Military Presence Research Articles

Military and Ethnic Identity Through Pottery: A Study of Batavian Units in Dacia and Pannonia

Abstract Natives of the Low Rhine region, the Batavi were a community of ethnic soldiers engaged in a treaty with Rome, overseeing a heavy supply of men to the Roman auxiliary units. The present article examines the pottery discovered at and retrieved from three sites associated with Batavian auxilia: Războieni, Adony, and Romita. Their status as military sites shaped around the consumption habits of Batavian auxiliary troops makes them comparable. The comprehensive examination of pottery consumption patterns provides valuable insights into the dynamics of material culture in Dacia and Pannonia, facilitating our understanding of supply networks, consumption preferences, and cultural interactions within these frontier regions. The quantitative analyses of fabric and form distributions reveal distinctive trends at each site, reflecting variations in local production, regional trade networks, and social practices. The qualitative interpretations highlight the significance of certain vessel types and their cultural associations. While in the overall perspective, they emphasise the similarity between pottery consumption at the three forts shaped by military presence and regional trade networks, they also highlight potential markers of Batavian identity within the auxiliary units stationed there. By contextualising pottery within broader historical and archaeological frameworks, this research contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the cultural aspects of auxilia.

Agency, life satisfaction, hope, potentially traumatic events, trauma symptoms, and psychological signs. A two waves study with a sample of Palestinian children living in different geographical areas

We sought to examine the changes over time regarding children’s agency, life satisfaction, hope, psychological problems, trauma symptoms and potentially traumatic events in areas where warfare, military presence and settler-colonial violence are affecting children’s lives. 965 Palestinian children, 494 males and 471 females, were assessed with the Traumatic Check List, Children Impact of events scale-Revised, Strength and difficulties scale, Children Hope Scale, Brief Multilevel Children Life satisfaction scale, and War Child Agency assessment Scale-Palestinian version. MANOVA and t-tests were run to detect differences between groups and in the two waves of data collection. Findings showed variations that suggested Palestinian children were potentially in danger of not having the capacity to take charge of their lives and losing hope. In contrast, life satisfaction, contrary to our expectations, remained stable. While the number of potentially traumatic events decreased, psychological distress and trauma symptoms among the participants increased. Girls were more hopeful than boys, and the most satisfied children were found in the West Bank. The younger children had more significant trauma symptoms, while the older children were exposed to more potentially traumatic events such as those with fewer siblings. Gaza, Jerusalem, and Bedouin areas had the highest risk of potentially traumatizing events, and children in these areas were the most exposed. Our research study revealed a worrisome decrease in agentic resources and an increase in trauma symptoms because of the widespread armed conflict, impeding their healthy development, life satisfaction and hope for the future.

China's Response to the Expansion of U.S. Influence in Asia: The Intersection of Religion and Governance in Afghanistan (2011-2019)

Research Problem: The article addresses China’s concerns regarding the expansion of U.S. influence in Asia, particularly focusing on Afghanistan's strategic importance in the geopolitical competition between the two powers. The U.S. military presence and Afghanistan’s religiously influenced governance pose a significant challenge for China, which must navigate both political and religious dynamics to secure its interests in the region. This research investigates how these factors shape China’s foreign policy and its interactions with Afghanistan. Research purposes: The study aims to explore how China’s foreign policy towards Afghanistan has evolved in response to the geopolitical and religious landscape influenced by U.S. actions. Specifically, it examines China’s strategic calculations regarding Afghanistan’s religious governance and how this affects its efforts to engage with Afghan political actors, such as the Taliban, while maintaining its broader geopolitical and economic goals, including the Belt and Road Initiative. Research methods: The research employs a historical and analytical approach, drawing on data from 2011 to 2019 to examine China's foreign policy shifts in response to U.S. actions in Afghanistan. The study relies on secondary sources, including policy papers, academic works, and governmental reports, to assess China’s evolving role and strategies concerning the religiously influenced political structures in Afghanistan. Results and Discussion: The findings show that China’s foreign policy towards Afghanistan is significantly influenced by its concerns over U.S. military presence and alliances in the region. China’s engagement with Afghanistan has been shaped by the need to navigate the religious-political dynamics, particularly with the rise of religiously motivated actors such as the Taliban. China’s strategic responses include strengthening diplomatic ties, economic investments, and engaging with both Afghan religious and political leaders to secure its geopolitical interests. The article discusses how China's secular approach to governance contrasts with Afghanistan’s religious influences, affecting its foreign policy strategies. Research Implications and Contributions: This study contributes to the broader understanding of how religion, politics, and governance intersect in Afghanistan’s international relations, particularly with China. It provides insights into how China adapts its foreign policy to account for religiously motivated governance, while also pursuing its geopolitical goals in the region. The research offers valuable perspectives for policymakers and scholars on the interplay between religion, governance, and foreign policy in a strategically significant context like Afghanistan.

THE INTERESTS OF THE UK FOREIGN POLICY IN THE CONTEXT OF THE FORMATION OF THE AUKUS INTERSTATE ASSOCIATION

The article is devoted to the study of the evolution of the UK's foreign policy in the period after its withdrawal from the European Union (post-Brexit period) in the context of the country's participation in the formation of the AUKUS (an abbreviation of the English names of Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States). The research methodology was formed by the principles of historicism, systematicity, and objectivity, general scientific methods of logic, comparative analysis, special historical methods of historiographic analysis, historical-systemic, chronological, historical-genetic, retrospective analysis, and comparative-historical methods of scientific knowledge. It is noted that the creation of the interstate association AUKUS in 2021 was a resonant event in the world of international politics. The agreements provide for the development of systemic military-political cooperation between the three states at the strategic level in the long term with the primacy of the US-British alliance, which will potentially have a significant impact on the configuration of the international security system, especially in the context of current attempts to revise it It is stated that the relatively recently launched international security project AUKUS has already become one of the examples of active foreign policy activities of the British governments in the post-Brexit period, which is fully consistent with the Global Britain strategy. By participating in AUKUS, the British side not only contributes to global security and strengthens its military presence in one of the key regions of world politics, protects its own geopolitical and economic interests, but also guarantees the development of high-tech knowledge-intensive industries for the long term. The project of comprehensive sectoral military and defence cooperation proposed by the United States (with the support of two allied states) reflects an attempt to maintain American and British influence in the Indo-Pacific region and globally in the face of the growing conflict with China. With the resumption of the US policy of isolationism and protectionism, and possible financial problems of the UK as the second most important partner, the AUKUS project faces uncertain prospects. Ukraine's international prospects also depend on the success or failure of the AUKUS project.

Relocating occupation: A critical environmental justice analysis of the US military migration from Okinawa to Guåhan

The US military buildup across the Pacific is an ongoing colonial project reproducing oppressive power structures, human rights violations, and systemic environmental injustices. As the United States bolsters its Pacific presence, islands and peoples living on them are particularly vulnerable. However, not all places face overtly growing military-colonial occupations. Following decades of substantial military presence in Okinawa, 2024 marks the beginning of a precarious troop withdrawal from the Japanese prefecture. This significant reduction in Marine Corps personnel is the result of decades of political activism by Okinawans, who have continually resisted occupation and longstanding patterns of violence and oppression. Yet these military forces are not just leaving, they are relocating. The withdrawal coincides with 5,000 Marines and a new base coming to Guåhan (Guam), a territory where about 30% of land is under military control. This article examines these processes of military buildup and relocation through a critical environmental justice lens. We expand upon research on these issues by centering the critical environmental justice pillars concerning intersectionality, multiple scales, state power, and indispensability. We analyze the interconnections between Okinawa and Guåhan and argue that environmental justice scholarship must consider global geopolitics, interconnectivity, and sovereignty to adequately approach environmental movements in the Pacific region. In addition, we demonstrate that environmental justice victories in non-self-governing territories remain vulnerable to reversal and we advocate for inter-island coalition-building to avoid passing environmental harms from one island to another.

Veterans in Northern Ireland: Evaluation of chronic pain experience, service type, and physical and mental health functioning.

Chronic pain is common and associated with disruptions in quality of life (QoL) and psychosocial functioning. These issues are particularly pronounced in veterans, although data in this regard primarily come from the United States Veterans Affairs System, meaning less is known regarding veterans of other countries and regions. The present study evaluated veterans living in Northern Ireland (NI), a region with historic high rates of both chronic pain and psychosocial difficulties associated with the decades-long period of civil and military conflict preceding the 1999 armistice (the Good Friday Agreement). Unique to the Northern Ireland military operation was the initiation of Home Service battalions comprised of local recruits, a role with increased risk due to the conflict's nature and the fact that they were serving as a military and security presence in their home region. A cross-sectional assessment of veterans living in Northern Ireland (N = 722) provided details of service type (Home Service vs other service), current health conditions (including chronic pain), and current psychosocial functioning (including physical and mental health QoL, anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder [PTSD] symptoms). Findings indicated that those with chronic pain had worse QoL, anxiety, depression, and PTSD. Those with chronic pain were also more likely to have served in the Home Services, be unemployed, and be receiving disability payment. Contrary to hypotheses, there was no interaction between chronic pain and service type. These results extend previous work with veterans to the unique circumstances of a post-conflict military that engaged in operations within its own country and underscore the need for coordinated, efficacious interventions for co-morbid chronic pain and anxiety, depression, and PTSD.

Geopolitical competition of great powers in the Arctic

The article examines the complex issues of Arctic security arising from changing geopolitical realities; explores the new Cold War atmosphere in the region mixed with melting ice, which affects military planning and opens new economic opportunities and access to natural resources. Particular attention is paid to the reasons for the competition of great powers for primacy in the Arctic. It is noted that in recent years, the region has begun to shift from the principles of international cooperation and has quickly transformed into an arena of great power rivalry. The military presence has increased as well as the competing economic investments and political activity from significant political actors: Russia, China, and the United States of America. Now that all the great powers are investing in the Arctic, the concept of peace and cooperation is giving way to the concept of security and deterrence. To examine these factors, thе article uses a typical neorealist view of international relations, arguing that the driving force behind the rapid growth of the Arctic race is not the region itself, but the transforming structure of the international relations, which tends to effectively reproduce the causes of global competition. It the author’s view, peaceful rivalry in the Arctic may not last long, given the lack of effective institutions to address security issues in the region and the fact that changes in the global balance of power also affect local disputes and grievances.

Современные российско-филиппинские отношения: вызовы и возможности

This article is devoted to the main areas of cooperation between Russia and the Philippines in the present.It discusses the prerequisites for the development of bilateral relations along with the results of interaction in the spheres of interstate relations, economy, security, culture over the past decade and a half. The article also examines the problematic aspects of bilateral relations, reflects the impact of the American factor on the nature of Russian Philippine interaction, primarily in the context of strengthening of the US military and political presence in the Western Pacific and the involvement of the Philippines in the policy of containing China. The paper presents proposals and arguments regarding the rapprochement between Russia and the Philippines, indicating the reasons that may affect the establishment of stable relations between the two countries. The methodological basis of the work is the analysis ofthe research findings of both Russian and international scholars, as well as materials and documents that are available on the topic of research.

Security Challenges Faced by Pakistan during the Soviet Occupation of Afghanistan

The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979 was one of the most cataclysmic events of the Cold War, sending shockwaves across the globe. It brought the imminent reality of communist expansion toward the warm waters of the Indian Ocean. As Afghanistan's next-door neighbor, Pakistan shared a long border and over a century of historical ties, making it particularly vulnerable to the Soviet invasion. Pakistan confronted a two-pronged danger: from the east, with India, and from the west, with the Soviet military presence in Afghanistan. Relations between the Soviet Union and Pakistan were complex at the time of the invasion, largely due to Pakistan's close ties with the West, particularly the United States, which was the Soviet Union's main rival during the Cold War.

The Bucharest Nine Part of NATO's Eastern Flank: an Analysis of Military Investment on Equipment

An important part of NATO's deterrence and defence role is its military presence in the eastern part of the Alliance's territory, represented by the Bucharest Nine (B9). The ability of this group to fulfil its strategic mission depends on the condition of the military equipment at its disposal. The number of pieces of military equipment and their combat capability are determined by the investment in military equipment. In the context of the pledge to spend at least 20 % of total defence expenditure on military equipment, it appears that between 2004 and 2022 there is a steep increase of defence investment gap, followed by a partial absorption of the investment gap after 2014. The investment gap is reflected in the volume and condition of military equipment. Rising spending in recent years is positively reflected in the increasing volume of acquisitions for new military equipment in all B9 countries. However, due to the delay, these investments are and will only be reflected in defence capabilities in the future.

Decision and economic evaluation of abortion availability in the United States military

BackgroundActive-duty service women rely on the civilian sector for most abortion care due to limits on federal funding for abortion. Abortion is now banned in many states with large military presences. The Department of Defense has implemented policies to assist active-duty service women in accessing abortion, but there is debate to reverse this support. ObjectiveOur goal was to compare the cost-effectiveness and incidence of adverse maternal and neonatal outcomes of a hypothetical cohort of active-duty service women living in abortion-restricted states comparing restricted abortion access (abortion not available cohort) to abortion available with Department of Defense travel support (abortion available cohort). Study DesignWe developed a decision tree model to compare abortion not available and abortion available cohorts for active-duty service women living in abortion-restricted states. Our cohorts were subdivided into normal pregnancies and those with a major fetal anomaly. Cost estimates, probabilities, and disability weights of various health conditions associated with abortion and pregnancy were obtained and derived from the literature. Effectiveness was expressed in disability-adjusted life years and the willingness to pay threshold was set to $100,000 per disability-adjusted life year gained or averted. We completed probabilistic sensitivity analyses with 10,000 simulations to test the robustness of our results. Secondary outcomes included numbers of stillbirths, neonatal deaths, neonatal intensive care unit admissions, maternal deaths, severe maternal morbidities, and first and second trimester abortions. ResultsThe abortion not available cohort had a higher annual cost to the military ($299.1 million, 95% CI 239.2 – 386.6, vs. $226.0 million, 95% CI 181.9 – 288.5) and was associated with 203 more disability-adjusted life years compared to the abortion available cohort. The incremental cost effectiveness ratio was dominant for abortion available. Abortion not available resulted in an annual additional 7 stillbirths, 1 neonatal death, 112 neonatal intensive care unit admissions, 0.016 maternal deaths, 24 severe maternal morbidities, 27 less second trimester abortions, and 602 less first trimester abortions. Probabilistic sensitivity analysis revealed that the chance of the abortion available cohort being the more cost-effective strategy was greater than 95%. ConclusionLimiting active-duty service women’s access to abortion care increases costs to the military, even with costs of travel support, and increases adverse maternal and neonatal outcomes. This analysis provides important information for policymakers about economic and health burdens associated with barriers to abortion care in the military.

Like knows like? Arms trade between South Korea and Poland

South Korea has drastically increased its arms exports to Poland against the backdrop of the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Although economic factors help explain this increase, we need to enquire deeply into the upsurge of interest since the arms trade is also dictated by ideological and geopolitical considerations. This article investigates the seemingly arbitrary export of arms from South Korea to Poland by employing the concept of middle power. Although arms trade between middle powers is not rare, it is rare that South Korea has increased its volume to Poland by more than tenfold in a single year. In East Asian countries’ race to increase their military presence in Europe, China has strengthened its military cooperation with Serbia, while Japan has joined with Italy and the UK to develop the next generation of combat aircraft. South Korea, instead, has made its foray into Poland, continuously exploiting the potential there and exploring the possibility of middle-power alliance.

Promoting Sustainable Military Tourism in Cimahi City: Fostering Conservation, Community Engagement, and Cultural Preservation

The military presence in Cimahi City, West Java, serves as a testament to its historical and cultural significance, reflecting an impressive cultural-historical heritage shaped by its militarized past. This authenticity as a military city (60% of the city population) provides a unique opportunity to develop a specialized tourism model that leverages military knowledge for sustainable social and economic growth. The integration of military cultural heritage into tourism activities poses a central challenge, particularly amidst a population where military personnel constitute a significant proportion and continue to play an active role. Employing a qualitative research methodology, this study combines a comprehensive review of relevant literature, historic references, in-depth interviews with the local business community, and cross-references with tourism models from other military cities. The study's outcomes focus on integrated tourism activities and attraction planning aimed at preserving the city's military spirit in collaboration with local residents, military personnel, and their families. This collaborative effort is envisioned to contribute not only to heritage conservation but also to fostering peace education and international cooperation, advocating against the glorification of war and conflict. This research emphasized the importance of heritage conservation, community participation, and sustainable resource management in the realm of cultural heritage and tourism development.

The “Two Koreas” Problem in U.S. Policy, 1974–1980

In this article, the author charts the evolution of US Korea policy after the failed attempts to establish a unification dialogue between the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the reduction of the US military presence on the peninsula in 1974–1980. In 1973, The United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea (UNCURK), which the Americans had supported for decades, ceased operations. The question of the fate of the United Nations Command loomed large. On the whole, in 1974–1980, the Americans did not reduce their military presence in Korea. At the same time, diplomatic support for negotiations on this topic and participation in maintaining the inter-Korean dialogue on the status of the ROK and DPRK in the UN and scenarios for possible unification of the country were quite effective. The Americans managed to prevent destabilisation in South Korea even in the face of a sudden change of power following the assassination of Park Chung-Hee. Simultaneously, the necessary international structures, such as the ROK/US Joint Forces Command, were put in place. Moreover, US diplomats managed to preserve even such a relic of the Korean War as the UN Command. At the same time, the issue of Korean unification had by this time become an instrument of political manipulation by all countries concerned. Under these circumstances, unification could not be achieved by diplomatic means alone.

The Position of the Lebanese Shia Community on the Israeli Invasion of Lebanon in 1982

The military operations carried out by Palestinian armed factions against Israel from Lebanese territory were the direct cause of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in June 1982. The invasion aimed to expel the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) from Lebanon, end the Syrian military presence, and establish a regime willing to sign a “peace” treaty with Tel Aviv. While the invasion achieved some of its objectives, it was met with resistance, condemnation, and denunciation on various levels, particularly from the Lebanese Shia community. The Shia community strongly opposed the invasion through statements, denunciations, and armed resistance.

‘More Flags’ Meets Failure: Brazil, the United States, and the Vietnam War

As part of its ‘more flags’ campaign, the United States wanted Brazil to fight in the Vietnam War. No Latin American country mattered more to the U.S. effort. The United States considered leveraging an economic loan, naval vessels, and a prioritization of Brazil in inter-American affairs. Many Brazilian officials liked the idea of a greater military presence in Vietnam. They hoped to gain valuable counterrevolutionary experience in a tropical setting akin to their own, curry favor with the United States, and acquire new military technology. Brazil’s greatest proposal centered on a request for modern naval destroyers that would see Brazil baited into combat. But public opinion, self-imposed restrictions, and key individuals ultimately doomed the prospects for Brazil’s entry. This article helps to further internationalize our understanding of the Vietnam War and situate Latin America within the broader context of the global Cold War. It adds to our understanding of the limits that existed in U.S.-Latin American relations, the U.S. commitment to multi-lateralizing its military campaign in Vietnam, and the political capacity of Brazil’s military dictatorship at home.

Germany’s Strategic Activity in the Sahel and the Problem of Sovereignty for Regional States: The Case of Mali

Using Mali as an example of a geostrategically important African state, the article explores the extent to which Germany’s political and military steps contributed or did not contribute to the sovereignty of the state that was trying to overcome the instability. Taking into account the ambiguous issue of the completeness of the sovereignty of Germany itself, the author analyzes the FRG’s fundamental ability to transfer its experience in this field to other states. In the second half of the 2010s, the scope and effectiveness of German efforts to stabilize the situation in Mali were insufficient. Germany, especially in the first stages of the settlement (from 2013 to 2015), did not make a noticeable contribution to peacemaking and peacekeeping activities. The use of the Bundeswehr in the field became noticeable only from 2016–2018; however, it did not lead to the necessary results. By the mid-2010s, Germany had already begun to take an active part in the security sector reform in Mali. However, the qualitative and quantitative parameters of the newly trained personnel of the Malian army were insufficient to ensure peace and security in the country. Having accepted the functions of one of the main external participants in the settlement, Germany did not accompany this with the necessary efforts. In addition, Germany was not ready to ensure efficiently the nationalization of the settlement, that is, to transfer control over the process to those internal forces that were capable of leading the country to peace. The incomplete resolution of the armed conflict and its degradation since the end of the 2010s have manifested the regress of Mali’s gaining sovereignty. Therefore, the Malian militaries, since 2020‒2021, have been trying to realize another scenario without the built-in participation of Western democracies. The paper explores the perception by the new Malian powers of the German military presence in the country.

“Françafrique” Systemic Crisis

Recent global geopolitical shifts have deformed the postwar world order. These tectonic shifts mark the beginning of the end of French dominance in West and Central Africa, changing dramatically the layout of international relations in the region that has always been considered France’s zone of interests. There is a rapid degradation and disintegration of the French military-political system known as “Françafrique”, the essence of which lies in the latent ties between the corrupt elites of the Fifth Republic and certain African countries that are dependent on their former metropole both economically and politically. The purpose of this article is to examine the collapse of this system as a whole and its constituent parts in order to come closer to understanding how the destruction of its individual fragments causes the crisis of interconnected structural elements of the entire system. Within the framework of a short article, it is only possible to outline a general approach to considering the problematic situation, based on the theoretical and methodological approach, which implies a systemic analysis of the object, i.e., the phenomenon of “Françafrique”. Recently, a number of works have appeared devoted to various aspects of this problem (the change of elites in African states, the disappointment in the effectiveness of the former metropole’s Africa policy, the reduction of the French military presence in the Sahel and Central Africa, the failure of the military operation Barkhane, the collapse of the Fifth Republic-inspired military-political blocs of African countries). The novelty and relevance of this work lie in demonstrating the need to study these trends in their integrity and interrelationship. This approach requires a comprehensive study of the causes, course, results, and consequences of the collapse of the military-political system of “Françafrique” as part of a future large-scale study of this phenomenon.

Military Expansion in Disaster Response and Its Implications for the Humanitarian-Development-Peace Nexus

ABSTRACT Disaster response is a pathway for incorporating climate change principles into the framework of the Humanitarian-Development-Peace (HDP) nexus. However, the growing military presence in relief operations poses ethical, operational and political challenges. Based on the literature on green militarism and civil-military relations, a critical examination of the military expansion in disaster response highlights its potential to compromise the humanitarian principles underpinning the Triple Nexus. Given the unease already sparked within humanitarian and development circles by the inclusion of the peace pillar due to its association with notions of hard security, the current trend in disaster response may risk inadvertently promoting militarised aid within HDP programming. Focusing on the Philippines as a case study, the analysis enriches scholarly and policy debates on the Triple Nexus from a previously unexplored perspective and aims to open new research trajectories for further exploration.

Türkiye’s Military Base in Somalia: A Case Study

At the present stage the Republic of Türkiye is all the more actively claiming the role of a regional leader and at the same time, using the favourable geopolitical position at the junction of two civilizations, seeks to strengthen influence in global politics. The statehood of independent states is impossible without strengthening their own security, and that allows for the development of international military dialogue. Türkiye as a world power is to restore its prosperity from the times of the Ottoman Empire. Best evidence is the creation of Turkish military bases beyond its national borders. Moreover, such actions of the Turkish leadership are considered not only a political ambition but also a pragmatic calculation. First overseas military base of Türkiye in modern times was created in one of the most turbulent countries in the world – Somalia. Currently, Türkiye has a military presence in Somalia. Hence, this study examined the main stages of bilateral relations between Türkiye and Somalia. Relations between the two countries have passed a certain historical path of development and have been characterized by periods of activation revival also stagnation. It was concluded that despite the fact that political, economic and military cooperation between Türkiye and Somalia had huge potential, there were some of constraining factors affecting their further development.