Middle Power Theory Research Articles

REASSESSING MIDDLE POWERS: A CASE STUDY OF ESTABLISHED MIDDLE POWERS AND THE IMPERATIVE FOR CONCEPTUAL REVISION

This paper critically reassesses the concept of middle powers in the context of evolving global dynamics, including the recent recognition of Kazakhstan as a middle power. Traditionally associated with specific behavioral traits such as seeking multilateral resolutions and adopting compromise positions, middle powers face a disconnect between theoretical frameworks and their dynamic behaviors. The waning influence of the U.S.-led order and the persistence of outdated descriptors underscore the imperative for reconceptualizing middle power theory. Analysis of traditional and emerging middle powers, including Canada, Australia, Japan, South Korea, Brazil, India, and Kazakhstan, exposes a disparity challenging current perspectives. The UAE, with its strategic location and growing influence in regional and global affairs, also presents an intriguing case study in the evolving landscape of middle power dynamics. Despite its relative ly small size and recent emergence on the global stage, the UAE has rapidly established itself as a significant player in various spheres, including diplomacy, trade, security, and developme nt assistance. Drawing on theoretical frameworks of middle-power diplomacy from the UAE's foreign policy initiatives, this study highlights the unique characteristics and contributions of the UAE as a middle power in shaping regional and global dynamics. By analysingitsstrategic alliances, economic diversification efforts, and soft power projection, this article provides insights into the evolving role of middle powers in contemporary international relations.The paper advocates for a comprehensive revision that embraces modern realities, dynamic assessment, inclusive perspectives, global cooperation, and contextual sensitivity. By incorporating the experiences and actions of diverse middle powers into a revised framework, scholars and policymakers can better understand the nuanced roles and contributions of middle powers in shaping international relations. This reconceptualization aims to capture the complexities of contemporary international relations, providing a valuable analytical tool for understanding the roles and contributions of middle powers in an ever-changing world.

Emerging economies in business news: Repositioning leaders in the Global South

Drawing from nation-branding as a recent development in contemporary globalization, and new middle power theory that examines hierarchies of nations, we used thematic textual analysis to examine business press coverage of the IBSA (India, Brazil, South Africa) consortium for business news representations and the positioning of IBSA nations in the global arena. Analysis of coverage in India’s The Financial Express, Brazil’s Valor Econômico and South Africa’s Business Day revealed that regional economic leadership, strengths in trade and technology, development aid and the consortium’s collective engagement in global activism inform the business press’ positioning of the IBSA countries as new middle powers.

Theorising Foreign Policy and IR in Vietnam: A Case for a Non-Western IRT?

The article is devoted to revealing some of the key concepts pertaining to International Relations Theories (IRT) suggested by the leading Vietnamese scholars at present. While claiming no comprehensiveness with regard to the coverage, the paper unveils some of the circumstances that served as a background for the evolution of International Relations (IR) as a discipline in Vietnam with a specific focus on the indigenous school(s) of thought. In particular, a Vietnamese conceptualisation of the middle power theory is of interest, being relevant not only in terms of advancing the methodological constructs but also for formulating – even if indirectly – Vietnam’s foreign policy in practice. On the whole, noteworthy is the creative adaptation of Ho Chi Minh’s thoughts to the contemporary intricacies of international politics. Findings show that while some Vietnamese groundwork in IR theories is typical of non-Western scholarship on the whole, it manifests a certain degree of uniqueness in that it relies on a combination of Marxist-Leninist doctrines and Ho Chi Minh’s postulates with both characteristically Asian notions (e.g. “bamboo diplomacy”) and theoretical developments originating in the Global West (such as the concept of a “middle power”).

Is anyone a middle power? The case for historicization

AbstractWhat should happen to a concept as it loses real-world application? The concept of ‘middle power’ rose to prominence in the mid-20thcentury, establishing an influential practitioner–scholarly nexus over the next several decades. This prestigious history came at a cost, embedding three core assumptions into the concept: that middle powers areInternationalin focus,Multilateralin method, andGood Citizensin conduct. While there have been significant attempts by scholars to reform the concept, middle power theory has proven inseparable from these assumptions. In this paper, we examine six middle power states (Canada, Australia, South Korea, Indonesia, Turkey, and Mexico) and show middle power theory no longer helps us distinguish or interpret these states. Changes in the international environment suggest this finding will endure. As such, we argue for the historicization of the concept of ‘middle power’. We conclude by identifying a series of analytical puzzles which researchers will need to address to develop an appropriate conceptual lexicon for theorizing this type of state in the 21stcentury.

The three eras of Australian practice on MPAs: the interaction between national and international law and policy

ABSTRACT Australia has attempted to position itself as a world leader in Marine Protected Area (MPA) practice through leveraging its significant national MPA network as well as its heavy involvement in the creation of high seas MPAs in the Antarctic. However, the quality of Australia’s domestic and international MPA practice have separately been subject to similar and convincing critiques. Despite this, little research exists which highlights how these two levels of law-making may interact regarding MPAs. Hence, the question to be addressed is: ‘How does Australia’s domestic and international MPA practice interact?’ Through drawing upon middle power theory to characterise this interaction, three distinct eras of practice can be observed: 1990–2000, 2001–2012 and 2013–present. By understanding the common interactions between the national and international levels of law making across these eras, it is possible to better understand the motivations behind Australia’s international MPA practice, as well as to anticipate future actions.

All Containment and No Engagement: Australia's Contemporary Policy towards the Democratic People's Republic of Korea

Australia's interactions with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), henceforth known as North Korea, have ebbed and flowed throughout their seventy‐five‐year history. In times of détente on the Korean Peninsula, Australia actively engaged North Korea and sought to facilitate its integration into the international system. However, during the recent détente in 2018–2019, Canberra broke with tradition and watched on as Trump, Moon, and Kim sought to negotiate a deal towards Pyongyang's denuclearisation. Why has Australia not followed its security partners and engaged, despite being an Indo‐Pacific middle power and an advocate for non‐proliferation? Answers to this question remain unknown in the international relations literature. Therefore, I conducted process tracing and identified seven “critical junctures” in Australia's relationship with North Korea while analysing its responses using middle power theory. Australia's preference for non‐engagement is due to a shift towards a “maximum pressure” policy reliant on sanctions, reducing incentives to engage. This stems from a normative objection to Pyongyang's violation of the Treaty on the Non‐Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and limited material capabilities to persuade North Korea to denuclearise unilaterally. I aim to give an up‐to‐date account of Australia‐North Korea relations and draw attention to a neglected area in Australia's non‐proliferation policy.

The Concept of Middle Power's Theory to Reality: Prospect of Vietnam

The middle power is playing an important role in the order of international relations. Its voice is being identified in global issues from security cooperation, political, economic to environmental and humanity protection, and the trend of cooperation with peaceful, stable and mutual development. Although the concept of middle power has been discussed very early and received a great concern from many theorists and foreign policy makers, there has not been a unified definition, which becomes a limitation in explaining the behaviors of some countries towards global multilateralism. This article clarifies the theoretical framework of the concept, approach, and analysis of the middle power in the current international relation context as well as gives some comments about power shift, development trend to generalize these into characteristics and comparison tools for the case in Vietnam, serving Vietnam’s foreign policy implementing process in the year to come.

Whither the Indo-Pacific? Middle power strategies from Australia, South Korea and Indonesia

Abstract Against the backdrop of US–China superpower rivalry in the Indo-Pacific, this article assesses the visions and strategies of the region's middle powers, which remain under-examined at present. First, it briefly traces the boundaries of this research by reviewing the contested nature of the Indo-Pacific concept and the definitional complexities of middle power theory. Second, it provides a novel comparative framework to analyse Australia, South Korea and Indonesia as the region's major middle powers, exploring their goals and strategies. The framework consists of: 1) middle power categorization; 2) interconnectedness with the two superpowers; 3) vision for the Indo-Pacific; 4) resulting regional posture; and 5) capacity to implement the country's goals. Third, it assesses the ensuing implications of this analysis for the region's strategic landscape. It finds that Canberra is now firmly aligned with Washington in balancing against China, as epitomized by the Quad and AUKUS; Seoul is cautiously increasing cooperation with the US, though potentially only to protract its strategic ambiguity; and Jakarta is pursuing strategic autonomy for itself and ASEAN, with the ambitious but precarious goal of creating a ‘third way’ for the Indo-Pacific. Consequently, middle powers seem unlikely to provide an alternative platform for the region's direction in the near future, due to a number of internal divisions. By shedding light on such understudied aspects, this article addresses a gap in the scholarly literature and provides a novel contribution to the understanding of both the diverse roles of middle powers and the Indo-Pacific's evolving strategic landscape.

A Rapid Reaction Force for the United Nations: Middle Powers, Human Security, and the Multinational Standby High Readiness Brigade (SHIRBRIG)

Contemporary threats to human security have prompted middle powers to call again for the establishment of a rapid reaction force even as they failed to implement the Multinational Standby High Readiness Brigade (SHIRBRIG) over a decade ago. Despite this failure, much of what has been written on middle powers simply assumed that they successfully contributed to human security. Previous studies on rapid reaction force and SHIRBRIG also lacked a theoretical examination - merely identifying lessons learned and offering policy recommendations. Utilising Ronald M. Behringer’s conceptualisation of middle power theory which posits that middle powers use the concept of human security to design instruments that address contemporary security challenges, this article attempts to bridge the gaps in the literature by arguing that middle powers were only successful in creating a rapid reaction force, but not in providing the material capabilities to implement it. Ultimately, the concept of human security was not enough to make middle powers commit vital resources to SHIRBRIG.

MIDDLEPOWERMANSHIP IN KOREAN FOREIGN POLICY

As a result of the Post-Cold War development, the international relations have shifted from bipolarism to a multipolarism. Once relevant Western-born IR theories lack explanatory power. Current IR witness the growing role of the non-Western states both in regional and international domains. Consequently, there is a growing need for appropriate IR theories that could explain the changing world structure, describe the role of new powers in international politics and define future development. Thus, it is essential to study non-Western research that focuses on conceptualization of ongoing processes from its perspective.The authors analyze the IR theories developed by South Korean scholars. The purpose of this article is to analyze South Korean interpretations of the middlepowermanship that considers the Republic of Korea’s unique regional and global context. South Korean scholars agree on a particular geostrategic location of the state. The geopolitical location, absence of natural resources and limited military power hinder South Korea’s ability to use hard power in regional and international politics. However, South Korea’s economic development and creative approach in foreign policy translate into middle power diplomacy, which includes niche diplomacy, moderating role in relations between greater powers, regional cooperation promotion, and development of the international legal system.The authors conclude that South Korean version of middle power theory is continuously being (re) interpreted and adapted to the country’s foreign policy. South Korea is to be a a bridge between the great powers in the region.

Designing the Middle Power Theory : The Structural Approach and South Korea’s Middle Power Politics

Designing the Middle Power Theory : The Structural Approach and South Korea’s Middle Power Politics

Australia and middle power approaches to Asia Pacific regionalism

ABSTRACTThis article presents a liberal-institutionalist conceptual framework drawn from Middle Power theory to analyse Australian foreign policy approaches towards Asia Pacific regionalism. Building on precedents set by the former Keating administration, the Labor government of Rudd/Gillard (2007–13) undertook high-profile efforts not only to engage, but to champion, the regionalism process in the Asia Pacific. This enterprise became fused with a self-proclaimed identity as a ‘creative middle power’. Through an analysis of regional community building, regional security architecture and regional order, the article identifies the strong linkages between the theory and practice of ‘middle power’ diplomacy, and the concept of ‘regionalism’ itself, in Australian foreign policy. The article thus contributes to the theoretical literature by exposing the important intersections between the two concepts and concludes that despite Rudd’s prolific attempts to harness Australia’s middle power credentials, Canberra was not able to significantly affect the process of Asia Pacific regionalism unilaterally.

Mistaking Brazil for a Middle Power

This paper argues that Brazil can only be classified as a middle power by engaging in what Sartori criticized as the process of conceptual stretching. Moreover, it is argued that Brazil neither sees itself as a middle power, nor conducts itself as one despite superficial appearances. After the context is set with a survey of thinking on middle power theory, attention is turned to explaining how Brazil might be mistaken for a middle power before explaining in more detail why the country is not one. Evidence is drawn from Brazil's multilateral engagement in institutions such as the WTO, the inter-American system, the NPT, and the wider context of global development. Ultimately the paper advises policy-makers and academics against using the concept of middle power as a conceptual guide or shortcut to understanding Brazil.

The changing architecture of politics in the Asia-Pacific: Australia's middle power moment?

Middle power theory is enjoying a modest renaissance. For all its possible limitations, middle power theory offers a potentially useful framework for thinking about the behavior of, and options open, to key states in the Asia-Pacific such as South Korea, Japan and Australia, states that are secondary rather than primary players. We argue that middle powers have the potential to successfully implement ‘games of skill’, especially at moments of international transition. Frequently, however, middle powers choose not to exercise their potential influence because of extant alliance commitments and the priority accorded to security questions. We substantiate these claims through an examination of the Australian case. Australian policymakers have made much of the potential role middle powers might play, but they have frequently failed to develop an independent foreign policy position because of pre-existing alliance commitments. We suggest that if the ‘middle power moment’ is to amount to more than rhetoric, opportunities must be acted upon.

Challenging Contemporary Notions of Middle Power Influence: Implications of the Proliferation Security Initiative for “Middle Power Theory”

This article explores the prominent role that so-called middle powers have played in constructing the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) as an innovative framework for multinational cooperation, in this case designed to counter trafficking related to weapons of mass destruction proliferation. It seeks thereby to contribute to a better theoretical understanding of the international role and foreign policy behavior of this class of state actor. Because the preponderance of middle power scholarship is either broadly conceptual or focuses narrowly on national-level case studies, an examination of middle power involvement in a particular global initiative represents a potentially important theory-building contribution. Drawing on a critical review of the literature on middle powers, and an explication of PSI through the analytic prism of middle power participation, the study proposes that PSI affords novel insights about—and plausibly a template auguring new opportunities for—middle power activism, collaboration, and influence in global security affairs.

Reinterpreting India's Rise through the Middle Power Prism

India's spectacular rise in recent years has been the source of hyperbolic theorising and speculation on its major power status. Middle power theory offers a set of dynamic analytical parameters which allow for re-evaluating India's global influence and identifying both strengths and weaknesses of its power projection and resources. Placing emphasis on themes of Third World leadership, good international citizenship, multilateral activism, bridge-building diplomacy, and coalition-building with like-minded states, the middle power concept can encapsulate key aspects of India's contemporary agency and account for structural dynamics which constitute a reformist world-view through the reconfiguration of the Indian state within the existing world order. Overall, middlepowermanship delineates fundamental continuities in India's foreign policy tradition, epitomises India's existing position in the neoliberal world order, while providing a good indication of the directions India will take on the global stage in the short and medium-term.

CHINA'S PRAGMATIC SECURITY POLICY: THE MIDDLE-POWER FACTOR

Previous articleNext article No AccessCHINA'S PRAGMATIC SECURITY POLICY: THE MIDDLE-POWER FACTORWilliam Tow and Richard RigbyWilliam Tow Search for more articles by this author and Richard Rigby Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The China Journal Volume 65January 2011 Published on behalf of the Australian Centre on China in the World at the Australian National University Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/tcj.65.25790562 Views: 131Total views on this site Citations: 8Citations are reported from Crossref © The China JournalPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Falin Zhang, Xiaolue Zhu Steadfast reformism or speculative pragmatism? The political economy of China’s exchange-rate reform, The Pacific Review 33, no.66 (Jun 2019): 958–990.https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2019.1620845Enrico Fels Towards a Middle Power Theory in International Relations, (Nov 2016): 195–223.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-45689-8_4Enrico Fels Determining the (Almost) Intangible: Measuring Relational Power, (Nov 2016): 341–364.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-45689-8_6Enrico Fels Australia: Trading with the Dragon, But Flying with the Eagle, (Nov 2016): 365–436.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-45689-8_7Bruno Hellendorff ‘Coopetition’ and Risk Tolerance in the South China Sea: Indonesia and Malaysia’s Middle Power Strategies, (Feb 2016): 289–317.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-26152-2_14Andrew Carr Is Australia a middle power? A systemic impact approach, Australian Journal of International Affairs 68, no.11 (Oct 2013): 70–84.https://doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2013.840264Lowell Dittmer Sino-Australian Relations: A Triangular Perspective, Australian Journal of Political Science 47, no.44 (Dec 2012): 661–675.https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2012.732207Leif-Eric Easley Middle Power National Identity? South Korea and Vietnam in US-China Geopolitics, Pacific Focus 27, no.33 (Dec 2012): 421–442.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1976-5118.2012.01090.x

Pivotal Middle Power Theory and Balanced and Pragmatic Diplomacy in the Participatory Government

Pivotal Middle Power Theory and Balanced and Pragmatic Diplomacy in the Participatory Government