Minority Candidates Research Articles

Organizational Crisis in Spotlight Increases Preference for Female but not Ethnic Minority Leaders: The Role of Signaling Theory for Glass Cliff Appointments

In times of crisis, decision-makers often appoint atypical candidates (i.e., women or ethnic minorities) as leaders, a phenomenon known as the “glass cliff.” Two online experiments (N = 607) with employees in Switzerland and France investigated whether media and stakeholder (i.e., third-party) attention toward the organization drives these preferences given that atypical appointments may be used to signal change. As expected, we found that atypical candidates were more likely appointed during a high third-party attention crisis compared to a low third-party attention crisis and a no-crisis situation. Third-party attention, however, had varying effects on female and ethnic minority candidates, illuminating the complexities of atypical leadership selections during crises. Against expectations, candidate choice was unrelated to the perceived importance of signaling change. Although this research provides causal evidence of the impact of third-party attention on atypical leadership selection, the underlying psychological mechanisms postulated by signaling theory need to be further explored.

Who wins when? Election timing and descriptive representation

AbstractWe examine how the timing of local elections affects the success of minority candidates, who remain woefully underrepresented in public office. We build on research showing that concurrent elections narrow racial gaps in voter turnout and leverage changes in the timing of local elections in California. Our analysis shows that filling local offices in November of even years increases minority officeholding, at least for some groups. The results demonstrate how, when, and for whom election timing matters. Latinos gain most, potentially at the expense of White and, to a lesser degree, Black representation. An investigation of potential mechanisms suggests that these effects depend on group population size and the magnitude of the turnout changes. An increase in the number of co‐ethnic candidates running also appears to contribute to the representational benefits of on‐cycle elections. Finally, the effects are most pronounced during presidential elections, when turnout improvements are largest.

Inside the ‘secret garden’: Candidate selection at the 2019 UK general election

Candidate selections are seen as the ‘secret garden’ of UK politics. Hundreds of parliamentary constituencies rarely change hands, meaning that the ‘real election’ is the incumbent party’s selection process. Yet scholarship into candidate selection in the United Kingdom remains limited. In this article, we build a novel dataset of known shortlisted candidates in winnable seats to offer the first cross-party analysis of who gets shortlisted, and what factors influence success among shortlisted candidates. We find that shortlisted female and ethnic minority candidates are still less likely to be selected as parliamentary candidates, while living locally is by far the most significant factor affecting selection success. However, the nature of the 2019 snap election allowed parties to use emergency powers to advantage party insiders in late selections. We further find that, contrary to media focus, party faction was not a significant factor in Conservative or Labour Party selections.

Analisis Dampak Sistem Presidential Threshold dalam Pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden di Indonesia Terhadap Inklusivitas Politik dan Representasi Demokratis

Article 222 of Law Number 17 of 2017 concerning Presidential and Vice Presidential Elections states that "Candidate pairs are proposed by political parties or combinations of political parties participating in the election who meet the requirements to obtain seats of at least 20% of the total number of seats in the DPR or obtain 25% of the valid national votes in election of members of the DPR. With these regulations there are inconsistencies, on the one hand this country adheres to democracy, but on the other hand there are restrictions on the rights of citizens who wish to run for president and/or vice president. Research on the presidential threshold system is important to understand its impact on the political system and democracy in Indonesia. So that we can understand how this system influences community political participation, the diversity of presidential and vice presidential candidates, and the representation of community interests. The method used is normative legal research. These provisions reduce political inclusivity by limiting the variety of options for voters and restricting access for various groups of society. And influence democratic representation by suppressing votes for minority candidates or those representing special interests.

Components of Residential Neighborhood Deprivation and Their Impact on the Likelihood of Live-Donor and Preemptive Kidney Transplantation.

Adults residing in deprived neighborhoods face various socioeconomic stressors, hindering their likelihood of receiving live-donor kidney transplantation (LDKT) and preemptive kidney transplantation (KT). We quantified the association between residential neighborhood deprivation index (NDI) and the likelihood of LDKT/preemptive KT, testing for a differential impact by race and ethnicity. We studied 403937 adults (age ≥ 18) KT candidates (national transplant registry; 2006-2021). NDI and its 10 components were averaged at the ZIP-code level. Cause-specific hazards models were used to quantify the adjusted hazard ratio (aHR) of LDKT and preemptive KT across tertiles of NDI and its 10 components. Candidates residing in high-deprivation neighborhoods were more likely to be female (40.1%vs. 36.2%) and Black (41.9%vs. 17.7%), and were less likely to receive both LDKT (aHR=0.66, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 0.64-0.67) and preemptive KT (aHR=0.60, 95% CI: 0.59-0.62) than those in low-deprivation neighborhoods. These associations differedby race and ethnicity (Black: aHRLDKT=0.58, 95% CI: 0.55-0.62; aHRpreemptive KT=0.68, 95% CI: 0.63-0.73; Pinteractions: LDKT<0.001; Preemptive KT=0.002). All deprivation components were associated with the likelihood of both LDKT and preemptive KT (except median home value): for example, higher median household income (LDKT: aHR=1.08, 95% CI: 1.07-1.09; Preemptive KT: aHR=1.10, 95% CI: 1.08-1.11) and educational attainments (≥high school [LDKT: aHR=1.17, 95% CI: 1.15-1.18; Preemptive KT: aHR=1.23, 95% CI: 1.21-1.25]). Residence in socioeconomically deprived neighborhoods is associated with a lower likelihood of LDKT and preemptive KT, differentially impacting minority candidates. Identifying and understanding which neighborhood-level socioeconomic status contributes to these racial disparities can be instrumental in tailoring interventions to achieve health equity in LDKT and preemptive KT.

Women and Ethnic Minority Candidates Face Dynamic Party Divergent Glass Cliff Conditions in French Elections

Women and Ethnic Minority Candidates Face Dynamic Party Divergent Glass Cliff Conditions in French Elections

Liver Transplant Costs and Activity After United Network for Organ Sharing Allocation Policy Changes

A new liver allocation policy was implemented by United Network for Organ Sharing (UNOS) in February 2020 with the stated intent of improving access to liver transplant (LT). There are growing concerns nationally regarding the implications this new system may have on LT costs, as well as access to a chance for LT, which have not been captured at a multicenter level. To characterize LT volume and cost changes across the US and within specific center groups and demographics after the policy implementation. This cross-sectional study collected and reviewed LT volume from multiple centers across the US and cost data with attention to 8 specific center demographics. Two separate 12-month eras were compared, before and after the new UNOS allocation policy: March 4, 2019, to March 4, 2020, and March 5, 2020, to March 5, 2021. Data analysis was performed from May to December 2022. Center volume, changes in cost. A total of 22 of 68 centers responded comparing 1948 LTs before the policy change and 1837 LTs postpolicy, resulting in a 6% volume decrease. Transplants using local donations after brain death decreased 54% (P < .001) while imported donations after brain death increased 133% (P = .003). Imported fly-outs and dry runs increased 163% (median, 19; range, 1-75, vs 50, range, 2-91; P = .009) and 33% (median, 3; range, 0-16, vs 7, range, 0-24; P = .02). Overall hospital costs increased 10.9% to a total of $46 360 176 (P = .94) for participating centers. There was a 77% fly-out cost increase postpolicy ($10 600 234; P = .03). On subanalysis, centers with decreased LT volume postpolicy observed higher overall hospital costs ($41 720 365; P = .048), and specifically, a 122% cost increase for liver imports ($6 508 480; P = .002). Transplant centers from low-income states showed a significant increase in hospital (12%) and import (94%) costs. Centers serving populations with larger proportions of racial and ethnic minority candidates and specifically Black candidates significantly increased costs by more than 90% for imported livers, fly-outs, and dry runs despite lower LT volume. Similarly, costs increased significantly (>100%) for fly-outs and dry runs in centers from worse-performing health systems. Based on this large multicenter effort and contrary to current assumptions, the new liver distribution system appears to place a disproportionate burden on populations of the current LT community who already experience disparities in health care. The continuous allocation policies being promoted by UNOS could make the situation even worse.

Association of Race and Ethnicity With High Longevity Deceased Donor Kidney Transplantation Under the US Kidney Allocation System

Rationale & ObjectiveThe US Kidney Allocation System (KAS) prioritizes candidates with ≤20% Estimated Post-Transplant Survival (EPTS) for high longevity kidneys defined by a ≤20% Kidney Donor Profile Index (KDPI). Use of EPTS in the KAS deprioritizes candidates with older age, diabetes, and longer dialysis durations. We assessed whether this use also disadvantages racial-ethnic minority candidates, who are younger but more likely to have diabetes and longer durations of kidney failure requiring dialysis. Study DesignObservational cohort study. Setting& Participants: Adult candidates for and recipients of kidney transplantation represented in the Scientific Registry of Transplant Recipients from January 2015 through December 2020. ExposureRace and ethnicity. OutcomesAge-adjusted assignment to ≤20% EPTS, transplantation of a ≤20% KDPI kidney, and post-transplant survival in longevity matched recipients by racial-ethnicity. Analytic ApproachMultivariable logistic regression, Fine-Gray competing risks survival analysis, and Kaplan-Meier and Cox Proportional Hazards methods. ResultsThe cohort included 199,444 candidates (7% Asian, 29% Black, 19% Hispanic/Latino, 43% White) listed for deceased donor kidney transplantation. Non-White candidates had significantly higher rates of diabetes, longer dialysis duration, and were younger than White candidates. Adjusted for age, Asian, Black, and Hispanic/Latino candidates had significantly lower odds of having a ETPS score ≤20% (OR 0.86, [0.81, 0.91], 0.52 [0.50, 0.54], and 0.49, [0.47, 0.51]), and were less likely to receive a ≤20% KDPI kidney (subHR 0.70 [0.66, 0.75], 0.89 [0.87, 0.92], and 0.73 [0.71, 0.76]), compared to White candidates. Among recipients with ≤20% EPTS scores transplanted with a ≤20% KDPI deceased donor kidney, Asian and Hispanic recipients had lower post-transplant mortality (HR 0.45 [0.27, 0.77], and 0.63 [0.47, 0.86]) and Black recipients had higher but not statistically significant post-transplant mortality (HR 1.22 [0.99, 1.52]) compared to White recipients. LimitationsProvider reported race-ethnicity data and 5-year post transplant follow-up period. ConclusionsThe US kidney allocation system is less likely to identify racial-ethnic minority candidates as having a ≤20% EPTS score which triggers allocation of high longevity deceased donor kidneys. These findings should inform the OPTN about how to remedy racial/ethnic disparities introduced through KAS’s current approach of allocating allografts with longer predicted longevity to recipients with longer estimated post-transplant survival.

Evaluating the Minority Candidate Penalty with a Regression Discontinuity Approach

Abstract Do parties face an electoral penalty when they nominate candidates of colour? We employ a regression discontinuity design using state legislative election data from 2018, 2019, and 2020 to isolate the effect of nominating a candidate of colour on a party's general election performance. Utilising this approach with real-world data heightens external validity relative to existing racial penalty studies, largely supported by surveys and experiments. We find no evidence that candidates of colour are disadvantaged in state legislative general elections relative to narrowly nominated white candidates from the same party. These findings challenge the leading explanations for the underrepresentation of racial/ethnic minority groups, with implications for candidate selection across the United States.

Survival of patients with kidney failure awaiting transplantation stratified by age and ethnicity: population-based cohort analysis.

Kidney transplantation is the treatment of choice for people living with kidney failure who are suitable for surgery, but survival benefits for older and/or ethnic minority candidates are unclear. To inform decision-making, the survival of patients on a waiting list for kidney transplantation was assessed. A retrospective study was undertaken of registry data for patients with kidney failure listed for transplantation in the UK. From 1 January 2000 until 30 September 2019, all patients listed for a first kidney-alone transplant were included. The primary outcome was all-cause mortality. After testing for violations of the proportional hazards assumption, an extended Cox regression model factoring in transplantation as a time-dependent variable according to the intention-to-treat principle was developed. The study cohort included 47 917 patients on a waiting list for kidney transplantation, of whom 34 558 (72.1%) subsequently received a transplant. Transplantation compared with remaining on dialysis was associated with an overall survival benefit (HR 0.17, 95% c.i. 0.16 to 0.18; P < 0.001), occurring immediately within 30 days, and observed regardless of ethnicity. For White kidney transplant candidates aged at least 65 or at least 70 years, a significant survival benefit was observed within 6 months (HR 0.49, 0.29 to 0.82) and 1 year (HR 0.45, 0.25 to 0.79) after transplantation respectively, which contrasted with 3 years after kidney transplantation for candidates from ethnic minorities aged at least 65 years (HR 0.53, 0.36 to 0.78) or at least 70 years (HR 0.53, 0.36 to 0.78). Although time-to-survival benefits are stratified by age and ethnicity, all kidney transplant candidates on the waiting list are better off with transplantation compared with remaining on dialysis. The absence of any early postoperative mortality suggests that some high-risk patients with kidney failure may not be receiving transplantation opportunities.

Representing diversity in a liberal democracy: a case study of Australia

ABSTRACT Political representation of ethnic minorities in a liberal democratic system is a crucial step towards having the interests of ethnic minority groups heard. The under-representation of ethnic minorities in a political institution can exacerbate inequality between majority and minority populations and increase feelings of alienation among minority groups. As a country observing increasing ethnic diversity, Australia saw record-level ethnic minority candidates elected in the 2022 federal election. However, the shares of candidates and elected Members of Parliaments with ethnic minority backgrounds are still much lower than their relative shares in the population. In this regard, Australia has lagged behind other major settler countries. In this paper, we examine the political representation of ethnic minorities in Australia’s federal election. Drawing on data from the 2022 federal election and 2021 population census, we find a positive association between ethnic minority concentration and ethnic representation. However, for the two major parties, ethnic minority candidates are less likely to be in safe seats, even when the seat observes high ethnic minority concentration. Findings suggest that ethnic voting is evident but it is perhaps too early to celebrate higher levels of ethnic representation in Australian politics as political parties act as gatekeepers in safe seats.

Still sacrificial lambs? Yes! Minority groups in Canadian federal elections, 2015–2021

This paper explores whether LGBTQ2S+, racial minorities, Indigenous and women candidates are more likely to be nominated in electoral districts in which they have a limited chance of being elected, that is to be “sacrificial lambs”. We examine the Canadian case since it is well-known for its liberal attitudes regarding diversity (Pew Research, 2020) which may, presumably, shelter candidates of minority groups from such discrimination in electoral politics. Our analysis mobilizes a dataset of candidates who ran for office in the 2015, 2019 and 2021 Canadian federal elections. We consider how partisanship, incumbency, and intersectionality impact the likelihood of minority candidates to be nominated in (non-) winnable electoral districts. Our study shows that women and LGBTQ2S+ candidates are particularly overrepresented in hard-to-win districts. In addition, minority candidates running for the two largest parties are more likely to be nominated in districts their party lost by a landslide at the previous election compared to minority candidates of other parties. Our study also confirms that incumbency is a significantly impediment to the election of minority candidates. Overall, minority groups are still sacrificial lambs in Canadian elections.

The Proportional Electoral Systems in the Western Balkans Countries: A Comparative Approach

Representative democracy is closely related to elections and voting. Electoral systems can influence not just the number of minority candidates elected but also how majority parties seek to appeal to or marginalize minority voters, and how inclusive candidate lists will be. Electoral systems can be defined and categorized concerning - How many representatives are elected from each constituency? Is the formula used a plurality, majority, or type of proportionality? What is the threshold for representation for parties and candidates? These elements determine the seats in the parliament and the winning parties. This paper does not aim to be an exhaustive one about the wide topic of electoral systems. It aims at presenting an overview of electoral systems in Western Balkans, focusing on the presentation of the main features of the proportional electoral systems in these countries. Proportional representation systems are applied in the countries under consideration, therefore analytical and comparative research will be the focus of the paper. From the short comparative analysis of this paper on the electoral systems in the countries of the Western Balkans, similarities and differences between them are observed. As a result, we will try to understand which of the criteria and formulas used provides better representation and governance for these countries.&#x0D; &#x0D; Received: 25 September 2023 / Accepted: 26 October 2023 / Published: 23 November 2023

Underrepresented Groups and Perceived Educational Barriers for Residency and Fellowship Success.

The study aimed to compare barriers perceived by medical students and resident physicians identifying as of underrepresented groups in medicine (UIM) and/or as sexual and gender minorities (SGM) to individuals not identifying with these groups, especially for trainees with an interest in dermatology. Cross-sectional survey of medical students and resident physicians based in the United States from February 2021 to July 2021, with subgroup analysis of trainees with interest in dermatology. Among trainees interested in dermatology, the most notable barriers for the UIM group were 1) lack of home program in specialty/fellowship of interest (4.71&plusmn;1.73); 2) lack of connections/networking opportunities (4.14&plusmn;1.29); 3) lack of opportunity to obtain AOA membership (4.00&plusmn;1.96); 4) obtaining mentorship (4.00&plusmn;1.47); and lack of diversity in specialty/fellowship of interest (3.93&plusmn;1.14). Increasing focused mentorship programs and fostering environments that embrace diversity are key to reducing perceived barriers for minority candidates. J Drugs Dermatol. 2023;22(12):1210-1215. doi:10.36849/JDD.7528R1.

Rising Tides or Political Ripcurrents? Gentrification and Minority Representation in 166 Cities

Transformative changes in urban economies are raising vital questions about minority representation. Given that cities are sites of political power for communities of color, gentrification and the housing affordability crisis threaten to deteriorate decades of progress. This article considers the impact of these economic and demographic shifts on minority candidate supply and success. Collecting data on 166 city councils across several decades, we find that White population growth is associated with reductions in local political power for Black and Latino councilors. We also observe modest evidence that local economic improvements may not have deleterious effects on the diversity of city councils. We probe these findings using data on local elections, as well as over 380,000 tweets from city councilors, and uncover evidence of a candidate supply mechanism in the case of “racial gentrification” and a credit-claiming mechanism in the case of “economic gentrification.” We conclude by discussing the political implications of the cross-cutting effects we observe.

Do Danish voters discriminate against women and ethnic minority candidates? Insights from a survey experiment

Representation of women and ethnic minorities is a recurring topic in connection with Danish elections. One possible explanation for the consistent underrepresentation is that voters evaluate women and ethnic minority candidates less favorably than men with an ethnic Danish background. Theoretically, this possibility might be particularly pronounced among conservative voters high in Social Dominance Orientation (SDO). Analyses from a survey experiment with 1116 representative Danish citizens show that Danes, on average, do not evaluate women and ethnic minority candidates less favorably. However, nuanced exploratory analyses show that growing SDO and conservatism cause voters to evaluate ethnic minority candidates more negatively, while a similar pattern does not obtain with respect to candidate gender. Consequently, issues about underrepresentation of women and ethnic minorities relate differently to SDO and political ideology. The theoretical and normative implications of the results are discussed.

Do political duos diminish discriminatory voter preferences? Evidence from a combined conjoint experiment

In Europe, more and more parties and governments are led by a pair of leaders. What consequences does the presence of duos have on voter preferences? I argue that voters have less discriminatory preferences against untraditional candidates when they choose two leaders instead of only one. However, discriminatory preferences do not entirely vanish; rather, traditionally excluded candidates are often relegated to secondary positions, and there exists a certain threshold of tolerated ticket diversity. Through a novel combined conjoint experiment, I find relative support for this conjecture, especially in the case of ethnic minority candidates. In view of the increasing number of new types of leadership, the results of this study have important implications for the study of political behaviour and elite diversity.

Are Politicians Biased against Ethnic Minority Candidates? Experimental Evidence from Norway

Are Politicians Biased against Ethnic Minority Candidates? Experimental Evidence from Norway

Turnout Turnaround: Ethnic Minority Victories Mobilize White Voters

In Western democracies, like the United States, the United Kingdom, and Germany, the number of ethnic minority representatives has been steadily increasing. How is this trend shaping electoral behavior? Past work has focused on the effects of minority representation on ethnic minorities’ political engagement, with less attention to the electoral behavior of majority-group members. We argue that increased minorities’ representation can be experienced as a threat to a historically white-dominant political context. This, in turn, politically activates white constituents. Using data from four U.K. general elections and a regression discontinuity design, we find that the next election’s turnout in constituencies narrowly won by an ethnic minority candidate is 4.3 percentage points larger than in constituencies narrowly won by a white candidate. Consistent with our argument, this turnout difference is driven by majority-white constituencies. Our findings have implications for intergroup relations and party politics and help explain recent political dynamics.

Understanding ethnic hiring discrimination: A contextual analysis of experimental evidence

Previous research has demonstrated that context matters in understanding unequal treatment in hiring—for example, some studies have illustrated that hiring discrimination is low in large organisations or high in public-facing occupations. Following a review of the recent literature on ethnic hiring discrimination, we identified fourteen plausible moderators (i.e. discrimination correlates) from which we derived an equal number of hypotheses related to taste-based and statistical discrimination theories. We empirically tested these hypotheses through a moderation analysis of data from a correspondence experiment supplemented with occupation, organisation, and sector characteristics. Our empirical approach allowed us to simultaneously evaluate and control the interaction effects of multiple contextual factors with ethnic hiring discrimination. Overall, we find that minority (non-Flemish) candidates receive significantly fewer positive responses to their job applications than majority (Flemish) candidates. In particular, non-Flemish candidates experience significantly less discrimination when applying to not-for-profit organisations or organisations with a large workforce. We also find partial empirical support for the hypotheses that hiring discrimination is high in occupations requiring much interaction between colleagues and in occupations where labour market tightness is low. Future research avenues include evaluating the rationale behind the discrimination correlates mentioned above and testing the replicability of this study's findings across different institutional contexts, labour markets, and grounds for discrimination.