Mercantile Interests Research Articles

The role of scientific and artistic intelligentsia in the salvation of cultural values (1917–1927)

The article deals with the actual problem of attitude to cultural heritage after the change of the model of social development in Russia in 1917. The contradictory processes of registration and preservation of historical and artistic values are analyzed. Based on archival sources, the activities of the All-Russian Board for the Protection of Monuments of Art and Antiquity and its local branches are shown. The role of scientific and artistic intelligentsia in saving cultural values is emphasized. The characteristics of such representatives as V.N. Peretz, M.N. Tikhomirov, K.K. Romanov, N.G. Porfiridov, L.A. Durnovo, et al are given. It is indicated that many cultural devotees in the difficult post-revolutionary period helped to preserve historical and cultural monuments with their modest work. Using their example, a collective image of such ascetics is given, the most striking features of which were the deepest intelligence, high professionalism, selfless service to society and culture, complete absence of any mercantile interests, extraordinary dedication to their work and deep awareness of their mission to save cultural values, perseverance and perseverance in its implementation. It is concluded that specialists trained in this field were involved in the rescue of artistic and historical values, thanks to which it was possible to preserve a significant part of Russia’s cultural heritage and its richest traditions.

Between the Bishop’s Hall and the Hurchin: Enlightenment Legacies in Post-Union Antrim and Down

This essay looks at post 1798 tensions in Belfast, Antrim and Down, using a survey of literary and cultural texts. It notes a range of responses to the first two decades of the nineteenth century in those associated with United Irish aspiration and those associated with maintaining establishment control. On one hand there was a maintenance of the publication of United Irish political, cultural thought and language in the first two decades after the union through continued publication of collections of poetry and other works (Samuel Thomson, James Orr, William Drennan). The essay explores how this work took shape and how it responded to the trauma of 1798, particularly in how the Scots language was deployed as a cultural tool/ weapon in the early 1800s. Alongside this, I discuss the creation and development of a range of “Enlightenment” ventures such as Academical Institution, Poor House, Literary Society and question the extent of these undertakings by looking at how far these were “enlightenment” or were generated by factional, mercantile interests operating under the guise of philanthropic endeavours (e.g. extension of cotton industry in Belfast, economic expansion built on Transatlantic slave trade, imperialist/colonialist animus of many ventures, rewriting of recent history to fit establishment view). These developments are contextualised and questioned alongside the creation of post-Union “Union-ist” Agendas and Groupings (Conservative Anglican and Presbyterian alliances in the cultural sphere in the work of Bishop Thomas Percy, Thomas Romney Robinson, Hugh Porter and Thomas Stott). The trauma and memory of the late eighteenth century left a legacy played out in Belfast’s development post Union and in its articulation, or non-articulation as an Enlightenment space.

METHODOLOGICAL ASPECTS IN NATIONAL PATRIOTIC EDUCATION IN THE CONDITIONS OF ACCELERATION OF EDUCATIONAL MOBILITY

The article is devoted to the phenomenon of educational mobility, which takes place in the options of an extreme situation and deep socio-cultural transformations of the 21st century. It is noted that modern mobility researchers agree on the possible two-fold impact of educational mobility on the life of society and a person: it can have both positive results and create many dangers and challenges. The actual problem of the non-return of a part of Ukrainian refugees who, through various international educational programs, became participants in external educational mobility, was considered. In the author’s opinion, when studying educational mobility, its nature, problems, risks of possible transformation into migration, it is worth taking into account the motivational component, mentality, and axiological factors. Attention is focused on the main models and scenarios of possible human behavior in a foreign cultural environment. It is highlighted that «real» mobility is not driven by selfish desires or mercantile interests, but by an understanding of the need to acquire new knowledge and experience for its actualization in one’s country. Therefore, the higher the level of national-patriotic education, the smaller the outflow of highly qualified specialists. Issues related to the formation of national consciousness, patriotism based on the latest theoretical and practical achievements of the democratic countries of the world are classified as acute problems that require prompt resolution. It was emphasized that an extreme situation does not automatically solve the problems of national-patriotic education. It should be carried out at all levels of national education, become the core of the humanitarian policy of the state and ensure harmonious and integral development of the individual. It is important that the content and form correspond to each other. It is emphasized that the content of national-patriotic education should include national ideas that can be manifested through culture, customs, language, history, religion, rituals, etc. Therefore, there is an urgent need to find new effective forms and methods aimed at combating formalism in education, which will contribute to the formation of a patriotic person who, as a participant in educational mobility, will be able to integrate into a new socio-cultural space for him and will not become a seeker of happiness in a foreign land.

Curating Video-on-Demand: Silences and Interruptions by a Neo-Liberal State

The platform phenomenon could be apprehended as an evolutionary process, one that re-institutionalises legacy market systems. This article delves into one such site of media platformisation in India that of the Video-on-Demand (VoD) market. I demonstrate this market being curated by “digital dislocations” in the legacy video business, but equally to involve and impart “digital dependencies” of various sorts in the online media economy. Rather than viewing these twin dynamics as organic developments, I explain their particular renditions in India stemming from the state’s regulatory composition of the VoD business. Here, I view regulation more broadly in terms of the silences, refractions, and interruptions of the state in the digital economy, or in short, its “digital orchestration.” While regulatory omissions testify to the VoD market being grounded in laissez-faire, the interruptions fortify the state’s own ideological and mercantile interests in and through the VoD business.

Political and legal aberration: nihilism and weapons

The subject of this study is the current political and legal phenomenon, which is “political and legal aberration”. The study reveals the content of the subject, which is considered, on the one hand, as a manifestation of legal nihilism, which is typical for the actions of public authorities and political structures within the state due to their conscious or unconscious disregard for the norms of international law, carried out in their narrow corporate interests. On the other hand, it is a kind of legal mechanism, a legal weapon, which is used as a result of the subject of international law giving priority to its domestic legislation over international law, carried out with the aim of hybrid aggression, solving its imperial goals of seizing the lands of its neighbors, etc. To this end, and counting on impunity, all sorts of crimes are committed in the occupied and other territories of the victim country. Such a subject of international law, in this case, is the Russian Federation. The article examines the practical manifestations of legal nihilism in various public authorities of Ukraine in modern conditions, analyzes their causes and the onset of negative consequences for the realization of the dream of Ukrainian society - the European integration of Ukraine, joining the family of European, democratic, economically developed countries. Attention is focused on various aspects of the above, including the manifestation of such a negative consequence of legal nihilism as the peculiar desire of public authorities to carry out judicial reform in Ukraine. It is noted that this situation serves as a kind of barrier to the Euro-Atlantic aspirations of the Ukrainian society. It is noted that in modern conditions, when individual subjects of international law use the law itself not as a universal democratic mechanism for regulating social relations, but as a kind of legal weapon against political and legal opponents in order to achieve their own, primarily imperial, mercantile interests, to undermine the existing world law and order, public security systems, etc., thereby destroying the existing systems of international security, the system of established and regulated legal relations, and creating threats to the existence of life itself on the planet. A conclusion is made about the expediency of reformatting the existing international institutions of security and legal relations, or their complete reboot, or even their liquidation and creation of new ones, following the example of the liquidation of the League of Nations and the formation of the current UN.

Criminal Liability for Embezzlement of Humanitarian Aid

The article under study carries out a complex analysis of a new element of a criminal offense (envisaged by Article 201-2 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine) “The Illegal Use of Humanitarian Aid, Charitable Donations, or Gratuitous Aid to Receive Gain”. Besides, it substantiates the expediency of criminalizing such illegal behavior and reveals some potentially problematic issues that may arise in the course of bringing a person to criminal liability for such actions, as well as offers the possible ways of their solution.
 russia’s armed aggression, as well as the necessity to help the Armed Forces of Ukraine and internally displaced persons have intensified volunteer activity, the latter having acquired an unprecedented scale throughout the country. Consequently, there has occurred considerable increase of both the number of humanitarian cargoes and the number of pseudo-volunteers or unscrupulous officials, who pursue their own mercantile interests and cynically make money, selling humanitarian aid. All this could not remain unnoticed by the state and led to the adoption of a special legal norm in the Criminal Code of Ukraine.
 Particular emphasis has been laid in the article on the mandatory components and signs of basic, qualified and especially qualified elements of criminal offense. Along with this, the peculiarities of the subject of such illegal behavior (charitable donations, humanitarian and gratuitous aid), as well as the respective amounts of the latter, which give grounds for bringing criminal responsibility, have been regarded in detail. In addition, the article contains a conclusion on an unreasonably high minimum limit of the aid under discussion. As for the objective side of the offense, such an extremely important feature in today’s conditions as the time of its commission – during a state of emergency or martial law – is separately emphasized. Having used this word combination, the legislator has replaced the already established in criminal law wording “under conditions of war or state of emergency”, which always indicated such a feature as the circumstances of the crime. The subject of the offense has been considered with a due regard to its overall and specific signs. Another emphasis has been laid on the necessity to criminalize the respective socially dangerous activities of both official volunteers and officials who, although not vested with official powers, may (in connection with their position) have access to humanitarian aid items and actually dispose of them, etc. The subjective side of the offence appears rather interesting in terms of its purpose – to receive gain. The latter looks quite questionable since until now, such a phrase was used only in the context of the actual consequences of the subject’s illegal behavior. Therefore, the legislator should emphasize not on the fact of receiving gains but on the mercantile context of its disposal.

World of Trouble: A Philadelphia Quaker Family’s Journey through the American Revolution

World of Trouble: A Philadelphia Quaker Family’s Journey through the American Revolution

The European Union’s Security Intervention in the Indo-Pacific: Between Multilateralism and Mercantile Interests

ABSTRACT Is the EU raising its political and security profile in the Indo-Pacific solely because of China’s assertiveness or US–China strategic competition, as often posited? On the basis of official documentation and elite interviews, this article advances a more nuanced view of the rationale behind the EU’s engagement there. Aside from increased European naval involvement the EU and its member states are fostering the capacity building of Indo-Pacific countries concerned with their maritime safety, maritime security and to uphold the rules-based multilateral order. Yet, this article demonstrates how mercantile goals lie behind the EU and its member states’ politico-security engagement.

The False King Olaf, Queen Margaret, and the Prussian Hansa

The case of the False Olaf has received comparatively little attention. In 1402, a Prussian peasant was brought to Scandinavia, heralded by his supporters as King Óláfr Hákonarson (known in modern Danish as Oluf II, or in Norwegian as Olav IV). The real King Óláfr had died in 1387, and the imposter seems to have capitalized on a popular belief that Queen Margaret, the King’s mother, had him killed. In this article I begin by introducing the sources for the False Olaf affair. I consider the case alongside international analogues, and I build on earlier theories concerning the sorts of actors who probably organized the imposture. Previous assertions that the False Olaf was mentally ill are shown to be unnecessary. I underline the relative amateurishness of the scheme to suggest that it belongs to a broader genre of hapless intervention that occurs when mercantile interests (or the interests of capital) fail to grasp properly the workings of governments.

Governar por números: política da Organização para a Cooperação e Desenvolvimento Econômico para a educação básica

ABSTRACT This paper proposes to analyze the assumptions of the Learning Compass 2030 project of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, aimed at education, with a view to create an international school curriculum through the definition of competencies, knowledge, skills, common attitudes, and values. By using the compass metaphor as a methodological and ideological inspiration, it spreads the idea of curriculum flexibility, lifelong learning, learn to learn and autonomy, and anticipates the needs of students in their future life and work options. We argue that terms, vocabulary, conceptions, written language, and purposes inscribed in the Common National Curriculum Base - High School are aligned to corporate and mercantile interests, and also systematize a pragmatic, instrumental and functionalist character for Basic Education.

ВИКОРИСТАННЯ АЛЬТЕРНАТИВНИХ ДЖЕРЕЛ ЕНЕРГІЇ В ЄС: МОЖЛИВОСТІ ТА ПЕРСПЕКТИВИ ДЛЯ УКРАЇНИ

Global economic crises, oil and gas wars, and the constant struggle for natural resources are forcing humanity to look at the world through the prism of mercantile interests, causing damage to nature. As a result, this leads to climate change, global warming and massive environmental pollution.Analyzing these trends, part of society is increasingly focusing on alternative energy sources. The purpose of the article is to analyze current trends in the use of alternative energy sources in EU countries and to determine the possibilities of their application in Ukraine. The research methods used in the work are the following: analysis, abstract and logical, generalization, comparison, economic and statistical, and graphical. It has been established that the most common alternative energy sources include solar, wind, water, biofuels, and others. Each of them has its advantages and disadvantages. At present, themechanism for encouraging the use of alternative energy sources in the European Union is the "green" tariff, premium "green" tariff, tenders, auctions, grants, soft loans, and tax and customs benefits. The analysis of renewable energy production trends in the EU showed that hydropower prevailed until 2012.In Ukraine, the share of primary energy from renewable sources is much lower than in the EU. The main areas of cooperation between the EU and Ukraine in the field of alternative energy have been identified.Wind and solar energy and biomass can become a full-fledged object of export from Ukraine to the European Union. It is established that in order to stimulate the production of clean energy in Ukraine, it is advisable to introduce loans with low-interest rates and grace periods, quota obligations andencourage the creation of energy cooperatives. The tax levers’ influence on carbon dioxide emissions reduction and the implementation of renewable energy sources usage have been determined.

Marital Expectations in a Religious Context: Catholic and Orthodox Marriage Advertisements

People’s ideas about their future family are influenced by social stereotypes and family traditions. Religious dogmas reflected in the prototext of the Holy Scripture determine Christian family expectations. This article refers to marriage advertisements written by women of different age groups and different social statuses posted on Orthodox and Catholic dating sites. By indicating the desired traits of a partner and/or by identifying themselves, the authors of such texts explicate the formed value attitudes that reflect their idea of an ideal life partner. The space of the internet, characterised by freedom of expression in connection with the realisation of a basic human need, to create a family, leads to the explication of real value ideas about family in the texts of marriage advertisements. Texts of Orthodox marriage advertisements reflect the axiological reality of family relations based on the axiological ideal, such as faith in God, decency, chastity, innocence, kindness, and absence of mercantile interests, which remain a priority for the authors. Also, they still contain ideas about the value of the person’s well-roundedness formed in Soviet society. The pragmatically determined requirements for place of residence and nationality indicate the need to take into account the cultural and economic characteristics of Russia, i. e. its large territory and diversity of nationalities. Catholic marriage advertisements focus on faith and the doctrine of the Catholic Church. The addressers create an image of an ideal family in which spouses support each other. The idyll for them is the promise of a wonderful bright future, family happiness, and the realisation of hopes and dreams. The advertisements manifest gender stereotypes, which is confirmed in the characteristics of the addressee: the addressers do not pay much attention to appearance; for them, internal characteristics are more essential, especially adherence to the Catholic faith, which is closely associated with patriotism.

РУССКАЯ И РУССКОЯЗЫЧНАЯ ЖУРНАЛИСТИКА В ВОСПРИЯТИИ АРМЯНСКОЙ ПРЕССЫ ТИФЛИСА (1865–1918 гг.)

The article analyzes journalistic criticism in Armenian periodicals. Examining the large textual material of the informational analytical genre, the author reveals a generalized image of the Russian press. According to Armenian opinion journalists, representatives of the press and literature were the “stepchildren” of the Russian Empire, since publishing was on an unequal basis with other types of entrepreneurship. According to the Armenian periodicals, the only characteristic inherent in all periodicals published in the empire was defining the “non-native”. In other cases, a differentiated approach to journalistic activity was observed, which was the result of the program policy of the newspaper’s editorial board, ideological orientation, economic benefits, and interpersonal relations. Speaking about the work style of the capital city’s press, Armenian journalists emphasized the regularity of its superiority and dominant position, andpointed to the hierarchical subordination of the non-Russian press. The onesidedness and verticality of the information flow were criticized. These were thought to be due to the indifference of the metropolitan press to the newspaper and literary activities of other peoples. Armenian journalists noted that Russian writers generally stood above selfish intentions and loyalty to the party, wanting only the freedom of speech and pen, while Russian journalism was characterized by stereotypical thinking (in particular, in relation to other nations), commercialization, and – in some cases – mercantile interest. Expanding their activities in the same cultural space, formed when comparing the cultures of different nations, journalists of Tiflis often opposed each other taking into account these cultural characteristics. According to Armenian journalists, periodicals published by Russians, Armenians, Georgians and representatives of other nationalities, just like representatives of these periodicals, were alienated from the local society and marginalized. The Russian-language periodicals mostly ignored the “natives” and rarely addressed their problems. Moving away from the national essence, Armenians publishing Russian-language newspapers, involuntarily, or on the basis of personal motives, harmed the national publishing business and, with their actions, hindered the development of Armenian culture. In the perception of Armenian journalists, part of the Russian periodicals published in the two capitals and in Tiflis adhered to a stricter colonial policy, which often acquired a xenophobic character. Recognizing that the Russian conservative press was more established and, unlike the liberal press, developed according to a clear ideological program, Armenian journalists considered the representatives of this trend to be the defenders of regression, not of national identity. The alienation of some Russian and Russian-language publications was especially evident during periods of interethnic clashes and socio-political tension. Since national regions were governed situationally, often unevenly, the press, as an echo of this style of action, further aggravated the chasm between the peoples inhabiting the Caucasus Viceroyalty and contributed to the deterioration of relations between the Russian and national peoples, and extremist calls were reflected in Armenian periodicals.

Elements of Political-Legal Development of Ukraine Strategy: Aspects of Actualization and Scholarly Comprehension

and Scholarly Comprehension The unbalanced state apparatus in the conditions of the law enforcement system inaction and the chaotic actions of the authorities aimed at overcoming the crisis caused by the resistance of oligarchic capital eloquently testify to the need to implement systematic programs to restore and develop strategic directions of the state. Strengthening and separating regional elites from the center weakens the role and discredits central governments; the loss of control over the strategic sectors of the economy monopolized by the oligarchs requires the government to constantly seek a compromise between the interests of the state and meet the needs of corrupt capital; lack of own (national) programs for the development of education and science, national security and defense, information policy – led to the introduction of foreign ideas and concepts, sometimes outdated and sometimes irrelevant to modern Ukrainian conditions (for example, the introduction of restrictive economic instruments contribute to the destruction of countries, unable to provide their needs with their own resources at least 90%). The constant reduction of financial, natural, and human resources has led to growing public discontent with the oligarchs who «colonized Ukraine» in the late 1990s and early 2000s and, depending on Russian markets, pursue their own mercantile interests contrary to state interests. Elite change is one of the most pressing and painful issues related to the restoration of subjectivity and statehood in the Ukrainian state. None of the previous mass protests, the Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity, led to a change of elites as the primary, basic cause of mass discontent. Policy inclusiveness and economic monopolization do not help restore public confidence in government actions and decisions. Domestic elites are in one way or another closely connected (dependent) with oligarchic capital – whether financial, political or media. Thus, Ukrainian elites can be confidently called pro-oligarchic, and oligarchs – representatives of domestic elites. The public demand for the de-elitization of the oligarchs has every reason to grow into another Maidan. In Ukraine, during the thirty years of independence, no conditions have been created for the professional realization of educators, scientists, doctors, journalists, engineers, etc. All so-called non-profit professions are in deep decline. Market relations have gradually transformed into market thinking – a liberal economy turns us into a market society. When measuring education, medicine, politics, friendship or family relations according to the standards of market thinking – the market suffers, and public relations, and education, medicine, science, politics, etc. – none of these categories can be market by definition.

Konflikty v Biafre, Katange i Kabinde kak rezul'tat geopoliticheskogo naslediya kolonializma

The article considers the impact of the colonial past of some countries in sub-Saharan Africa and its effect on their development during the post-colonial period. The negative consequences of the geopolitical legacy of colonialism are shown on the example of three countries: Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of Angola, expressed in the emergence of conflicts in these countries based on ethno-cultural, religious and socio-economic contradictions. At the same time, the focus is made on the economic factor and the consequences of the consumer policy of the former metropolises pursuing their mercantile interests were mixed.

ЕТИКА СПІВ-БУТТЄВОСТІ: УНІВЕРСАЛІЇ І МЕХАНІЗМИ БУТТЯ-РАЗОМ

The article focuses on the ontological aspects of the being ethics. Ethical knowledge as the fundamental mechanism for the reproduction of human being-together is implemented in universals such as values, norms, and customs. These structural elements of ethics, therefore, are responsible for the reproduction and translation of the coherence mechanisms of human co-existence both at the individual and social levels.It has been revealed that among all ethical universals, each element is focused on its functional predetermination. However, it is values that play a special role in the formation of human co-existence and the realization of the spiritual potential of the individual as well. In its historical perspective, the problem of values is formulated in the framework of the ancient tradition as the “philosophy of values” (axiology). A “philosophy of values” or ethics arises as a doctrine of good manners, that is, mechanisms and methods of forming a harmonious social personality and harmonious social relations.Socrates, like Plato, equates value with good. Good, in turn, is correlated by philosophers with the knowledge that forms our virtues. Therefore, the main thing for a person, according to most ancient philosophers, is the spiritual state of a person, his virtues, which are the essence of the human happiness condition. In this regard, the good cannot be defined as pleasure, because there are bad pleasures. One cannot call good that only benefits, because the same can harm another person. Good is what improves the inner nature of human.The sacred nature of value, its relation to transcendental being indicates that this phenomenon is a carrier of meanings. Meanings, essence, truth is that which fills, directs and organizes human being-together. Therefore, on the one hand, the ontological purpose of value is to fill a person with meanings, and thus, on the other hand, to form his involvement in co-existence, the common good. This task of values reflects their nature, in which these ethical universals (values-benefits, values-goals, self-worth), on the one hand, reveal the nature of the ontology of being (and this is its difference from non-existence), and on the other, reflect the existential potential of a person. It is about spiritual values.The mystery of this ethical element is that the nature of spiritual values, their assimilation and development exclude any manifestation of consumerism, appropriation, selfishness. Good cannot be only for me, cannot be personal, useful, cannot be relative. Good cannot be manipulated, cannot be used. Therefore, reflecting the essence, meaning, goals of human life, spiritual values cannot be a means of evaluation, that is, an instrument for achieving lofty goals. Value and appreciation is a binary opposition that reflects the pole aspects of life and existence. Otherwise, it is no longer a question of good, but of its simulations, which lead to the predominance and prosperity of evil - their own mercantile interests, goals, selfish aspirations, and hence the suffering of others.Spiritual values need internalization of their experience. Therefore, the way to reach the values-goals can only be an intuitive immersion (in meaning, essence), unity and involvement in this experience. As a result, there is a feeling of inner fullness, realization, happiness. So, it is in this immersion, acceptance, completeness, that our personal experience of harmonious being is laid, together, an order is formed that determines the contribution of each of us in realizing the value of the common good, being We. Thus, reflecting the meaning, goals of human existence, spiritual values cannot be means of human life, creativity, realization, that is, an assessment tool. Their metaphysical purpose requires going beyond pragmatic perception, liberation from the consumer desire to colonize the world around me.

Образ Нью-Йорка в контексті злочинного світу роману М. П’юзо „Хрещений батько”

The work identifies the features of the artistic worldview of urban reality by the author, which is associated with the reproduction of the criminal sphere of life in New York in the middle of the twentieth century. It was found that the compositional center and background of events in the work is the image of the city, which becomes a sensotvir dominant, forms a system of local areas mainly without detailed action in time. The image of the city is perceived in the imagination of the explicit recipient, obeys the author’s intention and consciously follows it, becoming a passive observer. The author’s assessment of the reproduction of the objective world of the city is absent. The construction of temporal and spatial elements occurs through the retrospection of the narrator. New York is becoming a certified reflection of the life of the mafia world, full of social vices and an idle lifestyle. The sensual sphere of the city is full of immorality, the prosperity of crime, and the mercantile interests of residents. The linguistic context of reproducing the image of the city is indicated by modeling a kind of chronicle with a lexically monotonous text, created through the use of newspaper and telegraph stylistics.

The Civil War on the Rio Grande, 1846–1876 ed. by Roseann Bacha-Garza, Christopher L. Miller, and Russell K. Skowronek

Reviewed by: The Civil War on the Rio Grande, 1846–1876 ed. by Roseann Bacha-Garza, Christopher L. Miller, and Russell K. Skowronek Robert Wooster The Civil War on the Rio Grande, 1846–1876. Edited by Roseann Bacha-Garza, Christopher L. Miller, and Russell K. Skowronek. (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2019. Pp. 326. Photographs, notes, index.) In 2014, the Contributors Committee of the Community Historical Archeology Projects with Schools agreed to endorse the creation of the Rio Grande Valley Civil War Trail, incorporating sites in Cameron, Hidalgo, Kleberg, Starr, Webb, and Zapata Counties. Combining written descriptions, a website, audio tours, podcasts (in Spanish and English), road signs, a short film, and a tour guide called Blue and Gray on the Rio Grande: The Rio Grande Civil War Trail (Texas A&M University Press, 2018), the project aims to publicize key Civil War sites and museums, promote cultural awareness, and increase heritage tourism. In so doing, it serves as a model for regional public history ventures. Featuring eleven essays by academic and public historians, museum and National Park Service officials, archeologists, and anthropologists, The Civil War on the Rio Grande, as explained on the dust jacket, provides "the scholarly backbone to [the] larger public history project." Several key themes emerge. First, modern residents of the lower Rio Grande Valley are justifiably proud of the region's importance in the Civil War and rightly determined to see that a broader audience recognizes their story. Second, the region's volatile politics—factional disputes between Reds (generally pro-Confederate) and Blues (generally pro-Union); conflicts between regional caudillos; imperial rivalries between the United States, France, and Mexico; and struggles for Mexican supremacy between Imperialists and Republicans—produced complex outcomes unique to the Valley. Third, the Civil War provided temporary economic opportunities, adroitly exploited by largely European and Anglo entrepreneurs but of little benefit to average laborers. Fourth, soldiers and the force of arms eventually determined the fate of the Rio Grande Valley. Finally, racial, ethnic, and national identity remained crucial throughout the Civil War era. Anyone who has had experience in any aspect of producing a book of essays understands the inherent problems involved. The present book thus seems something less than the sum of its individual parts. The book's somewhat quirky organization leads to considerable redundancies. Three essays, for instance, devote attention to the Union blockade, all of which could have benefitted from Robert M. Browning's Lincoln's Trident: The West Gulf Blockading Squadron During the Civil War (University of Alabama Press, 2015). Further, by including separate chapters on mercantile interests, the regional economy, and general overviews, on at least three occasions (77, 115, and 165), readers are reminded of a single contemporary newspaper's estimate that 320,000 bales of cotton had been exported [End Page 366] through Bagdad, Mexico, during the war years. Distinct essays on African American soldiers from Kentucky and the more general black military experience result in the same quotation from Sgt. Maj. Thomas Boswell, 116th United States Colored Infantry, appearing twice (204, 256). Finally, this reader could divine no apparent links between themes suggested in the opening essay regarding frontiers, borderlands, and borders, and the closing essay's championing of a "cubist" or a "conjunctive approach" (271) to history. Several essays are, however, quite valuable, most notably those by Mary Margaret McAllen on the era's key business life; Roseann Bacha-Garza on the complicated racial and ethnic relations of the region's mixed communities; Irving W. Levinson on the tangled diplomacy between Mexico and the United States; Jerry Thompson's discussion of Col. José los Santos Benavides and Gen. Juan Nepomuceno Cortina; and W. Stephen McBride's work on the Kentucky United States Colored Troops along the border. Featuring excellent research in the appropriate public, manuscript, and government primary documents, all can be read with profit by generalists and specialists alike, and the entire effort clearly demonstrates that Civil War South Texas offers opportunities for study far beyond the Battle of Palmito Ranch. Robert Wooster Texas A&M University-Corpus Christi Copyright © 2020 The Texas State Historical Association

Portland Bay and the Origins of European Architecture in Port Phillip 1828-1836

ABSTRACTThis paper examines the European colonisation of Portland Bay, Port Phillip District of New South Wales from 1828 to 1836. Its starting point is the mercantile origins of settlement which began with activities of sealers in the 1820s and whalers from 1833. In 1834 the Henty family from Launceston but originally from Sussex, England, established a permanent base there. The paper argues that these whaling establishments, hitherto unstudied in the architectural literature, with their industrial infrastructure (“grey architecture” after Bremner) were the beginning of European architecture in Victoria. Evidence is drawn from primary sources including sketches of the bay by John Helder Wedge (1835), the Henty Journals (1834–36), the 1835 watercolour of the bay by George Jackson and the record of Major Thomas Mitchell’s visit to the bay in 1836. By uncovering the Henty family’s extensive mercantile interests in Australia from their arrival on the Swan River in 1829 it reveals the relationship between whaling, trade, shipping, and settlement.

Trade, knowledge and networks: the activities of the Society of Apothecaries and its members in London, c.1670-c.1800.

This article explores the activities of the Society of Apothecaries and its members following the foundation of a laboratory for manufacturing chemical medicines in 1672. In response to political pressures, the guild created an institutional framework for production which in time served its members both functionally and financially and established a physical site within which the endorsement of practical knowledge could take place. Demand from state and institutional customers for drugs produced under corporate oversight affirmed and supported the society's trading role, with chemical and pharmaceutical knowledge utilized to fulfil collective and individual goals. The society benefited from the mercantile interests, political connections and practical expertise of its members, with contributions to its trading activities part of a much wider participation in London's medical, scientific and commercial milieu. Yet, as apothecaries became increasingly engaged in the practice of medicine rather than the preparation and sale of drugs, the society struggled to reconcile the changing priorities of those it represented, and tensions emerged between its corporate and commercial activities.