Militant Attitudes Research Articles

Militancy in the Perspective of Industrial and Organizational Psychology

Resilience in the face of change, adversity and uncertainty is an attitude that illustrates the spirit of militancy. The research team observed that there is no standard concept of militancy and its application in organizational life. The terms militant and militancy are often interpreted negatively in Indonesia, as they are associated with radicalism and terrorism (Purwastuti, 2011). In fact, in the Big Indonesian Dictionary (KBBI), militant means "high spirited, passionate and hard-nosed", while militancy means "toughness in fighting (facing, difficulties, fighting, and so on)". The purpose of this research is to find formulations and develop concepts about militancy from the perspective of Industrial and Organizational Psychology, especially in human resource management. The benefits of this research are expected to emerge a steady concept of militancy from which a measuring instrument and intervention program can be developed to improve militant attitudes in industrial and organizational settings. The research approach used in this study is a qualitative approach with data collection methods, namely interviews. Respondents in this study are academics and practitioners who are involved in military psychology and practitioners in the field of Industrial and Organizational Psychology, especially in the field of human resource management (HRM). The results of this study are expected to be the basis for improving the quality of human resources in the organization through increasing the attitude of militancy in its human resources.

Opposite effects of RWA and SDO on war support: Chinese public opinion toward Russia's war in Ukraine.

Previous research has identified the combined effects of Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) on individuals' militant attitudes. Much of the existing studies have been conducted in the United States and Europe, where political cleavage is drawn between liberalism and conservatism and where RWA and SDO are aligned with conservatism. In this article, we argue that in a different ideological backdrop where RWA and SDO are not bound by conservative ideology, their influence on war support varies. We use the case study of China, in which socialist ideology upholds authoritarianism but opposes social dominance. We hypothesize that in a war in which the state acquiesces, regime loyalists high on RWA and low on SDO tend to back the war, while regime critics low on RWA and high on SDO are less supportive. Using longitudinal data with a nationwide online sample (Time 1: N = 1000, Time 2: N = 500) collected during the war in Ukraine, we confirmed the opposite effects of RWA (measured by the traditionalism subscale) and SDO (measured by the dominance subscale) on war support. The findings extend our understanding of the impacts of authoritarianism and social dominance in a context beyond the United States and Europe.

Islam and the Creative Imagination in Senegal

In few other places in the creative traditions of sub-Saharan Africa isthe factor of Islam more prominent and influential than in Senegal.Manifested on the level of form and subject-matter and spanning a widecross-section of talent in both the traditional and modern media ofcreative expression, this prominence and influence can be attributed toanumber of factors ranging from the artistic maturity, religioussensibility, intellectual astuteness and ideological orientation ofindividual artists to the more general impact that Islam, as a dominantreligious force, is perceived to have had on secular life in Senegal. Thesefactors, to a large extent, determine the various ways in which individualSenegalese artists define themselves and their art vis-a-vis Islam, inparticular, and society, in general, definitions which creatively translateinto formal choice, thematic focus and, to use a cliche, “message”.Two opposite sets of equally militant attitudes constitute the polarextremes that bracket the range of Senegalese artists’ creative responseto Islam, thus paralleling or ‘reflecting’ similar patterns that obtain inthe society at large. This is hardly surprising, given the conception thatSenegalese, and indeed, most African artists, have of the nature andfunction of art in society. On one pole is that ensemble of attitudes shapedby a zealous embrace and vigorous advocacy of the primordiality ofIslam as the most, indeed, the only, legitimate and effective vehicle forthe totalization of the individual and the society. Art in the hands ofindividuals on this end of the creative spectrum becomes an instrumentof propagation of religious ideals, in this case Islamic religious ideals.But beyond this religious vision or in conjunction with it, cultural and ...

Russian Orthodoxy, Militant Internationalism, and Anti-Americanism in Post-Soviet Russia

Correlates of militarism have been widely explored in the last twenty years. Since the shift in attention from Great Power Competition to the Global War on Terror, researchers have focused on religiosity’s role in the development of militant attitudes primarily in the context of Islamic extremism. Vladimir Putin’s consolidation of power has coincided with increased religious language and fervor—each quite antithetical to the Soviet ethos but useful in chastising Western decadence. Despite Russian elites’ desire to possess and partake in the trappings of cosmopolitan internationalism (again, contra communism), they have adopted the same critical, conservative outlook of Russian Orthodoxy. Using data from The Survey of Russian Elites, Moscow Russia, between 2012 and 2016 (https://doi.org/10.3886/ICPSR03724.v6), this paper explores the relationship between expressions of religious Orthodoxy and militant internationalism among Russian elites. Through multiple regression analysis, little evidence was found to support the relationship between religious measures and the militarism sub-dimension of militant internationalism. However, various religious measures were statistically significant in predicting the Anti-Americanism sub-dimension of Militant Internationalism. These results conflict somewhat with past research analyzing Islamic religiosity and militarism. Despite these inconsistencies, evidence suggests that the importance of God in an individual’s life and the cultural significance of Russian Orthodoxy predicts Anti-Americanism among Russian elites.

TOLERANSI DAN MILITAN: POLITIK RELASI ANTARAGAMA SISWA MUSLIM KOTA PADANG

Comfortable with people who different principles/religions and respecting these differences (tolerant), is often suspected of weakening one's religious commitment. Therefore, tolerance is often interpreted as simply allowing differences with all their uniqueness while refraining from all these uniqueness. Through surveys, in-depth interviews, analysis of Homi K. Bhabha's third space, and Frantz Fanon's theory of identity, especially towards Muslim students at Don Bosco Padang High School, this paper proves the opposite. These Muslim students who attend school in a predominantly Christian environment do show a fairly high tolerance, for example being willing to be part of diversity and to be empathetic. However, this coincides with the strengthening of militant attitudes such as seriousness in seeking religious knowledge even outside of school. Also their critical attitude towards school policies that do not accommodate Islamic values.

Pseudo-Radicalism and the De-Radicalization of Educated Youth in Indonesia

This article discusses a recent phenomenon of radicalization among university students in Indonesia, with special attention to what may be called “pseudo-radicalists” (i.e., a group of students who have been exposed to radical ideologies); however, they are not strongly grounded in an exclusive and extreme religious viewpoint that justifies militant attitudes and violent actions. We carefully and critically examine the extent to which educated youth have been infiltrated by radical influences and how they de-radicalized themselves. Our research includes seven government tertiary institutions identified by the National Agency for Combating Terrorism or Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Terorisme as having been inflicted by radicalism, namely, Universitas Indonesia, Institut Teknologi Bandung, Institut Pertanian Bogor, Universitas Diponegoro, Institut Teknologi Sepuluh Nopember, Universitas Airlangga, and Universitas Brawijaya. By situating our case study within the existing literature on radicalization and de-radicalization, we hope that this article will enrich our perspectives and shed some light on crucial issues facing educated youth, especially within tertiary campuses.

Individual Exposure to Terror and Political Attitudes: A Physiologically-Based Model of Militancy

ABSTRACT How does exposure to terrorism affect political attitudes? This paper presents a new individual-level psychobiological model of political attitudes. Using a unique individual-level data of personal exposure to terrorism, a physiological marker of inflammation (CRP) and a psychological measure of perception of threat to an ongoing conflict—the Israel-Palestinian Conflict—we assess the effect of personal exposure to terrorism on militant attitudes concerning the conflict. Our data of physiological (blood samples), psychological, and attitudinal factors were collected in Israel during a military escalation along the Gaza Strip border. The findings reveal that among people personally exposed to terrorism, the perception of threat mediates an association between physiological conditions and militant attitudes. These findings contribute to the emerging literature on the biopolitics of political violence, suggesting a renewed focus on the dynamic interplay between physiological, psychological, and political factors.

Framing and fighting: The impact of conflict frames on political attitudes

How does the subjective conceptual framing of conflict impact the warring parties’ attitudes towards political compromise and negotiation? To assess strategies for conflict resolution, researchers frequently try to determine the defining dispute of a given conflict. However, involved parties often view the conflict through fundamentally distinct lenses. Currently, researchers do not possess a clear theoretical or methodological way to conceptualize the complexity of such competing frames and their effects on conflict resolution. This article addresses this gap. Using the Israeli–Palestinian conflict as a case study, we run a series of focus groups and three surveys among Jewish citizens of Israel, Palestinian citizens of Israel (PCIs), and Palestinians in the West Bank. Results reveal that three conflict frames are prominent – material, nationalist, and religious. However, the parties to the conflict differ in their dominant interpretation of the conflict. Jewish Israelis mostly frame the conflict as nationalist, whereas Palestinians, in both the West Bank and Israel, frame it as religious. Moreover, these frames impact conflict attitudes: a religious frame was associated with significantly less willingness to compromise in potential diplomatic negotiations among both Jewish and Palestinian citizens of Israel. Interestingly, differing frames had no significant impact on the political attitudes of West Bank Palestinians, suggesting that the daily realities of conflict there may be creating more static, militant attitudes among that population. These results challenge the efficacy of material solutions to the conflict and demonstrate the micro-foundations underpinning civilians’ conflict attitudes and their implications for successful conflict resolution.

Jovan Pavlovic as a liberalism paradigm in the history of Serbian press

This paper is focused on a celebrated Serbian journalist and liberal, Jovan Pavlovic, who founded and edited, in the second half of the 19th century, the following newspapers: Pancevac, Granicar and Novi Granicar. Pavlovic turned his newspapers into the most militant and the most liberal media printed in Serbian language in Austria-Hungary in the second half of the 19th century. This paper analyzes the beginnings of Serbian liberal thought and individuals who were significant for the development of liberal ideas in the 19th century. The work of Vladimir Jovanovic and other liberals in Serbia has been considered, including the influence of Svetozar Markovic and Serbian liberals in Austria-Hungary. The authors analyzed Pavlovic?s articles in Zastava, Pancevac, Granicar, and Novi Granicar. Pavlovic?s newspapers supported very liberal and militant attitudes unlike other printed media throughout the history of Serbian journalism. Pavlovic was very incisive when writing in anticlerical spirit, and in many of his articles he criticized church hierarchy. The Eastern question was also extensively dealt with in his articles. In the history of Serbian journalism, Jovan Pavlovic has been remembered as a great supporter of human rights, national liberation and emancipation, as well as a significant representative of liberal ideas.

Alegorías de miedo. El cine fantástico español en los tiempos de la Transición

Abstract The importance of horror films made in Spain has long been obscured by the greater public presence of other genres and the force that auteur cinema has had in the contexts of production in recent decades. Spanish horror cinema, however, may also boast of a tradition with important directors such as Jesús Franco, Amando de Ossorio, Paul Naschy, Narciso Ibáñez Serrador or Juan Piquer Simón. The purpose of this article is to investigate the discourses around the films of these authors, among others, produced in the aftermath of the Franco years and during the Spanish Transition involving political content, social criticism and militant attitudes, marked in allegorical styles and shaped by the coordinates of the horror genre. The research aims to determine the level of political, ideological and social criticism that these largely forgotten films contain, and which constitute an authentic history of the ‘other Spanish cinema’.

Stress, Satisfaction and Militancy among Canadian Physicians

The present study utilized a stressor-strain framework to understand physician militancy in Canada. Data were collected from 2,584 physicians in 1986 using questionnaires. Four militant attitudes or activities were considered: approval of binding arbitration in the event of deadlocks in fee negotiations with governments, approval of withdrawal of services in the event of inadequate income settlements, approval of the reconstitution of medical associations as labour unions, and whether they had participated in an organized job action involving withdrawal of services.

Le défi du cinéma africain : entre le culturalisme et l'impérialisme

Larry Portis et Christiane Passevant, The Challenge for African Cinema : Between Culturalism and Imperialism The lack of a real film industry in Subsaharan Africa, and the control over the African market exercised by North American and French distributors, has maintained African filmmakers in a state of economic dependence. However, the incomplete process of political independence and the frustrations of African artists and intellectuals have contributed to their largely critical and militant attitudes.

Relatiewe deprivasie en militantheid in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks

Relative deprivation and militancy in the South African context. The relationship between relative deprivation and militancy was investigated in a stratified random sample of 361 Blacks, 335 Coloureds, 402 Indians, 129 Afrikaans-speaking Whites and 134 English-speaking Whites. Apart from variables related to relative deprivation, a number of other variables such as biographical information, ethnic attitudes, conservatism and the experience of justice were also measured and included in multiple regression analyses to predict the militant attitudes of the subjects. The results of the research indicate that the variables age, negative attitudes to Whites, and degree of economic deprivation experienced were factors which significantly influenced the militant attitudes of Blacks. Negative attitudes toward Afrikaans-speaking Whites were associated with the militancy of Coloureds, while attitudes toward English-speaking Whites were the most important explanatory variable for the militant attitudes of Indians. Am...

Relatiewe deprivasie en militantheid in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks / Relative deprivation and militancy in the South African context

The relationship between relative deprivation and militancy was investigated in a stratified random sample of 361 Blacks, 335 Coloureds, 402 Indians, 129 Afrikaans- speaking Whites and 134 English-speaking Whites. Apart from variables related to relative deprivation, a number of other variables such as biographical information, ethnic attitudes, conservatism and the experience of justice were also measured and included in multiple regression analyses to predict the militant attitudes of the subjects. The results of the research indicate that the variables age, negative attitudes to Whites, and degree of economic deprivation experienced were factors which significantly influenced the militant attitudes of Blacks. Negative attitudes toward Afrikaans-speaking Whites were associated with the militancy of Coloureds, while attitudes toward English-speaking Whites were the most important explanatory variable for the militant attitudes of Indians. Amongst white subjects feelings of justice regarding their social ...

Class, Patriarchy and Community Studies

Claire Williams' book1 on working-class life in a Queensland mining town is the fruit of an ambitious research project. Her aim was to 'explore the nature of exploitation under capitalism, particularly in paid pro duction, the nature of resistance to such exploitation and, above all, the limitations which circumscribe the possible forms of resistance'. What is particularly original (and perhaps most controversial) about Williams' approach is the central role that she assigns to 'patriarchy' in circum scribing resistance. Patriarchy 'underpins both capitalism itself and re sistance to it, thus ultimately inhibiting a universally liberating counter hegemony from emerging' (p. 36). In order to examine the process of class struggle in capitalist production and patriarchy's effects on it, Williams conducted a 'sociological study of work and family relation ships among the working class associated with two open-cut coal mines in central Queensland'. A book of such scope should attract the attention of those with in terests in community studies, industrial relations, class and class consciousness and feminist social theory. Perhaps inevitably it will not please them all and it may well be those whose interest was alerted by the promise of an empirical study integrating marxist and feminist questions who are the most disappointed. They should at least be directed at the outset to the Appendix on Methodology where Williams describes how her work actually evolved and was modified by experiences 'in the field'. Most importantly it is clear that the work broke up into two distinct empirical studies of specific aspects of capitalism and patriarchy: a 'work study', in which non-work factors became a secondary consideration, with the main focus shifting to the issue of deprivation of job control and a 'marriage study'. The structure of the book clearly reflects these developments, with chapters 3-5 reviewing the work study findings and chapters 6-8 the marriage study findings. These two parts of the book could be read in isolation and each would provide much food for thought and discussion. However, since one of the original features of the project was the attempt to posit a particular determining relationship between the patriarchal structure of working class families and levels of class struggle, it is important to understand how the separation of material came about. And here the most immediately striking factor is Williams' methodology, for despite her claim that the work 'deliberately breaks with the tradition of naive empiricism common to British and American positivistic sociology' (p. 193), much of her material was gathered, and is presented, in a form determined by precisely that tradition. Thus the work study and marriage study are based on necessarily separate interviews and questionnaires from which sets of attitudes to key issues are constructed and then correlated with particular attributes of the interviewees. While this approach generates evidence to support Williams' hypotheses concerning some of the causes of militant attitudes at the work-place, it is mani festly less successful in providing evidence for her hypotheses on the role

Police Unrest, Unionization and the 1919 Strike in Liverpool

Sixty years ago, during the aftermath of the first world war, labour unrest and disaffection in Britain were pronounced and widespread. The end of hostilities had immediately brought to the fore all those industrial problems which had been either set aside or dealt with on only a temporary basis during the war.' Nowhere was this more apparent than in the police service. Here mounting discontent culminated in strike action in certain parts of the country both in 1918 and 1919 the only period in which independent trades unionism has been openly practised in the entire history of the force. The successful strike in London in 1918 and the attempted, national police strike in the following year which failed are notable examples of the taking of 'direct action' within a hierarchically structured and disciplined organization. In view of the revival of more militant attitudes towards improving pay and conditions among the police in recent years, together with renewed interest in independent union organization and the possibility of industrial action, the time is now appropriate for a reappraisal of certain aspects of this earlier episode of police history. Although up to 10 per cent of the police forces in London and Birmingham came out on strike in August 1919 with more than a thousand policemen out in the Metropolitan area alone, nevertheless it was Merseyside which proportionate to the size of its force was really the key centre of the strike.2 More than half the Liverpool and Birkenhead forces as well as three quarters of the police in nearby Bootle answered the strike call. It was also Liverpool and the adjacent boroughs which were the most seriously affected by the consequences of the strike, in terms of public disorder, looting,

Determinants of Attitudinal Militancy Among University Faculty

The authors investigated several possible determinants of militant attitudes toward the employer-employee relationship among 454 faculty members at one medium-sized state university.1 Dissatisfaction with several of the job and organiza tional context characteristics (especially with the campus adminis tration) was a significant predictor of militancy, but demographic characteristics (e.g., sex, academic rank, tenure status, academic department, faculty organization membership) had almost no predictive value.

Religiosity and Black Militancy: A Reappraisal

Data from a 1969 nationwide sample of black adults revealed a weaker association between religiosity and militant attitudes than Marx found in a 1964 sample. Further exploration uncovered an interesting reason for this finding. In 1964 blacks who were more religious were less militant within each of several age, sex, and denominational categories Marx examined, whereas in 1969 this was not the case. Among older black adults, males and Baptists, the more religious were decidedly less militant, perhaps even more so than in 1964. However, among younger black adults, females and members of denominations other than Baptists, the relationship was reversed: the more religious were slightly more militant. Since additional investigation disclosed no compelling methodological reason for this finding, we suggest that it might be interpreted in terms of changes between 1964 and 1969 in the meaning of militancy to particular segments of the black population and/or in the cultural systems of predominantly black churches.