Minimum Legal Drinking Age Laws Research Articles

Beyond the Laws: Parental Monitoring, Perceived Acceptability of Underage Drinking and Alcohol Use Among Belgian Youth.

Parental monitoring behaviors are negatively associated with adolescent substance use. Yet, the processes explaining these associations are still unclear. The current study examined adolescents' knowledge of minimum legal drinking age laws and their perceived acceptability of underage drinking as potential mediators of the links between parental monitoring behaviors and youth alcohol use. The sample included 1154 Belgian adolescents (Mage = 16.34, SD = 1.33; 71% girls), who were recruited in Wallonia (54.9%) and in Flanders (45.1%). Path analyses revealed that higher parental rule setting, but not solicitation, was related to lower alcohol use. Acceptability of underage drinking mediated this link, but not knowledge of the laws. Results suggest that beyond laws regulating the minimum legal drinking age, alcohol use prevention programs should consider the importance of parental rule setting and youth's perceived acceptability of underage drinking.

(More) Party time in school? Relative age and alcohol consumption

ABSTRACT School starting age policies result in academic cohorts where the oldest students are approximately a full year older than their youngest peers. A student’s relative age in their cohort has been shown related to many important outcomes. As examples, relatively older students have been found to be more focused and successful academically, more consistent in their related goals, have more friends, and are less likely to commit crime. Here, we examine the relationships between relative age and alcohol consumption (and partying behaviours) during high school and college. The sample used consists of more than 87,000 U.S. students who attended over 600 different colleges and universities, and even more high schools. These outcomes are found to be only mildly related to relative age, with evidence pointing towards older students drinking and partying slightly less during both high school and college. Though they had upwards of an extra year of being older than the legal drinking age during college, relatively older students drank slightly less, on average. Thus, among college students, the maturity effect of relative age appears stronger than the legal deterrence effect of minimum legal drinking age laws. (I23, I29, I12)

What determines the success of states in reducing alcohol related crash fatalities? A longitudinal analysis of alcohol related crashes in the U.S. from 1985 to 2019

In the United States, nearly 28 people die in alcohol–related motor vehicle crashes every day (1 fatality every 52 min). Over decades, states have enacted multiple laws to reduce such fatalities. From 1982 to 2019, the proportion of drivers in fatal crashes with a blood alcohol concentration (BAC) above 0.01 g/dl declined from 41% to 22%. States vary in terms of their success in reducing alcohol–related crash fatalities. The purpose of this study was to examine factors associated with changes in fatalities related to alcohol–impaired driving at the state level. We created a panel dataset of 50 states from 1985 to 2019 by merging different data sources and used fixed–effect linear regression models to analyze the data. Our two outcome variables were the ratio of drivers in fatal crashes with BAC ≥ 0.01 g/dl to those with BAC = 0.00, and the ratio of those with BAC ≥ 0.08 g/dl to those with BAC < 0.08 g/dl. Our independent variables included four laws (0.08 g/dl BAC per se law, administrative license revocation law, minimum legal drinking age law, and zero tolerance law), number of arrests due to impaired driving, alcohol consumption per capita, unemployment rate, and vehicle miles traveled. We found that the 0.08 g/dl per se law was significantly associated with lower alcohol–related crash fatalities while alcohol consumption per capita was significantly and positively associated with crash–related fatalities. Arrests due to driving under the influence (DUI) and crash fatalities were nonlinearly correlated. In addition, interaction of DUI arrests and two laws (0.08 g/dl BAC per se law, and zero tolerance) were significantly associated with lower crash–related fatalities. Our findings suggest that states which have more restrictive laws and enforce them are more likely to significantly reduce alcohol–related crash fatalities.

Investigating Underage Alcohol-Intoxicated Driver Crash Patterns in Louisiana

Despite the zero tolerance and minimum legal drinking age laws since 1999, crashes caused by underage drinking drivers have occurred every year in the United States, which is a huge cause for concern for roadway safety. This study utilized multiple correspondence analysis (MCA) on 9 years (2010 to 2018) of at-fault, underage (aged 15 to 20 years), alcohol-intoxicated driver crashes in Louisiana to investigate hidden crash attribute patterns. This exploratory multivariate analysis technique identifies systematic associations among categories of qualitative variables rather than recognizing the effect of a single factor on the response variable. The results exhibited the capability of MCA in discovering the meaningful clouds of crash contributory factors from a complex multidimensional dataset. Fatal crashes happened to underage alcohol-intoxicated drivers who were not using seatbelts on high-speed curve segments under dark without streetlights, whereas single-vehicle crashes resulted in moderate injuries among drinking novice teenagers operating light trucks. The findings also revealed the driving behavior patterns of rookie drivers after alcohol intake that resulted in collisions. For example, male teenagers were engaged in impaired driving during weekends under adverse weather conditions, and underage drinking drivers tended to use cellphones during late-night driving. Targeting critical attributes identified from associations could be helpful in reducing the number of related crashes and fatalities. Furthermore, knowledge gained about the attribute groups identified in this study could be included in educational training programs targeting risky driving maneuvers. Integration of multiple interventions could be more strategic in minimizing underage drinking collisions.

Association between a delay in driving licensure and driving while impaired and riding with an impaired driver among emerging adults.

Teens who delay driving licensure may not be subject to graduated driver licensing restrictions that are known to reduce crash risk. We explored the association of delay in licensure with driving while impaired (DWI) and riding with an impaired driver (RWI) among emerging adults. Data from the NEXT Generation Health Study, starting with 10th grade (2009-2010), were analyzed. The outcome variables were Wave 7 (W7) self-reported DWI and RWI as dichotomous variables. The independent variable was delay in licensure. Covariates included sex, urbanicity, race/ethnicity, family structure, parent education, family affluence, teen's highest education, minimum legal drinking age laws, and onset age of alcohol use. Descriptive analysis and logistic regressions were conducted. Of 2525 participants eligible for licensure, 887 reported a delay in licensure by 1-2years (38.9%, weighted) and 1078 by>2years (30.3% weighted) across 7 waves. In W7, 23.5% (weighted and hereafter, 5.6% once, 17.8% ≥twice) of participants reported DWI and 32.42% (5.6% once, 25.4% ≥twice) reported RWI. Logistic regressions showed no overall significant association of delay in licensure with either W7 RWI or W7 DWI. However, in stratified analyses, among African American youth, delay in licensure was positively associated with DWI (OR=2.41, p=0.03) and RWI (OR=2.72, p=0.05). Among those with≤high school or lower education by W7, delayed licensure was positively associated with RWI (OR=2.51, p<0.01). While in the overall sample, delayed licensure did not appear to be associated with DWI or RWI, our findings suggest that delayed licensure may be of concern to teen risk of DWI and RWI among African Americans and among those with lower educational attainment. Furthermore, as two-thirds of youth delayed licensure, more research is needed to determine whether this is more of a positive (i.e., protective) factor by reducing their exposure to crash risk or a negative (i.e., risk) factor due to their missing important driver safety stages of graduated driver licensing.

An Examination of Retailers' Compliance with the Minimum Legal Drinking (purchasing) Age Law in Slovenia: A Quasi-experimental Intervention Study.

IntroductionAlcohol consumption among young people is strongly related to alcohol availability. The minimum legal drinking (purchasing) age (MLDA) is a legal measure that regulates alcohol availability to minors in Slovenia. This study examines (1) retailers’ compliance with the MLDA law in Slovenia and (2) the effectiveness of two interventions directed at cashiers in off-premise stores.MethodsThe study uses a non-randomized quasi-experimental design to evaluate the effectiveness of (1) a communication intervention directed at off-premise store managers, and (2) an intervention by the Slovene Market Inspectorate. The first intervention focused on informing cashiers about MLDA’s importance and their role as gatekeepers of young people’s health, while the second involved law enforcement. Using the mystery shopping protocol, we conducted two waves of purchase attempts with decoy underage shoppers pre- and post-intervention in 97 off-premise stores. We collected data on the shopping process at the point of sale and conducted 40 semistructured interviews with cashiers to evaluate the barriers and incentives regarding MLDA compliance.ResultsRetailers’ initial noncompliance rate with MLDA in off-premise stores was high, but improved significantly after the law enforcement intervention. We identified a significant correlation between the cashiers’ ID requests and the refusal of alcohol sales, but cashiers’ ID requests remained low. Qualitative findings reveal that cashiers experience several issues when handling MLDA in practice.ConclusionNoncompliance with MLDA persisted even after the law enforcement intervention, revealing the need for policy makers to introduce new strategies for MLDA enforcement, such as revocable alcohol licenses for off-premise stores.

Health policy and genetic endowments: Understanding sources of response to Minimum Legal Drinking Age laws.

This paper uses policy-induced variation in legal access to alcohol in the United States to explore interactions between genetic predispositions and health behaviors. It is well known that Minimum Legal Drinking Age (MLDA) laws have discrete impacts on binge drinking behaviors, but less is known about heterogeneity of the effects and the characteristics of individuals most and least affected. Using the Add Health data, this paper explores differential policy effects based on polygenic scores (PGS), which are genome-wide summary measures predicting health outcomes. Specifically, we leverage PGS for alcoholism and for a broader set of risk-taking behaviors to explore heterogeneities in response to the policy and consider mechanisms for the responses. Like previous literature using the Add Health and other datasets, we find main effects of MLDA in increasing recent binge drinking episodes by approximately 5 percentage points. We find MLDA effects are concentrated entirely in individuals with high PGS for alcohol use. We are also able to compare these results with measures of parental alcoholism as a global proxy for family history.

A Spatial Perspective on the Econometrics of Program Evaluation

Empirical work in regional science has seen a growing interest in causal inference, leveraging insights from econometrics, statistics, and related fields. This has resulted in several conceptual as well as empirical papers. However, the role of spatial effects, such as spatial dependence (SD) and spatial heterogeneity (SH), is less well understood in this context. Such spatial effects violate the so-called stable unit treatment value assumption advanced by Rubin as part of the foundational framework for empirical treatment effect analysis. In this article, we consider the role of spatial effects more closely. We provide a brief overview of a number of attempts to extend existing econometric treatment effect evaluation methods with an accounting for spatial aspects and outline and illustrate an alternative approach. Specifically, we propose a spatially explicit counterfactual framework that leverages spatial panel econometrics to account for both SD and SH in treatment choice, treatment variation, and treatment effects. We illustrate this framework with a replication of a well-known treatment effect analysis, that is, the evaluation effect of minimum legal drinking age laws on mortality for US states during the period 1970–1984, a classic textbook example of applied causal inference. We replicate the results available in the literature and compare these to a range of alternative specifications that incorporate spatial effects.

How does alcohol access affect transitional adults’ healthy dietary behaviors?

Despite the rich evidence of the negative effects of alcohol on health, educational, and labor market outcomes, less is known about whether or how lowering the cost of accessing alcohol affects youths’ healthy dietary behaviors. Our study addresses this gap by employing individual-level data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997 (NLSY97). Exploiting the age cutoff in the US minimum legal drinking age law, we find that the transition to the age of 21 coincides with a discontinuous increase in the consumption of fruit and vegetables among the overall NLSY97 sample. One possible explanation for this seemingly counterintuitive result is that some youths re-optimized in response to an exogenous reduction in the cost of alcohol access. We separated the results by drinking status and gender, scrutinized the drinking subsample, and found suggestive evidence in support of this hypothesis. We also examined different sociodemographic subgroups to better understand the heterogeneous local average treatment effects of the universal MLDA policy.

Assessing the impacts of minimum legal drinking age laws on police-reported violent victimization in Canada from 2009 to 2013

Background/aim: Given that alcohol-related victimization is highly prevalent among young adults, the current study aimed to assess the potential impacts of Minimum Legal Drinking Age (MLDA) laws on police-reported violent victimization events among young people.Design: A regression-discontinuity (RD) approach was applied to victimization data from the Canadian Uniform Crime Reporting 2 (UCR2) Incident-based survey from 2009-2013.Participants/cases: All police-reported violent victimization events (females: n = 178,566; males: n = 156,803) among youth aged 14–22 years in Canada.Measurements: Violent victimization events, primarily consisting of homicide, physical assault, sexual assault, and robbery.Results: In comparison to youth slightly younger than the drinking age, both males and females slightly older than MLDA had significant and immediate increases in police-reported violent victimization events (females: 13.5%, 95% CI: 7.5%–19.5%, p < 0.001; males: 11.6%, 95% CI: 6.6%–16.7%, p < 0.001). Victimizations occurring in the evening rose sharply immediately after the MLDA by 22.8% (95% CI: 9.9%–35.7%, p = 0.001) for females and 19.3% (95% CI: 11.5%–27.2%, p < 0.001) for males. Increases in violent victimization immediately after MLDA were most prominent in bar/restaurant/open-air settings, with victimizations rising sharply by 44.9% (95% CI: 29.5%–60.2%, p < 0.001) among females and 18.3% (95% CI: 7.7%–29.0%, p = 0.001) among males.Conclusions: Young people gaining minimum legal drinking age incur immediate increases in police-reported violent victimizations, especially those occurring in the evening and at bar/restaurant/open-air settings. Evidence suggests that increasing the MLDA may attenuate patterns of violent victimization in newly restricted age groups.

Effectiveness of lowering the blood alcohol concentration (BAC) limit for driving from 0.10 to 0.08 grams per deciliter in the United States

Objective: The current study evaluates of the effects of lowering the blood alcohol concentration (BAC) limit from 0.10 to 0.08 g/dL across all 50 states in the United States. Our objectives were to (1) estimate the effects of the 0.08 g/dL BAC limit on drinking driver fatal crash rates; (2) compare the effects from early-adopting states to the effects of late-adopting states; (3) determine the effects on drivers with low BACs (0.01–0.07 g/dL) and high BACs (0.08+ g/dL); and (4) estimate the lives saved since 1983 due to the adoption of 0.08 g/dL BAC laws.Methods: Our study examined annual data from the Fatality Analysis Reporting System (FARS) for each jurisdiction from 1982 through 2014. Our basic outcome measure was the ratio of drinking drivers (BAC ≥0.01 g/dL) to nondrinking drivers (BAC = 0.00 g/dL). Covariates included 0.10 BAC laws, administrative license revocation (ALR) laws, seat belt laws, minimum legal drinking age (MLDA) laws, and unemployment rates. We utilized autoregressive integrated moving average (ARIMA) models for each state, where the implementation date of the law was modeled as a zero-order transfer function in the series, in addition to any extant trends that may have been occurring simultaneously. Before determining the specific impact of the implementation of 0.08 g/dL BAC laws, we conducted a time series analysis for each state. We tested for between-state mediating factors relating to our covariates.Results: A total of 38 of the 51 jurisdictions showed that lowering the BAC limit was associated with reduced drinking driver fatal crash ratios, with 20 of those reductions being significant. The total effects showed a 10.4% reduction in annual drinking driver fatal crash rates, which is estimated to have saved an average of 1,736 lives each year between 1983 and 2014 and 24,868 lives in total. Implementing a BAC limit of 0.08 g/dL had significant impacts on both high- and low-BAC fatal crash ratios. Though early-adopting jurisdictions (1983–1999) demonstrated a larger decrease in fatal drinking driver crash ratios than did late-adopting jurisdictions (2000–2005), the results were not statistically significant (P > .05).Conclusions: Our study of the effects of lowering the BAC from 0.10 to 0.08 g/dL in the United States from 1982 to 2014 showed an overall effect of 10.4% on annual drinking driver fatal crash rates, in line with other multistate studies. This research provides strong evidence of the relationship between lowering the BAC limit for driving and the general deterrent effect on impaired-driving fatal crash rates.

The Impact of Drinking Age Laws on Perpetration of Sexual Assault Crimes in Canada, 2009–2013

PurposeSexual-assault crimes, primarily perpetrated by males against female victims, impose a substantial burden on societies worldwide, especially on youth. Given that approximately half of all sexual assaults involve alcohol consumption by the perpetrator or victim, it is reasonable to expect that minimum legal drinking age (MLDA) restrictions might have an effect on sexual-assault patterns. Canadian MLDA laws are 18 years in Quebec, Alberta, and Manitoba (MLDA-18), and 19 years in the rest of the country (MLDA-19). The present study assesses whether MLDA laws might have an impact on sexual-assault crimes. MethodsA regression-discontinuity design was applied to sexual-assault crime data (n = 12,980 incidents) from the national Uniform Crime Reporting survey 2009–2013, a population-level registry of all police-reported crimes in Canada. Uniform Crime Reporting data does not include an explicit alcohol involvement indicator. ResultsNationally, in comparison to males slightly younger than the MLDA, those just older had significant and immediate increases in sexual-assault perpetration of 31.9% (95% confidence interval: 8.7%–54.5%, p = .007). In MLDA-19 provinces, there was an immediate post-MLDA increase of 56.0% (95% confidence interval: 18.9%–90.8%, p = .004) in sexual-assault crimes by males just older than 19 years, whereas in MLDA-18 provinces no significant effect was found. For females, there was no evidence of MLDA effects on sexual-assault crimes. ConclusionsRelease from Canadian MLDA law restrictions was strongly associated with increases in sexual-assault perpetration by young men. These findings lend support to the potential effectiveness of population-level alcohol control policies for sexual-assault prevention among youth.

Do drinking-age laws have an impact on crime? Evidence from Canada, 2009–2013

BackgroundInternational debate is ongoing about the effectiveness of minimum legal drinking age (MLDA) laws. In Canada, the MLDA is 18 years of age in Alberta, Manitoba and Québec, and 19 in the rest of the country. Surprisingly few prior studies have examined the potential impacts of MLDA legislation on crime, and the current study addresses this gap. MethodsRegression-discontinuity analyses of police-reported criminal incidents from the 2009–2013 Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Survey, Canada’s crime database. ResultsNationally, in comparison to males slightly younger than the MLDA, those just older than the MLDA had sharp increases in: all crimes, (7.6%; 95% CI=3.7%–11%, P<0.001); violent crimes, (7.4%; 95% CI=0.2%–14.6%, P=0.043); property crimes, (4.8%; 95% CI=0.02%–9.5%, P=0.049); and disorderly conduct, (29.4%; 95% CI=15.6%–43.3%, P<0.001). Among females, national criminal incidents increased sharply following the MLDA in: all crimes, (10.4%; 95% CI=3.8%–17.0%, P=0.002), violent crimes, (14.9%; 95% CI=6.4–23.2, P=0.001); and disorderly conduct, (35.3%; 95% CI=11.6–58.9, P=0.004). Among both males and females, there was no evidence of significant changes in cannabis- or narcotics-related crimes (quasi-control outcomes) vis-à-vis the MLDA (P>0.05). ConclusionRelease from drinking-age laws appears to be associated with immediate increases in population-level violent and nonviolent crimes among young people in Canada.

Release from drinking-age restrictions is associated with increases in alcohol-related motor vehicle collisions among young drivers in Canada

BackgroundAlcohol-related motor vehicle collisions (MVCs) are a key concern in current international debates about the effectiveness of minimum legal drinking age (MLDA) laws, but the majority of this literature is based on natural experiments involving MLDA changes occurring 2–4 decades ago. MethodsA regression-discontinuity approach was used to estimate the relation between Canadian drinking-age laws and population-based alcohol-related MVCs (n=50,233) among drivers aged 15–23years in Canada. ResultsIn comparison to male drivers slightly younger than the MLDA, those just older had immediate and abrupt increases in alcohol-related MVCs of 40.6% (95% CI 25.1%–56.6%; P<0.001) in Ontario; 90.2% (95% CI 7.3%–171.2%; P=0.033) in Manitoba; 21.6% (95% CI 8.5%–35.0%; P=0.001) in British Columbia; and 27.3% (95% CI 10.9%–44.5%; P=0.001) in Alberta; but also an unexpected significant decrease in the Northwest Territories of −102.2% (95% CI −120.7%–74.9%; P<0.001). For females, release from MLDA restrictions was associated with increases in alcohol-related MVCs in Ontario [34.2% (95% CI 0.9%–68.0%; P=0.044)] and Alberta [82.2% (95% CI 41.1%–125.1%; P<0.001)]. Nationally, in comparison to male drivers slightly younger than the legislated MLDA, male drivers just older had significant increases immediately following the MLDA in alcohol-related severe MVCs [27.0% (95% CI 12.6%–41.7%, P<0.001)] and alcohol-related fatal MVCs [53.4% (95% CI 2.4%–102.9%, P=0.04)]. ConclusionsRelease from Canadian drinking-age restrictions appears to be associated with immediate increases in alcohol-related fatal and non-fatal MVCs, especially among male drivers.

Midstream social marketing intervention to influence retailers’ compliance with the minimum legal drinking age law

Purpose Alcohol availability is strongly related to excessive alcohol consumption. This study aims to examine social marketing’s response to concerns about retailers’ noncompliance with the minimum legal drinking age (MLDA) law by proposing and evaluating a social marketing intervention directed at sellers in off-premise stores. Design/methodology/approach The study is based on a non-randomized quasi-experimental design, focusing on an evaluation of the implementation of the “18 rules!” intervention in four cities in Slovenia. Two waves of underage purchase attempts were conducted pre- and post-intervention in 24 off-premise businesses, following a mystery shopping protocol. Findings The initial rate of retailers’ noncompliance with the MLDA law in off-premise establishments was high. After the social marketing intervention, an increase with compliance with the law was observed; the proportion of cashiers selling alcohol to minors after the intervention decreased from 96 to 67 per cent. Qualitative insight suggests an existence of retailers’ dilemma in complying with the MLDA. Research limitations/implications A social marketing approach could contribute to a better understanding of the social working of the MLDA law. Practical implications A social marketing approach could complement the usual enforcement strategies and contribute to a better understanding of the social working of the MLDA law, and encourage deliberate retailers’ compliance with it while developing valuable exchanges among people and stakeholders. Originality/value The paper conceptualizes retailers’ dilemma in complying with the minimal legal drinking age law and offers social marketing response to it. Results of the study show that also solely non-coercive measures have the potential in increasing retailers’ compliance with regulations.

Driving Under the Influence of Alcohol, Marijuana, and Alcohol and Marijuana Combined Among Persons Aged 16-25 Years - United States, 2002-2014.

Motor vehicle accidents are the leading cause of death among youths and young adults aged 16-25 years in the United States (1). The prevalence of drinking and driving among high school students aged 16-19 years has declined by 54%, from 22.3% in 1991 to 10.3% in 2011 (2). However, the prevalence of weekend nighttime driving under the influence of marijuana (based on biochemical assays) among drivers aged ≥16 years has increased by 48%, from 8.6% in 2007 to 12.6% in 2013-2014 (3). Use of marijuana alone and in combination with alcohol has been shown to impair driving abilities (4-9). This report provides the most recent self-reported national estimates of driving under the influence of alcohol, marijuana, and alcohol and marijuana combined among persons aged 16-25 years, using data from the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH) from 2002-2014. Prevalence data on driving under the influence of both substances were examined for two age groups (16-20 years and 21-25 years) and by sex and race/ethnicity. During 2002-2014, the prevalence of driving under the influence of alcohol alone significantly declined by 59% among persons aged 16-20 years (from 16.2% in 2002 to 6.6% in 2014; p<0.001) and 38% among persons 21-25 years (from 29.1% in 2002 to 18.1% in 2014; p<0.001). In addition, the prevalence of driving under the influence of alcohol and marijuana combined significantly declined by 39%, from 2.3% in 2002 to 1.4% in 2014 (p<0.001) among persons aged 16-20 years and from 3.1% in 2002 to 1.9% in 2014 (p<0.001) among persons aged 21-25 years. The prevalence of driving under the influence of marijuana alone declined 18%, from 3.8% in 2002 to 3.1% in 2014 (p = 0.05) only among persons aged 16-20 years. Effective public safety interventions,* such as minimum legal drinking age laws, prohibition of driving with any alcohol level >0 for persons aged <21 years, targeted mass media campaigns, roadside testing (e.g., sobriety checkpoints), and graduated driver licensing programs (10) have contributed to the decline in driving under the influence of alcohol in this population. These or similar interventions might be useful to prevent driving under the influence of other substances, such as marijuana alone or combined with other substances.

Did the 18 Drinking Age Promote High School Dropout? Implications for Current Policy.

Disagreement exists over whether permissive minimum legal drinking age (MLDA) laws affected underage adolescents (e.g., those age 17 years with the MLDA of 18). We used MLDA changes during the 1970s and 1980s as a natural experiment to investigate how underage exposure to permissive MLDA affected high school dropout. MLDA exposure was added to two data sets: (a) the 5% public use microdata samples of the 1990 and 2000 censuses (n = 3,671,075), and (b) a combined data set based on the 1991-1992 National Longitudinal Alcohol Epidemiological Survey (NLAES) and the 2001-2002 National Epidemiological Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions (NESARC; n = 16,331). We used logistic regression to model different thresholds of MLDA on high school dropout. We also estimated models conditioned on demographic variables and familial risk of developing alcohol problems. Only the MLDA of 18 predicted high school dropout. Exposure was associated with 4% and 13% higher odds of high school dropout for the census and NLAES/NESARC samples, respectively. We noted greater impact on women (5%-18%), Blacks (5%-19%), and Hispanics (6%). Self-report of parental alcohol problems was associated with 40% higher odds, which equals a 4.14-point increase in dropout rate for that population. The MLDA of 18 likely had a large impact on high school dropout rates, suggesting that the presence of legal-aged peers in a high school setting increased access to alcohol for younger students. Our results also suggest that policy can promote less dangerous drinking behavior even when familial risk of alcohol use disorders is high.

Long-term effects of minimum legal drinking age laws on marijuana and other illicit drug use in adulthood

BackgroundExposure to permissive minimum legal drinking age (MLDA) laws (ability to purchase alcohol <21 years) during adolescence can have long-term effects, including heavy alcohol use or alcohol use disorders as adults. We examined whether exposure to permissive MLDA laws during adolescence has long-term effects on illicit drug use and disorders in adulthood. MethodsParticipants from the 2004–2012 National Survey of Drug Use and Health (NSDUH) were linked with historical state MLDA laws. Participants born in 1949–1972 (age 31–63 years at observation, n=110,300) were analyzed because they came of legal age for alcohol purchase when changes occurred in state MLDA laws. Logistic regression was used to model drug use measures as a function of exposure to permissive MLDA during adolescence, adjusting for state and birth-year fixed effects, demographics, and salient state characteristics. ResultsRates of past month use, past year use, and abuse/dependence of marijuana were 4.7%, 7.8%, and 1.2%, respectively. Rates of past month use, past year use, and abuse/dependence of illicit drugs other than marijuana were 2.9%, 6.2%, and 0.7%, respectively. Among the full sample, exposure to permissive MLDA laws was not significantly associated with drug use or abuse/dependence in adulthood. Men exposed to permissive MLDA laws were at 20% increased odds of past year illicit drug use (aOR 1.20, 95% CI 1.09–1.32). ConclusionsRestricting alcohol access during adolescence did not increase long-term drug use. Allowing the purchase of alcohol among those less than 21 years of age could increase the risk of drug use later in life.

The Effect of Alcohol Consumption on Labor Market Outcomes of Young Adults: Evidence from Minimum Legal Drinking Age Laws

Abstract This paper uses a regression discontinuity design to estimate the impact of the minimum legal drinking age (MLDA) laws on alcohol consumption and labor market outcomes of young adults. Using confidential data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997 Cohort (NLSY97), I find that granting legal access to alcohol at age 21 leads to an increase in several measures of alcohol consumption. The discrete jump in the alcohol consumption at the MLDA has also negative spillover effects on the labor market outcomes of young adults. In particular, I document that the MLDA is associated with a 1 hour decrease in weekly working hours. However, the effect of the MLDA laws on wages is negative only under certain specifications. These results suggest that the policies designed to curb drinking may not only have desirable effects in reducing alcohol consumption among young adults but also have positive spillover effects on their labor market outcomes.

Impacts of the minimum legal drinking age on motor vehicle collisions in Québec, 2000-2012.

International debates are occurring about the effectiveness of minimum legal drinking age laws. Most minimum legal drinking age evaluation studies have focused on motor vehicle collision outcomes, but this literature is primarily based on naturalistic experiments involving legislation changes in the U.S. in the mid-1980s. Few studies have provided up-to-date estimates of the impacts of Canadian drinking age laws on motor vehicle collisions to inform current policy discussions. To estimate the impacts of minimum legal drinking age legislation on motor vehicle collisions occurring in 2000-2012 in Québec, a province with a minimum legal drinking age of 18 years. Using Québec Ministry of Transportation records of police-reported motor vehicle collisions in 2000-2012, regression-discontinuity analyses were employed to assess the impacts of the minimum legal drinking age on motor vehicle collisions. All data were analyzed in 2013. Relative to individuals slightly younger than the minimum legal drinking age, male and female drivers just older than the minimum legal drinking age had a significant and abrupt increase of approximately 6% (men, 6.3%, p=0.003; women, 5.9%, p=0.047) in population-level motor vehicle collisions, as well as a significant 11.1% (p=0.001) rise in nighttime motor vehicle collisions (a proxy for alcohol-related collisions). Drinking-age laws continue to be an integral component of contemporary alcohol-control and driving-related policies designed to limit motor vehicle collisions among youth. In addition, the regression-discontinuity approach can guide future work to estimate potential minimum legal drinking age impacts on other health outcomes.