Military Dictatorship Research Articles

Knowledge and ignorance in forensic identification: the origins of a contested human rights fact

ABSTRACT In 2006, DNA testing revealed that the Chilean Medical Legal Service had misidentified at least half of the 96 human rights victims whose remains had been exhumed in 1991 from a lot in the Santiago General Cemetery known as Patio 29. Years earlier the government had returned those remains to the victims' families. This examination of the history of that forensic misidentification uncovers the role played by the shifting relations of knowledge and ignorance in establishing the legal facts of those identities. Building on the growing literature in agnotology, the article demonstrates the ways in which the context of dictatorship created varied and overlapping forms of ignorance that continued to shape the outcome of the forensic work even after Chile returned to democracy. By detailing different examples of ignorance production by the state, a human rights organization, and a university department under military surveillance, the article illuminates the diverse ways that the civil–military dictatorship worked against knowledge production in the domains of science and human rights.

왜 영화를 트는가? - 동시대 비제도권 시네클럽 연구

This study aims to examine non-institutional cinè-clubs that screen films in the context of the increasingly individualised way of watching movies. Cinè-clubs in Korea, which have existed in various forms, have had a significant impact on the film viewing experience and the formation of cinephilia, which has been shaped by the military dictatorship, democratisation movement, and media changes of video and internet. This study analyses the activities and programming processes of non-institutional cinè-clubs in Seoul through a qualitative research methodology to discover the role and significance of cinè-clubs. Cine club operators born in the mid-90s to early 00s have embraced cinema in a variety of different ways. From this experience, their cinè-clubs represent a cross-section of contemporary cinèphilia, with activities that straddle the boundaries between legal and illegal, and programming that does not follow the canon, in the realm of the non-institutional. The university space and interaction in online communities are important conditions for the operation of these cinè-clubs. In addition, non-institutional cinè-clubs, which were formed as a result of the film movement in the 1990s, contribute to the diversity of film culture and the formation of new communities by discovering and screening films that have been marginalised by the Korean film institutions such as film festivals, film schools, and cinèmathèques. In the current stagnant Korean film culture, non-institutional cinè-clubs become a cultural space to discover lost vitality.

O herói improvável e o elixir das concórdias

The reproduction of pleasant myths, the fabrication of heroic predecessors for present political movements and the upkeep of useful lies for the defence of noble causes should not constitute the aim of legal historians. On the contrary, it is their scientific duty to point out the inappropriateness of such conducts and the lack of plausibility of narratives produced this way. Showing how the legal community of São Paulo has reconstructed its memory, the article offers a new interpretation about the path of Goffredo Telles Junior as a political militant and State theorist. Re-examining forgotten remains of such path and reinterpreting the already known sources, we aim at demonstrating that his adhesion to Integralismo, far from having been an insignificant and episodical juvenile whim, was a decisive moment which affected his ideological views along four decades. From the thirties to the hardest times of the Military Dictatorship, his texts abounded with typical elements of the far-right antidemocratic thought: the obsession with corporatism as a supposed antidote against class struggle, the repugnance for liberal democracy, the disdain for the opinions of the average citizen, the strong attachment to hierarchy and to the “Principle of Authority”, the rejection of individualism and the belief that small élites, superior to the “mass”, should show the Nation its way. Obvious as well in the first integralist party as in its postwar successor, Goffredo’s longstanding loyalty to that far-right movement tends to be disregarded by his admirers, thus wiping out decades of the jurist’s political activity.

Beyond Order and Progress: Legitimacy and Nation-Building in Military Brazil

Abstract Between 1964 and 1985, a military dictatorship in Brazil combined an arsenal of political instruments—surveillance, violent repression, and propaganda, among others—to justify its illegal rule. How did the Brazilian military regime attempt to justify its claim to power for more than two decades? What discursive strategies did it use to win popular support, despite the violence it perpetrated? This paper investigates how discourse is used to legitimize power and create meaning in authoritarian regimes. Using ethnographic content analysis of archival materials, I pinpoint and analyze three key discursive frames employed in regime propaganda: “defenders of democracy,” “Great Brazil” and “model citizenship.” I argue that the Brazilian military regime used these frames to justify its authority, forge national values and social norms, and redefine the boundaries of the national community. These findings not only contribute to our understanding of authoritarian power that is wielded and legitimized through discourse, but also speak to the enduring consequences of authoritarianism in sociopolitical subjects.

Assessement of Nigerias Afrocentric Foreign Policy: A Case Study of President Olusegun Obasanjo's Administration

The emergence of President Olusegun Obasanjo in 1999 as the president of Nigeria marked a significant transition from military rule to democratic rule, the image of the country have been battered in the international arena due to military dictatorship, hence the president have to concentrate on rebuilding the image of Nigeria. Nigeria's Afrocentrism, rooted in its post-independence policy under Prime Minister Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, has consistently placed Africa at the center of its foreign policy. The paper explores Nigeria's Afrocentric foreign policy, focusing on the administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999-2007). This approach emphasizes African unity, emancipation, and development, with Nigeria playing a key role in mediation, conflict resolution, and peacekeeping within the continent. The research aimed to critically examines the effort made by president Obasanjo in area of ensuring democratic rule, Peacekeeping operations, and regional economic integration in Africa. This paper argues that Nigeria’s Afrocentric foreign policy, while altruistic, may require recalibration to better align with national interests, ensuring that such commitments do not disproportionately burden the Nigerian economy. The historical and analytical approach was employed in the presentation and analysis of data, the information goes through rigorous analysis that is data analysis, which is a technique for an objective, systematic and qualitative description of the data acquired. Furthermore, the theory employed in the making of this research is Concentric circle theory which was first brought from sociology, and later adopted in the study of foreign policy. A shift towards a more pragmatic and national interest-focused foreign policy, emphasizing economic growth and development, is recommended for future engagements.

Whispers of genocide: racist and colonial legal practices of the Brazilian dictatorship towards Indigenous peoples

ABSTRACT Towards the end of the 1960s, as accusations of genocide against Brazil appeared in several national and international newspapers, a sense of growing unrest crept into the military dictatorship. In 1968, the United Nations organised the First International Conference on Human Rights in Tehran. The dictatorship’s legal argumentation was based on an assimilationist orientation directed at ‘civilizing’ the Indigenous population and ignoring genocide allegations. The military regime intertwined a tradition of civilising mission with an authoritarian ideology of national unity to produce racist and colonial legal practices towards Indigenous peoples in Brazil. Reports of genocide caused quite a stir among activists and academics, but the Tehran episode also illustrates how events unfolding in international arenas such as the Conference did not substantially vex the Brazilian dictatorship. Exactly seven months after the meeting, the regime passed the Institutional Act 5, which inaugurated the most repressive years of its history. To subsidise such points, we review documents found in the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Archaeology and a case of genocide: the ‘indigenous prisons’ of Minas Gerais, Brazil

ABSTRACT A 2021 sentence condemned a retired Major of the Military Police of Minas Gerais on charges of genocide against the Krenak people. Between 1969 and 1979, that state’s Military Police established two prisons of exception. The sentence is crucial on the grounds of the enormous human and cultural damage endured by the indigenous peoples of Brazil during the Military Dictatorship of 1964–1985, as established by the Brazilian Truth Commission. This paper discusses an archaeological and anthropological approach to the conditions prevailing at these prisons and attested by some of its survivors. By addressing their form of internment, the slave labour and torture committed at them, this paper will discuss the extent to which such prisons can be considered concentration camps. This article on their archaeological study hopes to make a useful contribution to the archaeology of repression and resistance to that dictatorship.

A Global Campus Beyond the Cold War. Peace and Disarmament Among Spanish Academics during the Debate on Joining and Remaining in NATO (1981-1986)

Historiography has recently shown a special interest in assessing the cultural impact of the social engagement of academics during the Cold War through their advocacy of disarmament or human rights. This academic social activism became part of a complex “transnational civil society,” which was to influence international relations. In light of these considerations, this article aims to delve into the distinctive characteristics of the “nuclear culture” and “science diplomacy” of the Spanish academic world between 1981 and 1986. Spain’s experience of the final stage of the Cold War was somewhat unusual. The resurgence of nuclear tension between the two superpowers was mediated by the domestic political transition from a military dictatorship to a parliamentary democracy, but also by the democratisation of foreign policy and the accession of Spain to NATO. To understand how this took place and with what effects, this article will focus on three main points. Firstly, it will set out an analysis of the impact of historian E.P. Thompson’s critical thinking on the Cold War and the European Campaign for Disarmament among Spanish academics. Secondly, it will examine how certain academics, who played an active part in the debate either for or against joining and remaining in NATO, shaped the nuclear culture of the time through the daily press. Finally, it will argue the involvement, or lack thereof, of Spain’s scientific sector in transnational networks for peace and disarmament and how, through civil society itself, the foundations were laid for the first centres aimed at the dissemination and study of peace.

“For the English to See”: Animal Rescues and Greenwashing during the Brazilian Military Dictatorship’s Dam-Building Boom, 1970s–1980s

“For the English to See”: Animal Rescues and Greenwashing during the Brazilian Military Dictatorship’s Dam-Building Boom, 1970s–1980s

The Fiocruz archives: sources for research on science and health during the military dictatorship (1964-1985)

The scope of this paper is to analyze the relationship between the country's political redemocratization process from the 1980s onwards and the issue of identification, preservation and access to the archives of information and security bodies that worked to combat the opponents of the authoritarian regime during the military dictatorship (1964-1985). It addresses the dictatorship's action on university and scientific institutions, to highlight the importance of the archive of the Oswaldo Cruz Foundation, as well as the personal files maintained by scientists and donated to Casa de Oswaldo Cruz. It features archives and collections organized and available for public consultation, which can serve as research sources for historical studies on science and health during the dictatorship.

Science, health and the military dictatorship in Brazil: the Integrated Endemic Disease Program (PIDE) of CNPq (1973-1987)

This article analyzes the Integrated Endemic Disease Program (PIDE), which was established in 1973 by the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development CNPq, financed by the Brazilian Funding Authority for Studies and Projects FINEP. The program was established to finance research on diseases considered strategic to the economic development plans of the military regime (1964-1985). Acknowledged to be a landmark program in the history of Brazilian parasitology, PIDE was set up during a period when the dictatorship was both violently repressing scholars and investing heavily in science and technology (S&T). The article examines the context in which the program was implemented and analyzes what it signified for planners in the S&T field and for the scientists who coordinated it. The contention is that PIDE was an example of how the scientific community managed to use financial and institutional resources available under the S&T policy in the 1970s to advance research on parasitic diseases and update its agenda. This analysis contributes to recent historiography that, based on specific historical cases, reflects on the paradoxical nature of a regime that, in its authoritarian modernization project, simultaneously persecuted scientists and supported science.

Health and Science in the Brazilian Military Dictatorship (1964-1985).

Health and Science in the Brazilian Military Dictatorship (1964-1985).

Beatriz Nascimento and the Erotics of the Quilombo in Times of Peril

In October 2018, the election of an extreme right-wing politician as president of Brazil laid bare the histories of antidemocratic practices that guided the policies and rhetoric of the newly elected government. Black, poor, Indigenous, Northeastern, and LGBTQIA+ people were positioned as threats to the stability of the nuclear family and public safety that the government claimed it would protect. The subsequent COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 also put into stark view the antidemocratic practices and the blatant disregard for life in Brazil, which was particularly acute for people who had been marked as a threat. “Beatriz Nascimento and the Erotics of the Quilombo in Times of Peril” revisits the work of Beatriz Nascimento, a Black Brazilian thinker and scholar who lived through the repressive and antidemocratic period of the military dictatorship (1964–1985). Nascimento’s work offers perspective to the current extreme right-wing project and underscores the significance of Black scholars’ interventions when the lives of marginalized people are at stake. Specifically, her concept of the quilombo (maroon communities) uncovers the histories, relations of power, and the possibilities of social relations for Brazilians living in precarity that antidemocratic governments have attempted to diminish and erase.

"The End of Childhood": The international tours of the Teatro Municipal General San Martín during the last military dictatorship in Argentina

"The End of Childhood": The international tours of the Teatro Municipal General San Martín during the last military dictatorship in Argentina

The Centro Cultural Ciudad de Buenos Aires during the last military dictatorship: officialism, negotiations and cultural resistance, 1979-1983

The Centro Cultural Ciudad de Buenos Aires during the last military dictatorship: officialism, negotiations and cultural resistance, 1979-1983

Naming Argentina: The Subject of Torture and the Ethics of Psychoanalysis

Abstract: The concurrent diffusion of Lacanian psychoanalysis in Argentina and the state’s deployment of torture and disappearance during the most recent military dictatorship have led many critics to interpret the turn to Lacan as a cerebral substitute for political protest after the coup d’état. This essay examines how the ruling junta’s specific forms of violence provoked a crisis in the relationship between psychoanalysis and humanism, erupting in the literary field through the figure of the desaparecida . In tension with human rights discourses prevailing in the 1980s, Luisa Valenzuela’s experimental fiction explores the subject’s fragmentation under conditions of state terror and the ethical ambivalence of humanitarian efforts to repair the ego in the wake of torture.

As mulheres da ditadura representadas em Cova 312

This research investigates the way in which Brazilian literary journalism represent women, especially considering the issue of violence. For this, a critical reading of the book-reports in the Jabuti Award is presented. After attesting to the small number of female authors and the lack of representation of violence of this group, an analysis of Cova 312, by journalist Daniela Arbex, is developed. Despite focusing on the representation of the Brazilian military dictatorship and exposing a male protagonist, the book-report emphasizes women who belonged to that context, showing the most different possibilities of struggle and confrontation the female figure experienced in that context.

Witness of Christ and Brazilian Repression: Charles Harper’s Report to the World Council of Churches on His Visit to São Paulo in September 1977

Abstract This article analyzes a letter by Charles Roy Harper Jr., coordinator of the Human Rights Resources Office for Latin America at the World Council of Churches (WCC), written in 1977 during his visit to São Paulo amid the military dictatorship. In it, Harper tells other members of the council about the role played by the church in resisting the dictatorship, the repression orchestrated by the government against democratic forces, and some events such as the Solidarity Act at the Catedral da Penha and the invasion of the Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo. Observing Harper’s personal networks and enthusiastic view on the church’s stance on resisting authoritarianism during the period, this article examines the importance of the relationship between WCC and the Archdiocese of São Paulo in monitoring the situation of human rights violations in Brazil.

Does regime type matter for economic institutions in non‐democracies?

AbstractWe provide evidence that the quality of economic institutions in non‐democracies is not uniform, and differences in the type of political regimes lead to such variations. By dividing non‐democracies into four groups of monarchies, personal dictatorships, party dictatorships, and military dictatorships, we argue that monarchies perform better than the others due to their structural characteristics. Using a broad sample of non‐democracies, we empirically find that the performance of economic institutions is better in monarchies compared to other forms of dictatorships. Moreover, no significant difference is observed between the performance of personal, party, and military dictatorships.

Unwilling allies: the USSR, the Communist Party of Argentina, and the military dictatorship in Argentina, 1976–1983

The author of this article aims to explore the complex and contradictory relationship between the Communist Party of Argentina, the Soviet Union, and the military regime in Argentina between 1976 and 1983. It was a period of right-wing military dictatorship domination in the region, characterised by outright terrorist policies against left-wing forces, mass violations of human rights, which put the International Communist Movement in an ambiguous position due to the USSR’s close cooperation with the Argentine military junta. A unique situation of mutual interest between Soviet foreign policy and the military dictatorship developed in the USSR’s relations with the military regime in Argentina. The most important factor in this contradictory situation was the position of the Communist Party of Argentina, supported by the CPSU, on co-operation with a regime that other communist parties and leftist forces qualified as fascist, ultra-reactionary, and anti-communist. The USSR found moral and political justification for its cooperation with the Argentine regime in the policies of local communists who supported the regime, justifying its repression of leftist radical movements, especially the Montoneros. The Argentine Communist Party justified its policy by referring to the junta’s growing cooperation with the USSR. The article explores the reasons for this policy of the Communist Party, which caused tension in the international communist movement and the subsequent isolation of the Argentinian Communist Party. The specific political interests of the USSR were supported by the Argentine communists, who, in turn, saw in them a guarantee of their interests in the conditions of the harsh right-wing military regime in the country. For the first time in historiography, this paper, drawing on records from the archive of the CPSU Central Committee, documents the complex process of reconciling the USSR’s economic and political interests in Argentina during this difficult period of the Cold War.