status may not directly lead to high attractiveness in men, but that status is more readily attributed to men than to women. This divide in status between the sexes is very clear when men and women are presented together, possibly reflecting one underlying mechanism of the modern day gender gap and sexist attitudes to women’s economic participation. This adds complexity to our understanding of the relationship between attractiveness, status, and sex in the light of parental investment theory, sexual conflict and economic theory.

‘To the left, to the right’

The study of conservative women is expanding to compensate for the historic over-emphasis of gender and politics research on left-wing women. We add to this burgeoning literature and assess the extent to which the modern gender gap in political attitudes – where women have moved to the left of men – is evident among supporters of the British Conservative Party. We find that, like women party members, women Conservative supporters are noticeably to the left of men, but only on economic issues. This sex gap cannot simply be accounted for by women’s employment in the public sphere, lesser interest in politics or because they are more morally conservative than male Conservatives. These findings are likely to have serious implications for intra-party discipline, the support for the Conservative Party at the next British general election and, if replicated elsewhere, speak to what it means to ‘represent’ the interests of right-wing women.

The Chechen War and an Emerging Gender Gap in Russia

Scholarship on the impact of gender on political attitudes has shown that women have more liberal attitudes than men do, both generally and in relation to specific policy areas. One area of an especially large gender gap is in attitudes about foreign policy and the use of force, where women are much less likely to support war and armed conflict. An exception to this gender gap is found in post-communist countries, where men and women often do not display significantly different political attitudes. Employing a variety of survey data on public opinion about the Chechen conflict in Russia, we investigate whether a modern gender gap has emerged in Russia, and the form that this gender gap has taken. We find strong, diverse evidence of a gender gap in Russia, with women expressing more dovish attitudes towards the conflict in Chechnya.

Towards a modern gender gap in Europe?: A comparative analysis of voting behavior in 12 countries

This article examines electoral gender differences in Western Europe. It describes the electoral gender gap in a longitudinal cross-national design (1974–2000, 12 countries) with EuroBarometer data. The analysis shows that gender differences in voting in Europe follow a similar movement to what has been described for the USA. Women tended to vote more for conservative parties in the 1970s, while in the new millennium they have given higher support to left parties. The speed of this development differs cross-nationally and not all countries reached the state of a modern gender gap (where women lean left). At the national level the driving force for the emergence of a modern gender gap is mainly increased levels of female labor participation. At the individual level structural variables explain traditional gender differences in voting, but fail to account for the gender gap in recent years.

Gender Politics in the Dominican Republic: Advances for Women, Ambivalence from Men

AbstractA considerable body of research has analyzed the influence of the women's movement, changes in women's political representation, and policies promoting women's interests in the developing world. However, we know comparatively less about the degree to which the attitudes and behaviors of the mass public mirror these national patterns. This article explores the evolution of gender differences in citizens' political interest, civic engagement, and support for women in politics in the Dominican Republic over 1994–2004, a period important for the country's democratization as well as one of significant changes in gender-related discourse and policies. We find evidence of a shift from a traditional gender gap to a modern gender gap, but the explanations for changes in women's views are distinct from those of men. We find that sociostructural factors, particularly age and education, and cues from political elites have significantly different effects on men versus women. Women's levels of political interest and support for equality in political participation are more fixed in their youth, whereas men's levels evolve through middle age. The evidence also indicates that reducing the gender gap in political interest would significantly narrow gender differences in civic activism. Most notably, men appear to be more easily swayed by elite cues that favor or oppose women's political participation; women's support for equal participation is much less susceptible to reversals in elite support. The consolidation of advances in gender equity thus depends significantly on contextual factors such as elite discourse.

Diferenças de gênero na República Dominicana, 1994-2004: dois passos à frente, um passo para trás?

A lenta mudança da natureza da diferença de gênero responde tanto a mudanças sociais, como urbanização, educação, o ingresso das mulheres na força de trabalho e a democratização, quanto a esforços combinados por movimentos sociais e líderes políticos para a ampliação dos direitos da mulher. Esses fatores claramente tiveram impacto na República Dominicana na última década, influenciando as diferenças de gênero no país. Avaliamos a natureza e a evolução das diferenças de gênero na Rep. Dominicana mo período de 1994 a 2004, utilizando dados de surveys nacionais - Demos surveys - realizados em 1994, 1997, 2001 e 2004. A análise desses surveys indica que aspectos do que tem sido denominado uma 'diferença de gênero tradicional' permanece no país com relação ao engajamento cívico, interesse político e atitudes democráticas. Ao mesmo tempo, essa diferença desaparece com relação à participação eleitoral , e uma 'diferença moderna de gênero' emerge pela primeira vez com relação às atitudes sobre o papel da mulher na política. Idade e escolaridade têm efeitos diferenciais significativos e substantivos no conjunto de atitudes de homens e mulheres dominicanos nesse período.

The Gender Gap and the Changing Woman Voter in Canada

The realignment thesis on gender voting in postindustrial societies argues that traditional voting patterns, where women compared to men were more supportive of center-right parties, are being replaced by a modern gender gap, where women are more likely than men to support parties of the left. Although this transformation is said to be driven by both structural and cultural factors, findings suggest value changes are the more important element. This article explores the realignment thesis in the Canadian context where realignment has been complicated by a multi-party system, brokerage politics, and differences between Quebec and the rest of Canada. Voting patterns from 1965 to 1997 suggest women's realignment from right to left has not been straightforward. However, in the 1990s we find more indication of a modern gender gap in Canada outside Quebec and findings that support the value thesis. In Quebec, gender differences did not conform to the modern gender gap model and overall, variability across elections in the pattern and correlates of gender voting illustrate the contingent character of this phenomenon.

The Developmental Theory of the Gender Gap: Women’s and Men’s Voting Behavior in Global Perspective

Studies carried out in many countries in previous decades found that women were more conservative than men and less likely to participate in politics. Here, it is examined whether this traditional gender gap persists today, or whether gender cleavages in the electorate have converged, and whether the phenomenon of the modern gender gap, with women more left wing, has become evident elsewhere. The article draws on evidence from the World Values Surveys in the early 1980s, and the early and mid-1990s carried out in over sixty countries around the world. This study establishes that gender differences in electoral behavior have been realigning, with women moving toward the left of men throughout advanced industrial societies (though not in postcommunist societies or developing countries) and explores the reasons for this development, including the role of structural and cultural factors. The conclusion considers the political implications of the findings.