Military Rebellion Research Articles

Problem państw de facto w stosunkach międzynarodowych w okresie dekolonizacji w Afryce

THE PROBLEM OF DE FACTO STATES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS DURING THE DECOLONISATION IN AFRICA: THE CASE OF KATANGA AND SOUTH KASAI In modern history of Sub-Saharan Africa there have been several attempts of secession, most of which failed. Some of them were successful, such as Eritrea or South Sudan, others were close to success, such as Katanga in the Belgian Congo or Biafra in Nigeria, and some others never had any practical chances of success, such as Cabinda, aiming to separate from Angola, or South Kasai from Congo. The Republic of Congo, one of the largest countries in Sub Saharan Africa, was the first of the independent states in this region to experience civil war and separatism. This former Belgian colony gained independence on 30 June 1960 and was plunged into an internal conflict just two weeks later. The military rebellion and the chaos that arose in the country after the declaration of independence were used by politicians from the mineral-rich Katanga and South Kasai provinces. The conflict, taking place in the realities of the Cold War and decolonisation, became an element of a larger international game between the Western world, the Eastern bloc, and non-aligned countries. Katanga is the only example so far when the international community has made an effort towards ending secession of an unrecognised state and has tried to restore state unity using military force through the United Nations.

The Historical Trajectory and the Politics of Lakhan Thapa’s Body: Redrawing from Nepali Experiences

This paper explores Lakhan Thapa’s body in the historical trajectory, especially dealing with antipathy, empathy and apotheosis in the light of the New-historicist perspective. Lakhan Thapa, a military rebellion and the first martyr of Nepal, was executed by the Rana regime in 1877. It took 122 years to recognize his body as “a martyr,” which was declared by the multiparty democratic government in 1999. In the past, the regime created by the Ranas and Panchayats accentuated Lakhan Thapa in different positions, capturing variegated emotional responses from the rulers and the public. Against this backdrop, the paper argues that Lakhan Thapa’s body is a site of antipathy, empathy and apotheosis. For instance, when his body resisted the ruler Jung Bahadur Rana, it was dominantly occupied by antipathy, creating a threat against the ruler. As the democratic movement took place in the country in 1990, empathetic temperaments were discharged from the public, reckoning Lakhan Thapa’s body as a site of emancipation and celebration. Therefore, Lakhan Thapa’s body became ubiquitous and omnipresent when the democratically elected federal republican government of Nepal declared Lakhan Thapa “the first martyr of Nepal” in 2015. To address this issue, the study employs Michel Foucault’s notion of the ‘disciplined body’ and Stephen Greenblatt’s definition of ‘resonance and wonder’ for analysis. The study also exposes Lakhan Thapa’s body as a site of contestation and celebration, which is largely shaped by the political transition. The body is not a static and neutral form of agency with apolitical materiality but rather a fluid and transitory state of representation, profoundly rooted in the nexus of power and politics.

The Viceroyalty of General Queipo de Llano in Seville During the Spanish Civil War: A Dialectic of Violence and Destitution

This article reappraises General Queipo de Llano's authoritarian rule in Seville during the Spanish Civil War (1936–9). Queipo's murderous regime has long attracted scholarly attention, but very little research has been devoted to other aspects of his administration. Perhaps one exception to this rule is that several works have attempted to enhance Queipo's reputation, portraying the general not only as a military genius, but also as an economic visionary and architect of a proto-welfare state. Building on the concept of Queipo's ‘kleptocratic state’, the present article not only refutes this myth, but also demonstrates that economic policy was crucial to (and inseparable from) the process of physical repression in Seville. The new regime was thus founded on a brutal dialectic of violence and destitution. Prioritizing the liquidation of their perceived enemies, Spain's military rebels massacred thousands in the city after the coup of July 1936. The economic chaos wrought by the mass-killings soon compelled the insurgents to adopt a series of mitigating measures, but the murderous project was not abandoned. Indeed, as the article demonstrates, even ostensibly humanitarian measures must be regarded as part of a broader punitive, restrictive and ideological rebel ethos.

동아시아 패권전쟁으로서의 청일전쟁 재조명

This paper tries to shed light on the first Sino-Japanese war(1894-1895) from the perspective of hegemonic war. Generally, hegemonic war theories emphasizes differential growth of national power among great powers as one cause of major war. However, some theorists pointed out that foreign policies of middle powers in the midst of great power rivalry can ignite direct confrontation between two powers. Based on this observation, this paper explains what policy did Joseon dynasty take during the power rivalry between Qing Empire and Meiji Japan in the late 19th century. In the face of growing rivalry between Meiji Japan and Qing Empire, politicians in Joseon dynasty began to be divided into pro-Japan faction and pro-Qing faction each other; eventually two factions harshly confronted through Imo military rebellion(壬午軍亂) and Kapsin political upheaval(甲申政變). These internal political clash invited neighboring powers intervention into Joseon’s politics and ignited two powers’ direct confrontation over Korean peninsula’s dominance. Joseon’s younger intellectual Yun Chi- ho’s diary illustrated well how did Joseon’s junior politicians lose the vision of their dynasty’s future and expected advanced foreign countries’ intervention into Joseon’s internal politics.

Caciques e repressão perante o modelo laico das escolas fundadas da América pela emigração Galega (1923-1936)

ABSTRACT Between the last part of the XIX century and the first decades of the XX, in a context of intense European emigration, hundreds of thousands of Galician men and women moved massively to diverse regions of America. Despite the harsh conditions of departure the new situation offered positive elements such as, among others, political awareness, its influence on the mutualist associationism and the ethnic solidarity in the place of origin by means of schooling projects intended for popular classes; in some cases, inspired on the modern educational reformist trends that advocated a lay and democratic school. This produced situations of conflict with the local conservative parties, deriving from persecution campaigns during the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera (1923-1930) and a more intense repression from the military rebellion and during the period of the Spanish War (1936-1939). This work focusses on the labour of the societies of instruction, members of the Federation of Galician, Agricultural and Cultural Societies of Buenos Aires (Argentina).The consultation of diverse bibliographical newspaper press archives from that period enables us to reconstruct the scenario of persecution and repression in its area of influence, as an example of the perpetrated in general terms in other places in the rest of the country, and of which were victims the promotors of the schooling projects as well as their teachers, the pupils and their respective families.

State breakdown and Army-Splinter Rebellions

In Afghanistan, Libya, Liberia and beyond, armed rebellions have begun when armies fell apart. When does this occur? This paper conducts a large-N analysis of these army-splinter rebellions, distinct from both non-military rebellions from below and from coups, using new data. It finds that they follow a logic of state breakdown focusing on regime characteristics (personalist regimes and the loss of superpower support at the end of the Cold War) rather than drivers of mass mobilization from below. In contrast, these regime-level factors matter much less for the non-military rebellions from below that dominate theorizing about civil war origins. This paper also shows that one option for military rebels lies in not attempting a coup but instead heading straight into a rebellion. This paper thus distinguishes highly different paths to armed conflict, validates the state breakdown approach to why armies fall apart, and extends the well-known tradeoff between coups and civil wars.

“If That Be Treason, Let Them Make the Most of It!”: Olin Downes, the Spanish Civil War, and Civil Liberties in the United States

“If That Be Treason, Let Them Make the Most of It!”: Olin Downes, the Spanish Civil War, and Civil Liberties in the United States

Żołnierze żydowscy w armii austro-węgierskiej podczas I wojny światowej

The military service of Jewish soldiers during World War I caused controversies, with the term“Jew” itself being problematic. In Austria-Hungary, a Jewish nationality was not recognized, andthe only criterium of identification was a declaration of practicing religion (Judaism). This isnot a problem for establishing the number of Jewish privates, but it disrupts the statistics of theofficer corps, where it was common to abandon Judaism. In the Austro-Hungarian Army, Jewshad the ability to acquire higher officer ranks (general), but in practice, this was only applicableto Jews assimilated to German culture. The percentage of Jews among reserve officers was higherthan average due to their high level of education. According to data from 1910, Jews constituted3.1% of all privates in the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. World War I took the lives of about25,000 Austro-Hungarian Jews, i.e. about 8.3% of all followers of Judaism mobilized to the army.This was a percentage slightly lower than for Christians, which became fodder to anti-Semitism.Jewish soldiers showed loyalty to the state and did not engage in military rebellions in 1918. After the war, the memory of Jewish soldiers was not cultivated in the Austro-Hungarian monarchy’s successor states. In contrast to Germany, however, they were not accused of acting to undermine the empire’s military potential during World War I.

Captain Aguilera and filicide: an attachment-based exploration

This article aims to explore a constellation of individual-attachment, family-attachment, and group-attachment experiences, as well as other psychosocial, cultural, and political factors, which contributed to the dual filicide perpetrated by Captain Gonzalo de Aguilera Munro—a count, landowner, cavalryman, and propaganda press officer for General Francisco Franco’s army during the Spanish Civil War. Learning from Luis Arias González and, above all, Paul Preston’s biographies of Captain Aguilera, the article will employ a combined methodology of historical investigation, psychiatric clinical formulations, and group analysis. In doing so, it will take into account a highly complex context of brutal group dynamics of national depression and exaltation, unresolved trauma, military rebellion, war, genocide, holocaust, and dictatorship.

Salamanca, May 1937: The Eighth Marquis del Moral and the Turning Point in General Franco’s Foreign Policy Towards Great Britain in the Spanish Civil War

Frederick Ramón de Bertodano y Wilson, eighth Marquis del Moral, is an overlooked figure in the relationship between the British government and the military rebels led by General Franco during the Spanish Civil War. Based in London, Moral spearheaded pro-rebel propaganda in Britain and was largely responsible for the formation of the Friends of National Spain. This article places Moral at the centre of its analysis to provide fresh insights into Anglo-Spanish relations during the Civil War. It argues that he played a crucial role in encouraging Franco to reassess his foreign policy towards Britain in the spring of 1937.

The Future of Progressive Politics in a Post-Fordist World

The Future of Progressive Politics in a Post-Fordist World

دور الأنظمة العربية في اغتيال فلسطين ونكبة 1948

This research discusses the historical backgrounds that led to the Zionist occupation of Palestine. It demonstrates the significant contrast between the official and popular positions in dealing with the Zionist project that began its invasion to Palestine at the beginning of the 20st century. The research demonstrates the role of the Palestinian leaders who were supported by the popular Islamic and Arab movements in intensifying resistance and military conformation against the British mandate and Jewish armed groups. In addition, the research identifies the most prominent military achievements of the armed resistance. This paper also documents the negative role of the official Arab regimes in deterring the popular revolutions and containing the developing of military rebellions. More importantly, this research has proven that the official position of the Arab governments served against the Palestinian cause by preventing the genuine armed popular movements from fighting the Zionist project, which had consequently led to the defeat (Nakba) of 1948. To study the official position of Arab leaders, the research puts emphasis on four elements: Adoption of a protest diplomacy, Exclusion of the military solution to confront the Zionist project expansion, Acceptance of the United Nations Resolution regarding the partition of Palestine which shapes the first core for establishing the Jewish State, and finally Acceptance of the ceasefire after 1948 war which represents a recognition of the right of existence of the Jewish State.

Implantación y funcionamiento de la justicia militar en la provincia de Málaga (1937)

En el otoño de 1936, los militares sublevados contra la República diseñaron para las zonas bajo su ocupación una estructura jurídico militar que debía implantarse en Madrid, una vez que aquella ciudad fuese conquistada. La frustración de este plan determinó que el proyecto se trasladara a Málaga, ocupada en febrero de 1937. En la provincia quedaron instalados veintiséis juzgados militares a cargo de jueces civiles, militarizados exprofeso. Estos juzgados instruyeron por el Procedimiento Sumarísimo de Urgencia para los Consejos de Guerra Permanente que actuaron en la provincia entre febrero y diciembre de 1937. En este artículo se analiza la estructura que permitió el encausamiento, al menos, de 13.472 personas durante aquellos meses.

«Menos Camboyas, Caperucita». Reflexión sobre la represión franquista, 1939–1953

This article examines the repression following General Franco's unconditional victory in the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). It argues that the surrender of the Republic did not alter the Franco regime's determination to punish its ideological enemies. The repression was based on a cruel irony: the defeated republicans were responsible for the civil war and thus guilty of the crime of 'military rebellion'. Nevertheless, although thousands were punished, the article challenges claims that the post-war repression implemented a programme of ideological extermination.

광주 학살의 내재성 - 쿠데타, 베트남전쟁, 내전

In Gwangju, 5·18 The brutality of the airborne troops is staged in two coups, the 5.16 coup and the 12.12 coup, which enabled the military to intervene in politics. But the more direct cause is the Vietnam War. Political officers and officers of the airborne unit have gained combat experience by participating in the Vietnam War, while guerrilla warfare, in which the enemy and allies are indistinguishable, justified terrorism and genocide against civilians. In particular, on-site commanders and sergeant officers carried out arbitrary summary and retaliatory killings in the process of the outer blockade that isolates Gwangju. From the perspective of military rebels and airborne troops, 5·18 was a civil war with the enemy. Gwangju citizens were enemies, not the same people or nation, and brutality was tolerated in the civil war with the enemy. But it was an imagined civil war. Gwangju citizens did not regard the airborne troops as enemies, nor did they try to annihilate soldiers despite their armament. As such, two coups, the Vietnam War and the imagined civil war were forming the immanence of the Gwangju massacre.

광주 학살의 내재성 - 쿠데타, 베트남전쟁, 내전

In Gwangju, 5·18 The brutality of the airborne troops is staged in two coups, the 5.16 coup and the 12.12 coup, which enabled the military to intervene in politics. But the more direct cause is the Vietnam War. Political officers and officers of the airborne unit have gained combat experience by participating in the Vietnam War, while guerrilla warfare, in which the enemy and allies are indistinguishable, justified terrorism and genocide against civilians. In particular, on-site commanders and sergeant officers carried out arbitrary summary and retaliatory killings in the process of the outer blockade that isolates Gwangju. From the perspective of military rebels and airborne troops, 5·18 was a civil war with the enemy. Gwangju citizens were enemies, not the same people or nation, and brutality was tolerated in the civil war with the enemy. But it was an imagined civil war. Gwangju citizens did not regard the airborne troops as enemies, nor did they try to annihilate soldiers despite their armament. As such, two coups, the Vietnam War and the imagined civil war were forming the immanence of the Gwangju massacre.

Ideological Foundations of British Non-Intervention in the Spanish Civil War: Foreign Office Perceptions of Political Polarisation in Spain, 1931-1936

ABSTRACT In response to the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in 1936, the British government adopted and maintained a policy of strict non-intervention throughout the conflict. Previous commentators, to varying degrees, have suggested this policy was largely a product of British hostility towards the Spanish Republic and designed to facilitate a victory for the military rebels who would subdue threats of a communist revolution. This analysis argues that historians have exaggerated British concerns about communism and that Britain saw the Republic as a viable political project that it wanted to succeed. Rather than focusing on British perceptions of only left-wing groups in Spain, this analysis also incorporates perceptions of the extreme right and fascist groups. British concerns about Spain’s political polarisation laid the foundations of the policy of non-intervention, which sought to avert risks of the conflict escalating and solidifying the broader ideological polarisation occurring in Europe during the 1930s.

Liberalismo e Revolução Liberal de 1820. Novas interpretações

In the bicentenary of the Liberal Revolution of 1820, the Revista da FLUP – História in its v.10, nº 2 (2020) publishes a dossier related with this event, that has the objective to allow a reflection on the Portuguese Liberalism, accordingly to the new historiographical tendencies. This theme was object of great interest by Portuguese historians and writers, as well as foreigners, in the 19th and 20th centuries. In fact, the military rebellion of the 24th August 1820 was of vital importance, in the History of Portugal, as it made possible the realization of first elections, by direct suffrage that ever took place in the country and the writing of the first Liberal Constitution in 1822

The gradual reinforcement of Japanese mapping in pre-colonial Taiwan and Korea

Abstract. In East Asia, the modern hydrographical survey was promoted during the Opium War (1840–1842) and the Arrow War (1856–1860) by Western countries, which demanded the establishment of modern trade relations with this area. However, the application of modern mapping such as triangulation to its inlands was limited even at the end of the nineteenth century, because it required stable and innovative governments for implementation. Keeping this uneven extension of modern cartography in East Asia in mind, we should pay attentions also to various map makings, which had been carried out in most of the inlands, in order to unravel the process of transition from early modern to modern cartography. In this presentation, I would like to follow up Japanese mappings in Taiwan and Korea to scrutinize their role for the preparation of modern survey.Japan had little geographical information of neighbouring countries except China at the start of the Meiji Government, because of the long national seclusion during the Tokugawa Era, Accordingly, it depended heavily on foreign source in this period. Concerning Korea, Japanese army printed a large map titled “A complete map of Korea” (Fig. 1), compiling Western charts, native maps of Korea, and maps of China, which were affiliated with the Qing Imperial Atlas of the 18th century. As for Taiwan, various materials including Western charts, maps prepared by an American former consul at Amoy and a Chinese administrative map copied secretly at the residence of a high official of Taiwan were gathered and translated into Japanese for the use of military expedition in 1874.However, a stark contrast is found concerning subsequent map making in these two areas. After the treaty of Kanghwa (1876), Japanese navy promoted hydrographical survey of coasts of Korea, which had not been surveyed yet by Western ships under the pretext of the search of new treaty port. In addition, army officers were dispatched to Japanese diplomatic offices in Korea for land survey after the Imo Military Rebellion (1882). Traversing with compass and pacing was commonly conducted by them. Up to the start of the Sino-Japanese War (1894), Japanese army prepared 64 sheets of 1 : 200,000 maps to cover most of the territory of Korea compiling geographical information accumulated mainly during 1880s. In contrast, only one sheet of 1 : 200,000 and one sheet of 1 : 500,000 maps were printed till the end of 1894 for Taiwan, which had been unexpected to be battlefield (Fig.2).However, Japanese army concentrated surveyors to Taiwan for plane table surveying after the conclusion of the peace treaty of Shimonoseki (1895), in which the cession of Taiwan was specified. Until 1903, 147 sheets of 1 : 50,000 and 1 : 20,000 maps, which covered coastal areas, were completed. Although the same kind of military survey was started in Korea, it took longer time to cover the whole area than that in Taiwan, mainly because of the native people’s resistance movements against it.Subsequent cadastral and topographical surveys including triangulation in colonial Taiwan and Korea were carried out on the basis of these preceding mappings. In addition to geographical knowledge summarized in these transitional maps, surveyors who had mastered specialized skills during the wartime mapping played important roles in these colonial projects. It should be also noted native youth were trained and hired for these surveys.

La autoridad, el pánico y la beligerancia. Políticas de orden público y violencia política en la España del Frente Popular

This article analyses the relationship between public order policies and the increase of political violence that took place in Spain between February and July 1936. The reestablishment of a reformist and less repressive policy paradoxically stimulated the development of four causal factors of violence: government delegitimisation, politicisation of the public order administration, de-authorisation of police forces, and privatisation of the political use of force. Since May, the Casares Government tried to solve the problem by intensifying the persecution of Falangist terrorism, decelerating the republicanisation of the police, reestablishing the principle of authority, and recovering the control of public order resources. Nevertheless, although these measures significantly reduced the number of mortal victims, the political violence remained considerably high, the military went on conspiring, and the State did not recover the monopoly of lethal coercion. This period concluded with Calvo Sotelo’s murder and the military rebellion, which was supported at least by half of the police forces as a reaction not only against the dangerous situation of public order, but also against the democratising policies that had undermined their authority and the state monopoly of the use of violence.