Members Of The European Parliament Research Articles

The European Parliament as the voice of the European citizens? Examining the European Parliament’s role as a representative of the European citizens in the 2019 elections

The European Parliament is considered a solution to the democratic deficit because the citizens of the EU directly elect it. This article aims to examine the validity of this claim. Concerning representativeness, the focus is on the homogeneity of rules and procedures used for electing the members of the European Parliament (MEPs). This homogeneity is considered as necessary for the EP to represent the EU citizens. Thus, it aims to assess the impact of the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union on the level of homogeneity of the rules used to conduct the 2019 European Parliament elections. This work claims that the European Parliament's role as representative of European Citizens is weakened by the consistent level of heterogeneity characterising the electoral rules used to elect it and that the withdrawal of the UK and the partial redistribution of seats simultaneously increased and decreased the level of homogeneity of the rules used to elect the MEPs.

European Union politicians debating European language education policy

The European Union’s (EU) high regard for multilingualism and linguistic diversity is expressed through its language education policy (LEP), a policy adopted by the European Parliament, which represents all EU member states. However, as education falls within the remit of the member states, EU LEP has an advisory function only. Support for the LEP at national level is thus crucial. By analysing a significant parliamentary discussion by Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), this article asks what evidence there is that MEPs support the EU’s goals of learning the mother tongue plus two foreign languages (1+2), and of learning a diversity of languages at school. Secondly, the article investigates current evidence of the success of EU LEP in terms of developing dual language capacities, and of maintaining diversity in language learning. Figures on the learning of two languages, on the learning of English, and on linguistic diversity are compared, covering the last decade. The results reveal that although the training of dual linguists has stagnated, no MEP expressed concerns that the EU goals of 1+2 are not being met. MEPs are, however, concerned with protecting ‘their’ national languages, and the smaller ‘their’ own language(s), the more so. Furthermore, only representatives of large EU languages express concern over English dominance in the EU’s education systems. Thus, parliamentary representatives of smaller languages unite in solidarity for greater status recognition of their language, while MEPs’ support for the EU LEP goal of 1+2 is at best patchy. The article concludes that, given the limited remit of EU LEP, discrepancies between European recommendations and national practices are somewhat inevitable, and that to improve on the 1+2 goal and counter English dominance across education systems in the EU, member states need to be better supported to appreciate and disseminate the rationales for dual language learning (1+2) and diversity in language learning.

Two degrees versus two percent How central bankers and members of the European Parliament developed a common pro-climate narrative

ABSTRACT The new ECB leadership made it its explicit priority to make ECB’s policies greener. Although doubt remains about the scale and effectiveness of the policies implemented since then, the idea that the ECB has a role to play in the fight against climate change has become widely accepted. The main narrative in support of this idea states that the ECB’s pro-climate engagement is part of its primary mandate – price stability. However, until not long ago, ECB’s primary mandate was rather used by those opposing the greening of central banking, while it was largely ignored by pro-climate advocates. How has this narrative emerged and gained traction? This paper argues that this narrative results from a process of coalition-building between pro-climate central bankers and pro-climate politicians in the European Parliament. Building on a multi-method text analysis of original datasets of accountability communications as well as in-depth interviews, this paper documents the mechanisms through which pro-climate central bankers and pro-climate MEPs co-constructed the pro-climate narrative, using accountability relationships as a coalition-building arena. The paper contributes to ongoing discussions on central banks’ accountability, politicisation and role in the green transition.

Did Russia’s invasion of Ukraine unite Europe? Cohesion and divisions of the European Parliament on Twitter

ABSTRACT The EU has been on track toward growing disunity along geographical and political lines, expressed in growing anti-EU sentiments and the rise of Euroskeptic forces. However, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine seems to have functioned as a source of unity – revitalizing the European project by creating alliances in response to an external threat. However, as the war drags on, it begs the question of how brittle its new-found unity may be. This study thus seeks to examine the extent to which the war has mended the geographical and political divisions in the EU. Focusing on elite cohesion, we analyse social media interaction to provide a relational view of the alliances of the members of the European Parliament. We find that parliamentarians did not become more cohesive: East-Western division remains pronounced, and Euroskeptic political groups became further isolated. These findings imply that Euroskeptic groups will likely continue to be a source of contestation inside of the European Union.

Transnational Affect and the Making of a Moral Public: The War on Drugs in the Philippines

In 2019, IBON International and the Campaign for Human Rights in the Philippines UK (CHRP-UK) made preparations for some relatives of some of the victims of former Philippine President Duterte’s war on drugs to travel to meet members of the European Parliament as well as diasporic and other publics in Europe and the UK. At the same time, the play Tao Po! – ‘Is Anybody There?’ – a dramatic monologue exploring different perspectives of those involved in Duterte’s drug war including those of victims and perpetrators, was touring Europe. These affectively saturated actions and performances were accompanied by social media posts on Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram, among other platforms, using hashtags such as #Stopthekillingsph and #Warondrugsph. I juxtapose two very different interpretations of these actions and performances. On the one hand, I frame them as elements of a political strategy performed to solicit particular affective responses as a means of assembling a transnational public that could bring international political pressure to bear on the Duterte regime. On the other hand, I suggest that these actions were performed to cultivate a sense of belonging to a moral public. I conclude by arguing that the enactment of affects such as grief and loss – affects which are constitutive of the war on drugs – suggests a model of social and political change that works from the bottom-up, with affective experience as the primary catalyst.

‘Party position, electoral incentives, and attention to European Union issues in the 2019 European Parliament election’

Under what conditions do Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) give attention to EU issues in European Parliament (EP) election campaigns? This study examines how party positioning on European integration and individual electoral incentives affected MEPs’ attention to EU issues in the 2019 EP election campaign. Based on data collected from Twitter, the findings show that pro-EU parties and individual vote-seeking incentives increased attention to EU issues. More specifically, they show that MEPs from pro-EU mainstream parties had incentives to debate about EU issues, especially when they competed for votes. The findings help to unfold the interplay between party-level and legislator-level factors and its effects on attention to EU issues and aim to contribute to research on EU issue salience and EP election campaigns.

Åland, the Swedish People's Party, and the European Union: The Beginning of a Complicated Relationship

Abstract This study provides an analysis of the positioning of Ålandic political leadership vis-à-vis the demands of representation in the European Union (EU) and the corresponding reactions of the Swedish People's Party (SFP) during the referendums on EU membership. By analyzing news articles from 1994, this study shows that the SFP had already sought to establish for itself a mediating role between Ålandic expectations and the political realities on the Finnish mainland during the period leading up to membership in the EU. Founded in 1906, the SFP has traditionally branded itself as the flag bearer of Swedish interests in Finland. On face value, one would assume a lot of common political ground between the Ålandic political context and the Finland Swedish efforts to maintain equal status for Swedish as a national language in an overwhelmingly Finnish-speaking country. However, relations between the SFP and Åland have not always been smooth. Most notably, the party refused to support the Åland Movement's attempts to join Sweden between 1917 and 1921 and was firmly positioned with the other Finnish parties in supporting the claims of the Finnish state during the Åland question. While the rupture between Åland and the SFP never truly healed, they have been able to reestablish new forms of cooperation over the years. All members of parliament (MPs) elected from Åland have sat with the SFP MPs in the Swedish Parliamentary Group. Additionally, Members of the European Parliament (MEP) from the SFP that have been elected since 1995 have consistently hired political assistants from Åland and unlike the other Finnish parties, have been committed to the idea that Åland should get an MEP for itself. This study summarizes the historical modes of cooperation between the SFP and Åland, with particular focus on the SFP's positioning regarding Ålandic demands of representation during the EU membership referendum process. This article shows that EU membership has created a new forum for conflict and cooperation between Åland and the SFP through the struggle for representation in the EU organs, namely the European Parliament. This crucial historical period is analyzed through the lens of “sovereignty games,” which allows for an analysis of the paradiplomacy of an autonomous region within a nation state through a national minority party. As a result, this study highlights the need for a differentiated account of the political interdependence of the SFP and Åland and the importance of avoiding interpreting one side's perspective from the standpoint of the other.

Gendering Parliamentary Diplomacy: The case of EU27-UK Relations

Abstract Parliamentary diplomacy (PD) is a contemporary feature of modern parliamentarism but remains, thus far, underexplored from a gender lens. PD incorporates the relationships that parliamentarians or parliaments as institutions have with other parliaments, parliamentarians, and nonstate actors to foster peace, democracy, understanding, dialogue, legitimacy, and scrutiny of governments. Parliaments are spaces of parliamentary and international negotiation and communication, practiced through rules, practices, and symbols. This article draws on a single case study of the European Parliament (EP) and of Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) gendered PD, at the time of Brexit—a period when international agreements and relationships were shaped and how gendered PD was culturally legitimized. It is based on a unique qualitative dataset of 140 interviews and ethnographic research (2018–2020) generated at the time of the withdrawal of the United Kingdom’s MEPs from the EP. Based on this analysis, it further considers what a feminist PD might look like.

Religion in the narratives of Polish members of the European Parliament – politicising European integration?

ABSTRACT The contribution investigates the role of religion in the work and attitudes of Polish members of the European Parliament (MEPs). It draws on two types of data: the results of the Polish part of the survey on Religion in the European Parliament and in European multilevel governance II (RelEP2) and qualitative content analysis of Polish MEPs’ speeches from the first part of the European Parliament’s ninth term of office (July 2019–June 2021). The analysis of the MEPs’ plenary speeches reveals the pivotal role religion plays in articulating the main national political divide between sovereignists and Europeanists over attitudes to European integration. Religion, treated primarily as a cultural resource and identity marker, has become instrumental for the process of politicisation of EU integration at the supranational level – mirroring processes on the domestic level – pursued especially by MEPs representing right-wing orientations. The analysis of the survey results demonstrates that Catholicism constitutes an important element of many Polish MEPs’ individual value systems and identities. However, this translates into an ambivalent perception of the role of religion in the context of the public sphere.

The end of the ‘Iberian exception’: religion and the new Spanish far right in the European Parliament

ABSTRACT This contribution analyses the role of religion in the attitudes, beliefs, and discourses of Spanish members of the European Parliament (MEPs). The aim is to show how MEPs relate to religion in their activity, against the background of the transformations experienced by the Spanish political party system in the last decade. One of the most important changes has been the emergence of Vox, a far-right political group, in 2018. The contribution discusses the main results of the Religion in the European Parliament and in European multilevel governance II (RelEP2) survey for the Spanish case and, together with other qualitative data, analyses how religion is an issue on the political agenda of Spanish MEPs, focusing on Vox and how other parties have reacted to the emergence of the far right. The contribution identifies two fields in which religion is mobilised as a symbolic resource for political activity: a) identity politics and EU external action, and b) morality policies and issues related to gender.

Vertical inroads of religion into European parliamentary politics: how socialisation and national party affiliation shape German MEPs’ consideration of religion

ABSTRACT German members of the European Parliament (MEPs) offer a particularly interesting subject to study when aiming to explore religious influence in Europe’s multilevel parliamentary politics. German MEPs not only represent the largest share of parliamentarians, but also originate from a country context where until very recently, the ruling parties promoted close ties between politics and religion. Relying on an online survey and interviews with MEPs collected as part of the Religion in the European Parliament and in European multilevel governance II (RelEP2) project, this study explores the religious profile of German MEPs. It contrasts it with the profile of national parliamentarians, and discusses how national characteristics such as political socialisation and state-church relationship inroad German MEPs’ attitudes and behaviour. We discover that in European parliamentary politics, the influence of religion is often more unconscious. This interpretation, however, is very much affected by the individual socialisation of German MEPs and the strategies of their national parties, exemplifying the dominance of vertical inroads of religion over horizontal ones.

Portuguese MEPs and religion as a case of ‘dual identity’: Christians at heart, secular at work

ABSTRACT The literature has long acknowledged the role of religion in the linkages between national identity, politics, and Europe. However, little is known about how religion permeates the activity of Portuguese members of the European Parliament (MEPs) and whether this includes a politicisation of religion. This contribution sheds light on the use of religion by Portuguese MEPs during the European term 2019–2024. Drawing on a questionnaire and other quantitative and qualitative data, the contribution shows that religion itself has lost salience in terms of the activity of Portuguese MEPs. Instead, ‘religiously loaded’ themes are used as empty signifiers to reinforce collective and personal identity belongings. We conclude that the use of religion by Portuguese MEPs mirrors a secular transition found in Portugal since 1974 that has led to the privatisation of faith and a clear separation between the Catholic Church and the state. In sum, although Portuguese MEPs remain predominantly Catholic, the place of religion in European politics is a case of ‘dual identity’: they are Christians at heart but secular at work.

A republic uncomfortable with what comes from above (God or Europe): political representation and laïcité in Europeanising France

ABSTRACT France is regularly singled out in comparative studies for its ‘laïcité’, which is assumed to lead to the conflictual separation of politics and religion. The aim of this contribution is to discuss the actual specificity of French laïcité in comparison to other member states of the European Union (EU) regarding the interactions between nation, Europe, and religion. Empirically, we rely on a survey of five French members of the European Parliament (MEPs); an analysis of parliamentary questions related to ‘religion’ and ‘laïcité’ by French MEPs between 2019 and 2023; and two policy case studies (the counter-radicalisation strategy following terrorist attacks in the years 2000–2010 and the restriction of religious freedom during the pandemic in 2020–2021). Our findings suggest that French laïcité retains its singularity as a symbolic resource even if its policy practices do not differ greatly from what happens in other member states. In national as well as in European politics, French elites are still reluctant to deal with religion in the public space and use it as a marker of national identity only in a distant, secularised, and culturalised way.

God, [political] family… and Europe? The selective resilience of religion in shaping the work of Italian members of the European Parliament

ABSTRACT Drawing on data from an original survey and the qualitative content analysis of parliamentary written questions, the contribution studies how religion shapes the political activity of Italian MEPs. It claims that Italian MEPs show some resilient attachment to the Catholic identity of Europe, although they do not take religious values much into consideration for policy decisions. To highlight the role of religion in European politics, this contribution also compares its impact on some policy issues in the EU and Italian political arenas. In both spheres, religious tropes and values, considered as a cultural reference, are more politicised on security issues than on other questions. Such politicisation is undertaken by populist radical right MEPs, who adopt a securitisation framework to emphasise the threat posed by Muslim communities. In the Italian polity, religious values as Christian cultural norms are also politicised on identity issues and morality questions to sustain value-driven restrictive policies.

United by history, divided by God? Religion among Dutch and Belgian members of the European Parliament

ABSTRACT Even though the European project has often been claimed to be a secular one, studies point out that the European Parliament is an arena in which a more Christian-inspired version of Europe is sometimes advocated. The question we therefore address in this contribution is what role does religion play in the parliamentary work of Dutch and Belgian MEPs? Within the larger RelEP2 project, this contribution specifically focuses on MEPs from Belgium and the Netherlands, countries in which religion has historically been one of the most prominent political cleavages. Based on surveys and an analysis of MEPs parliamentary questions, we find that the old religious conflict between Christian and secular groups is no longer dominant in Belgium and the Netherlands, although Dutch MEPs from ChristenUnie and Staatkundig Gereformeerde Partij do still frequently rely on Christian values in their parliamentary work. Instead, religion has taken up a more prominent role among radical right MEPs from Belgium and the Netherlands, who primarily advocate an anti-Islam stance. Taken together, these findings suggest that there are few remnants of the old religious consociation, but rather we are seeing a politicisation of Islam is a driver of Dutch and Belgian MEPs.

From rhetoric to regulation: inferring lobbying influence on EU efforts to regulate text {CO}_2 emissions of cars using network analysis

This study shows how the automotive industry was able to influence the final legislation of the Community Strategy to reduce{CO}_{2}emissions from passenger cars and light-commercial vehicles, even though the European Commission’s introductory comments were supported by a competing interest group coalition: environmentalist NGOs. To operationalize and analyze the influence of lobbying on the EU policy formulation process, I utilize an approach not yet widely used in interest group research: discourse network analysis and inferential network analysis with exponential random graph models. This methodological combination allows me to parse the political debate within different phases of the EU policy process to gain insights into how automotive lobbyists were able to shape the final legislation in accordance with their interests and which political decision-makers empowered them to do so. Surprisingly, the party affiliation of Members of the European Parliament played only a subordinate role, whereas the origin of the MEPs was a significant predictor of whether they supported the proposals of environmentalist NGOs or the automotive industry. The latter’s proposals were adopted in the European Commission’s proposal and subsequently in the final regulation. Since the method can be easily applied to case studies from different policy areas, it provides a promising framework for the analysis of EU lobbying in general. Moreover, the network approach is easily extendable, allowing future research to integrate different strands of EU lobbying research that go beyond influence analysis.

The Role of Patients’ Advocacy Groups to Reduce Headache Pain in the European Union: from the Italian Case History to the European Migraine Action Plan

From the “patients’ right to avoid unnecessary suffering and pain” to the “Charter of Rights of the Cephalalgic Patient”, over the years the role of the civic & patients’ organisations to reduce headache pain in the European Union is increased: this research article explores the experiences of individuals affected by migraines and headaches, highlighting challenges, rights, and the need for improved healthcare support. Based on an extensive civic survey conducted at the national level by the Italian NGO Cittadinanzattiva, the study reveals the profound impact of headaches on people's lives, emphasising the lack of disability recognition and difficulties in accessing quality care. Through compelling testimonies, the article underscores the emotional, psychological, and physical burden of these conditions, and describes an innovative artificial intelligence-based tool called “EMI”. Together with many actors, since decades Cittadinanzattiva has been engaged in the fight against chronic pain for decades, both at the national and European levels. In this regard, what attention will the new MEPs (Members of the European Parliament) and the new leadership of the EU Commission DG Santé (Directorate-General for Health and Food Safety) dedicate to this issue in the wake of the upcoming European elections in 2024? From various quarters, there is a call for a European Migraine Action Plan aimed at finally placing this issue on the agenda of European political institutions, promoting a more inclusive and patient-centered vision within the European healthcare landscape, where the pain of those suffering from migraines and headaches is no longer invisible or unheard.

Parliament

This overview highlights the European Parliament’s (i) discussions between Paolo Gentiloni and Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) of the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs; (ii) the debate of the European Union’s reaction to the US Inflation Reduction Act at the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs; and (iii) the adoption of a resolution on implementation of passerelle clauses in EU Treaties.

Trading votes: what drives MEP support for trade liberalisation?

ABSTRACT Which factors drive support of Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) for trade liberalisation? The literature suggests that economic factors, ideology, and politicization shape MEP voting behaviour. Drawing on a new dataset encompassing all trade-related MEP votes (2009-2019), this study offers a quantitative assessment of the determinants of MEP support for trade liberalisation. It finds that ideological factors have the strongest and most persistent effect on MEP support for trade liberalisation. The economic competitiveness of MEPs’ home regions, in turn, has only a limited effect. Politicization, lastly, has an unclear effect on its own and mostly influences MEP voting behaviour through interactions with ideological and economic factors. The study offers the first comprehensive assessment of the determinants of MEP voting on trade liberalisation and contributes to political economy research on electoral institutions and trade, the European Parliament’s role in trade policy and the effects of politicization on policy-making.

Legislative performance and the electoral connection in European Parliament elections

AbstractThe absence of an electoral connection is a widely held assumption in the scholarship on the European Parliament (EP) and a cause of serious normative concern about the functioning of the European Union. Weak individual legislator accountability is part of this assumption, even if we still know little about the extent to which legislative performance matters for citizens in EP elections that allow preferential voting. This study is the first to analyse how legislative performance influences the preference vote shares of members of the European Parliament (MEPs) and whether this is moderated by their parties’ EU salience and incumbent intra‐party competition. It draws on an original dataset that combines candidate and electoral data from three rounds of EP elections held between 2004 and 2014 under open or flexible list rules with information on individual legislative activity (i.e., number of reports, parliamentary questions and speeches) and leadership positions at EP and committee level. One dimension of legislative performance, report writing, is associated with a larger share of preference votes but only for incumbents of parties assigning high salience to the EU. While MEPs win a higher share of preference votes when they face limited co‐partisan incumbent competition, this factor does not moderate the electoral connection.