Militant Leaders Research Articles

Navigating Uncertainty: Rebel Risk Management Strategies during War-to-Peace Transitions

This article explores the strategic decision making of armed groups during war-to-peace transitions—critical time frames during which militant leaders must reconcile their commitment to armed survival with the imperative of postwar civilian conversion. We specify the internal organizational risks rebel groups confront, as well as the menu of strategies from which they select, in navigating the uncertainty inherent in these perilous periods. Our approach broadens the analysis of war-to-peace transitions, offering new insights into the question of why rebels sometimes successfully integrate into postconflict politics, economies, and society, while at other times they forgo participation in the postconflict state. It represents the first step in a wider research program—one that promises to open a number of new directions in the study of insurgent organizations, transitional societies, and postwar outcomes.

Prison radicalization: A persisting threat for Bangladesh

AbstractPrison radicalization poses a significant and evolving threat in Bangladesh's correctional facilities. This research article delves into the conditions fostering radicalization, including corruption, overcrowding, violence, and the lack of essential amenities. Drawing on extensive analysis of secondary data and expert interviews, this article argues that these conducive conditions have transformed Bangladeshi prisons into breeding grounds for radical ideologies, allowing militants to establish networks and plan attacks within and beyond prison confines. This article also points out the transformation of prisoners, even those with minimal radical tendencies, into militant leaders, along with the shift of non‐radical individuals toward extremism. Moreover, it underscores the lack of de‐radicalization programs within the current prison system as a crucial gap in countering this escalating issue. Furthermore, the research identifies societal denial, limited post‐release opportunities, and mistreatment by security forces as factors exacerbating radicalization post‐incarceration. As such, this study emphasizes the urgent need for comprehensive strategies to address prison radicalization.Related ArticlesAwan, Imran. 2012. “‘I Am a Muslim Not an Extremist’: How the Prevent Strategy Has Constructed a ‘Suspect’ Community.” Politics & Policy 40(6): 1158–85. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00397.x.Heinmiller, B. Timothy, Matthew A. Hennigar, and Sandra Kopec. 2017. “Degenerative Politics and Youth Criminal Justice Policy in Canada.” Politics & Policy 45(3): 406–31. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12204.Spalek, Basia. 2010. “Community Policing, Trust, and Muslim Communities in Relation to ‘New Terrorism.’” Politics & Policy 38(4): 789–815. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00258.x.

Militant Leadership and Terrorism in Armed Conflict

ABSTRACT The lethality and the frequency of terrorist attacks conducted by militant organizations vary considerably. Some militants perpetrate extreme and systemic levels of terrorist violence, some only do so occasionally, and others never conduct terror operations. To predict group-level differences in this outcome, we draw on conceptual frameworks in the political science and psychology fields to argue that prior military experience shapes leaders’ willingness to engage in terrorist violence. But not all experiences are created equal. We argue that formal experiences such as those associated with military training serve as a restricting influence on terrorist violence, while less formal and less structured experiences such as time in active combat are associated with increases in future terrorist violence. Using new data on the individual backgrounds of militant leaders active between 1989 and 2013, we find support for our hypotheses. This study contributes to the academic literature by bringing the leader back into explanations of wartime terrorist activity. Our findings also carry notable policy implications for policy makers, warfighters, and counterterrorism practitioners.

Model Kepemimpinan Situasional dan Transformasional Kepala Sekolah SMAK Yos Sudarso Batu

The focus of this study is to explain the situational and transformational leadership models that exist in the Principal of SMAK Yos Sudarso Batu. The leadership models that can be observed from this school principal are situational leadership and transformational leadership. These two terms are quite foreign to the ears, because they are rarely mentioned in an organization or institution that are encountered on a daily basis. This leadership model is an expression of how Principal Yos Sudarso is in the organization or foundation he leads. This study aims to describe and analyze the basis, character, and pattern of situational and transformational leadership of school principals. The researcher uses descriptive qualitative method which produces data in the form of words and in writing or verbally from the people and observed behavior. The findings of this study are that a leader who lives a situational and transformational leadership model is a leader who is able to set clear, specific and measurable organizational goals. Cooperative, capable and militant leader. This leader also has a strong determination and commitment, is able to create synergies within the organization and is able to mobilize all member resources.

تحديات المصالحة الوطنية في ليبيا بعد عام 2011-2021

Abstract The protests were in Libya in 2011 and began in certain areas and then spread to include all segments of the people on February 17, 2011, The revolution was carried out by the youth who revolted against the regime of dictator Muammar Gaddafi, and with the support of all Libyan society, which was based on belonging to the tribe before belonging to the state and preferred Customs and traditions to civil laws, in particular. After the control of the rebels and the defection of Interior Minister Abdel Fattah Younis from Muammar Gaddafi and his regime, and since the establishment of the National Transitional Council as the sole legitimate representative of the revolution of February 17, 2011, the process of democratic transition began in a new stage that the Libyan people had not witnessed before, and the National Transitional Council was established under the leadership of Mustafa Abdel Jalil In which representatives of the various local councils in the different regions of Libya participate, and differences emerged between the internationally recognized government resulting from the democratically elected House of Representatives, and armed groups outside the government’s authority, which negatively affected national reconciliation in Libya. For the success of the national reconciliation process in Libya, real actors should be present at the negotiating table, militia leaders, tribal leaders, political leaders and army representatives in the former regime, as well as disarmament and the integration of fighters into society, and state institutions should be supported by supporting transitional justice institutions, applying the principles of fairness to victims, and not employing eradication (Isolation Law political) towards revenge, and dismantling social and historical grievances.

Curating divinity: Religious souvenirs, shopkeepers and bazaar curation

This paper explores the universe of souvenirs of Sikh Gurus and martyrs available in the bazaars around Sikhism’s most sacred shrine, the Darbar Sahib in Amritsar. Rather like objects in museum exhibitions, souvenir art actively produces ideas of divinity and martyrdom. The deliberate arrangements of Guru and martyr souvenirs in shopwindows demonstrate the ‘sense’ of curation of ordinary shopkeepers in the bazaar. Shop displays, I argue, resemble the care of sacred art by museum curators. But there is more to shop displays than mere imitation. I analyse the vis-à-vis between the souvenir displays of two modern martyrs, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, the militant leader of separatist Khalistan, and Bhagat Singh, the nationalist hero, that express bazaar understandings of martyr souvenirs as affective objects, possessing both ritual and political value. The curated displays in museums and shopwindows are critical in creating a conscious, purposive aura around modern Sikh martyrdom.

Rethinking armed groups and order: Syria and the rise of militiatocracies

Abstract In recent years, the relations between weak central governments and armed groups in the periphery have attracted great attention. Rebels, warlords and other actors have not only undermined the authorities' grip on power, but gradually come to shape the nature of governance and political system in their countries. Warlordism, rebelocracies and aliocracies are just a few of the political systems identified by students of conflict and armed groups. However, the literature has generally overlooked one category of armed groups and their implications on political order: pro-government militias (PGMs). As PGMs have become ubiquitous in civil wars, this article identifies a new political order emerging in countries where central governments have become reliant on PGMs in counter-insurgency operations. The article defines this order as a militiatocracy. Unlike armed groups in other political orders, PGMs do not seek to overthrow, undermine or replace the central government. Instead, in militiatocracies, PGMs and central governments develop symbiotic relations, which on the one hand help the government to survive an insurgency, but on the other allow militia leaders to secure an increasing presence in politics. The article illustrates the emergence and nature of militiatocracies by employing the case of Syria during the civil war.

Analysis of indigenous African political leadership among the Luba people of Kasai in the Democratic Republic of Congo

This paper aims to examine the nature of indigenous African political leadership among the Luba People of Kasai in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The study employed qualitative research that was rooted in phenomenology. The concentration of the study was on the Kasai Central Province. The target population was charm givers, militia, and political leaders were selected as the units of observation by the researcher. The political leaders comprised of local traditional chiefs of villages and modern leaders. A sample size of 40 participants was adequate to enable the researcher to obtain rich information and reach the saturation point. The targeted 40 participants were: 10 charm givers, 8 members of the provincial parliament, 4 provincial ministers, 13 traditional leaders, and 5 militia leaders. The study used In-depth Interviews (IDIs), focus group discussions, and observations to collect data. The findings indicate indigenous traditional leadership among the Luba has various sources of power. These include the use of various symbols of Luba traditional leadership to perform duties on behalf of the community. The use of the manga is also in line with the customs and traditions of the Luba people and guides the leader on the right things to do while on the throne.

Tshiota Rituals among the Luba People of Kasai Central in the Democratic Republic of Congo

Among the Luba people, the tshiota is one of the powerful types of indigenous manga (charms) used by the community. Tshiota is a traditional fire of power used for rituals, where invocations are made to the departed ancestors, spirits, and angels. It is a place of purification, cleansing, blessings, and making sacrifices. The study employed a qualitative research that was rooted in phenomenology. The concentration of the study was on the Kasai Central Province for two main reasons: one, the region has one of the major ethnic groups in the country and thus adequate evidence exists of use of manga in the area. The target population for the study was the Luba people who lived in Kasai Central Province. From this target population, charm givers, militia and political leaders were selected as the units of observation by the researcher.The findings of the research established tshiota is used to perform rituals and invocations to call upon the ancestors for help when there is a problem in the community. This help includes protection of community members before they go out to perform an activity on behalf of the community. This includes activities such as fighting during war. Tshiota fire was used also by the militia including Kamwina Nsapu who were fighting the government. They were initiated through fires of tshiota and drinking a powerful potion called tshizaba. Manga made the militia to be very powerful and strong in their fight for justice and good governance in Kasai. Through this abilities, they were able to fight and win against the modern day government in their effort to bring change and accountability in modern political leadership. Manga were used to deal with corruption and other mal-practices, hence bring forth justice and good governance in Kasai Central Province, in DRC.

Does Insurgent Selective Punishment Deter Collaboration? Evidence from the Drone War in Pakistan

Scholars of civil wars have long argued that non-state actors can use selective punishment to reduce collaboration with state adversaries. However, there is little systematic evidence confirming this claim, nor investigation into the mechanisms at play. In this paper, we provide such evidence from the drone war in Pakistan. Militants in Pakistan’s tribal areas engaged in a brutal counterespionage campaign with the aim of reducing collaboration with the United States. Our analysis combines a novel dataset of collaborator killings with data on drone strike outcomes. We find that strikes killed half as many militant leaders and fighters following collaborator killings and that this suppressive effect likely works by deterring spying in the future. Beyond providing an empirical confirmation of the selective punishment hypothesis, our paper suggests an unacknowledged vulnerability of the drone program to reprisals against local allies and collaborators that limits its effectiveness as a long-term tool of counterterrorism.

U.S. Sanctions on International Criminal Court

This Research Paper provides a complete analysis of International Criminal Court (ICC), U.S. Interference, Role of ICJ, Rome Statue, Treaty and Government and over all depth study over to the topic. The International Criminal Court (ICC) aims to promote not only justice, but also peace. It has been widely criticised for doing neither, yet it has to contend with some severe structural and political difficulties: it has limited resources, it faces institutional restrictions, it is manipulated by states, and it is criticised for an alleged selectivity in the way it dispenses justice. What are in effect the shortcomings of the ICC, and has it made positive contributions to justice and peace? And under which conditions can it provide international justice and peace? This Research Paper shows the limits and problems of the ICC but also its inherent potential. A number of factors hamper the ICC: it lacks legitimacy, and it can be constrained by power politics when it investigates a case and when an arrest warrant needs implementing. It is very selective in its cases, and this goes against the principle of universal justice on the ground. Furthermore it has only indicted Africans. It is also argued here that the contribution of the ICC to justice and peace depends on its institutional autonomy to indict potential criminals, on the support it receives from states parties to the ICC, on its own impartial work, and on the extent to which it is respected by people in the world. Four contributions are made here to the literature on the International Criminal Court, on justice and peace, and on theories of policy making. First, I point out the difficulties the ICC faces in seeking to provide not only justice but also peace. Second, I use studies of the ICC by lawyers and political scientists, by those interested in the current impact of the ICC on the ground, in countries where it already operates, and by those interested in its potential for wider independent action. Third, conditions under which the ICC could provide international justice and peace are proposed. Fourth, by identifying the limits within which the ICC operates and its potential, this article hopes to rectify the flawed perception of the ICC, which is considered by some a Western court manipulated by the USA and European states, and to open up a debate on the measures needed to enhance its legitimacy. This Research Paper is organised into three main sections. The first discusses the institutional limits within which the ICC currently works. The Court has to face a lack of support from all states in the world, and the absence of systematic cooperation by states parties to its Statute. It is an instrument for power politics, and manipulated by states parties and non-party states to the ICC Statute. Nonetheless, its legitimacy is growing, and the ICC is shown to be a political actor which can set its own agenda. The second section seeks to evaluate the action of the ICC on the ground. It analyses the impact of the ICC on local justice, its influence on peace negotiations, and the way it is perceived by perpetrators and victims of crimes. It shows that the ICC provides important symbolic justice and peace. Even if leaders with a history of violence have continued being violent, despite the threat of an ICC arrest warrant, the ICC could have a deterrent effect in the long term, as no state or militia leader wants to be arrested. Some indicted people have changed their attitude for fear of the ICC. Victims of crime seem to have diverging views on the utility of the ICC, but they generally welcome its work. The last and concluding section highlights the difficulties for the ICC to provide both international justice and peace, and suggests possible practical policies both it and the international community might implement to provide justice and durable peace for people. The main proposals are that: (a) The ICC has to be given the means to deliver justice without bias, that is, without control by states and with a focus on all individuals and parties responsible for crimes in a conflict (b) An emphasis needs to be laid on strengthening institutions providing local justice (c) Officials who work within states which have ratified the ICC treaty cannot rely solely on the ICC to provide justice: states themselves should also be focusing their policies on the promotion of long-term economic and social development for victims of conflict.

E-5 Religious Conservatism and the Case of Islamiazation: Examining the Roots of Talibanization in Malakand Division of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa

It is generally believed that Malakand Division has witnessed unprecedented Jehadism, Islamization and later on Talibanization. This article aims to analyze the process of religious conservatism and Talibanization with special emphasize on Sufi Muhammad and Fazlullah led Shariah movement on the northerly Malakand Division of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. The paper discusses about the background, emergence, process of Tlibanization and the role of Sufi Muhammad and Fazlullah for the implementation of Shariah in Malakand Division. A descriptive method was used in which both primary and secondary sources in the form of Interviews, autobiography journals, books and reports were consulted and reviewed while carrying out this research. The article highlights that Sufi Muhammad and Fazlullah, the militant leader of Tahrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) was intended to implement Shariah law through an unlawful and violent armed struggle in Malakand Division of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. In this regard, the FM radio channel was brought into use to mobilize masses to challenge the writ of the state by establishing parallel court in the region. In the process, many civilians, government servants, and large numbers of notables were being killed for in Talibnization process in Malaknd Division.

The women’s suffrage movement in Britain and Ireland: new perspectives

ABSTRACT The articles in this Special Issue were first presented at a conference held in Portsmouth, UK, 31st August–1st September 2018, to mark the centenary of the 1918 Representation of the People Act which, for the first time, granted to certain categories of women aged 30 and over the parliamentary vote. They expand our knowledge about the women’s suffrage campaign in Britain and in Ireland in a number of ways, offering biographical essays on neglected activists, as well as telling new stories about participants in national and local contexts. The contribution of the fragmentary autobiography of suffragette Jessie Kenney to existing historiography is discussed, while a study of the women’s movement in Ireland draws upon the contribution of new social movement theory. Finally, the international influence of the militant suffragette leader Emmeline Pankhurst is examined through the case study of France.

Search and sovereignty: the relatives of the Lebanese disappeared in Syria

ABSTRACT During almost three decades of Syrian army presence in Lebanon, the Syrian military security in collaboration with local militia leaders and with the blessing of many postwar politicians abducted and transferred hundreds of Lebanese and Palestinians illegally across the border to Syria. Based on interviews with the relatives of these victims and on participant observation at the permanent sit-in at the protest tent in downtown Beirut where they regularly gathered, I discuss the search practices of these families since the early 1980s. I throw light on several of their activities to resist the political, legal, and public erasure of these disappeared. I suggest that relatives have acted as ‘informal lawyers’ of the absentees to protect them from being blamed for their own abductions. Furthermore, I argue that after the Syrian army withdrawal in 2005 there has been a clear transition from what Thomas Blom Hansen calls the de facto sovereignty of transnational shadow networks (such as in this case of Syrian and Lebanese military security) to the de facto sovereignty of global humanitarian and human rights regimes. I claim that members of both of these transnational networks engage in a set of discourses and practices to decide over the life and death of these victims.

The Battle over Syria's Reconstruction

AbstractReconstruction is becoming the new battleground in the Syrian conflict – its continuation by other means. It is instrumentalized by the regime as a way to reconsolidate its control over the country and by rival regional and international powers to shape the internal balance of power and establish spheres of influence in the country. The paper examines the Asad regime's practices, including co‐optation of militia leaders via reconstruction concessions and use of reconstruction to clear strategic areas of opposition‐dominated urban settlements. The paper then surveys how the geopolitical struggle in Syria has produced an asymmetry as regards reconstruction: those powers that lost the geopolitical contest on the ground seek to use geo‐economic superiority to reverse the geopolitical outcome. First the impact of proxy wars and spheres of influence in the country on the security context for reconstruction is examined. Finally, the reconstruction initiatives of the various external parties are assessed, including Russia, Iran and Turkey as well as the spoiler role by which the US seeks to obstruct reconstruction that would spell victory in Syria for its Russian and Iranian rivals.

Anioto and nebeli: local power bases and the negotiation of customary chieftaincy in the Belgian Congo (ca. 1930–1950)

ABSTRACTBy means of two case studies, this paper demonstrates how customary chiefs in Northeast Congo crafted their power position under colonial indirect rule. The first case discusses chiefs’ role in anioto or leopard-men killings to secure their authority over people, land and resources whilst circumventing colonial control. The second case concerns nebeli, a collective therapy characterised by the distribution of a medicine or charm used to protect, heal and harm in Northeast Congo and South Sudan. These case studies show that indirect rule designed customary chieftaincy too one-sidedly, based on patrilineal succession and land rights. It tried to cut chiefs off from spiritual and coercive power bases such as anioto and nebeli, which were part of local political culture. While colonial authorities framed institutions such as anioto and nebeli as subversive, and expected government-appointed chiefs to renounce them, they were clandestinely used by chiefs to retain their grip on local society whilst fulfilling their state-imposed duties. However, these institutions were not simply used to resist or by-pass colonial control, but also to support it. These historical cases help to gain insight in contemporary chiefs and militia leaders’ continued use of similar coercive, spiritual and remedial means to boast their power.

المسيرة النضالية للشهيد مواليد بخليفة المدعو "طاهر موسطاش" قائد المنطقة الخامسة من الولاية الخامسة التاريخية 1953-1961 م.

The Need To Study This Subject Was To Look For Those Actors And Their Struggle In The Ranks Of The Algerian Liberation Revolution, As Highlighting The Importance Of The Fifth Region Of The Historical Fifth State Had A Great Impact In The Search For The March Of The Revolutionary Struggle, This Struggle That Moved The Algerian People Were In A State Of Disrething And Giving A One-Time Boost To Their Homeland's Independence And Get Rid Of French Colonial Domination. It Is This Popular Rallying Around His Glorious Revolution That Has Given Rise To This Continuity In The Struggle Of The Mujahedeen, Despite The Use Of All His Political And Military Designs By The French Enemy In Order To Absorb The Determination Of This People And To Distance Them In Various Ways From This Revolution, Which Was The Source Of Their Struggle And Jihad. The Permanent Presence Of Militant Leaders Such As Si Ben Allal, Si Abd Al Hadi, Si Issa Al-Bouzidi, And In Particular The Village Of Tajmut Tlemcen And Its Environs Gave The Advantage Of Revolutionary Activity At The Grass-Roots Level, Giving The Best Of The Villagers To Join The Ranks Of The Liberation Revolution. One Of Them Was Si Moualid Bekhlifa, The Latter Who Chose To Fight Under The Leadership Of Si Bin Alal, And Soon He Will Assume High Ranks As A Result Of His Work And Revolutionary Activity, Which Proved His Loyalty To His Country And His People. Key Words - Moualid Bekhlifa, Tajmut Village, Revolutionary Activity, 1st District, 5th District.

The Janus-Faced Second Amendment: Looking Backward to the Renaissance, Forward to the Enlightenment

The Second Amendment has two clauses, the first stating the importance of a “well-regulated militia,” and the second guaranteeing the “right of the people to keep and bear arms.” The interplay between these was prominent in the seminal case of District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008), and will return later this year in New York State Rifle and Pistol Ass’n v. New York, No. 18-280 (cert. granted, Jan. 22, 2019). The Heller dissent saw the militia clause as explaining the purpose of, and thus imposing a limitation on, the right to arms clause. That is, the right to arms exists only insofar as necessary to service in a well-regulated militia (a term it nowhere defined). The Heller majority saw the militia clause as a preface, explaining why the right to arms merited express constitutionalization. This article proposes third approach, which is better founded in the historical record. The militia clause and the right to arms clause are completely separate concepts. They have different origins, one looking back to the Renaissance, the other forward to the Enlightenment. In 1787-91 they largely had different constituencies: some Americans were concerned that the new Congress would neglect the militia, others that it might disarm the people. For most of this period, drafters of State declarations of rights, or of proposals for a Federal bill of rights, chose either to praise the militia as an institution, or to guarantee an individual right to arms, but never both. The exception came in the Virginia ratifying convention of 1788, the eleventh hour of constitutional history, when the convention realized they could do both in one amendment, and joined a militia clause to the right to arms clause. The practical significance of this is that the militia clause cannot be read to limit the right to arms clause. They were separate ideas from the start and at the end. Moreover, the historical record indicates that the right to arms clause was seen as, by far, the more important of the two. This article also explores the question of whether the modern National Guard is the well-regulated militia of the Constitution, and concludes that is not. The test of World War II led to a variety of statutory changes, culminating in 1933, that converted the Guard into a reserve Federal force. The Framers envisioned the militia as a State force that would serve as a counterpoise to the plenary Congressional power to raise armies; thus States were expressly guaranteed the right to select militia leaders and the train the force, and Congress was made unable to send it overseas. But Congressional action 1903-1933 used the Army clause to reorganize the Guard so that its officers were Federally approved, its training federalized, and it could be deployed overseas. It remains a reserve military force, but no counterpoise to Congressional exercise of the Army Clause.

Children of war in Iraq princes of future wars Study on the rights of Iraqi children

The importance of studying the impact of wars on civilians in general and children, especially with the increasing number of victims and the transformation in the nature of wars and armed conflicts, which is now more deadly children, including fighters.
 The human and material bleeding caused by decades of successive wars in Iraq will require more decades to recover from its effects and repercussions. The war has left millions of dead, orphans and street children, as well as millions of people with disabilities and mental disorders. In the face of inadequate government policies, armed groups and militias have succeeded in investing in these millions of children into projects of killers, martyrs and militia leaders.
 The exit of Iraq from the cycle of war and violence depends on the removal of childhood from this vicious circle that transform the victims of today to the princes of the wars of tomorrow

CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC – ICC: Militia Leader Extradited

CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC – ICC: Militia Leader Extradited