Members Of Other Parties Research Articles

Die Schweizerische Bundesversammlung: Ein Parlament in einer Konsensdemokratie

The political system of Switzerland is a decentralized, federalist, multiparty-system in which power-sharing plays an important role . The separation of powers is strong, so that Parlia- ment (Federal Assembly) assumes its functions independently from the executive . The Fed- eral Assembly, consisting of the National Council and the Council of States, plays an important role especially in the law-making process . The Parliament can debate and change every single article of a bill . Different alliances between the different parties supporting the proposals of the government or not can occur even during one single law-making process . The election of the members of the executive by the Parliament also enforces the position of the latter . In the second part of the last century different reforms improved the parliamen- tary instruments and procedures . Therefore, the Federal Assembly is now able to profit from its strong position in the political system and to influence the political decision pro- cesses in a considerable way . In the complex processes of the bicameral system, the mem- bers of Parliament have many opportunities to build alliances to influence the decisions . However, it is necessary that they are willing and able to make deals with members of other parties .

«…Оказаться в рядах строителей социализма». К политической биографии бывшего члена Исполнительного комитета «Народной воли» М. Ф. Фроленко. 1935 г.

The article presents unique documents newly discovered in the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History (RGANI) and draws on them to reconstruct the circumstances of M. F. Frolenko (1848–1938), one of the oldest Russian revolutionaries, former member of the “Narodnaya Volya” and pensioner of republican level, joining the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks). It focuses on M. F. Frolenko’s letter of application addressed to the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the AUCP (B) J. V. Stalin, recommendation letter of the secretary of the party collegium of the Party Control Commission under the Central Committee of the AUCP (B) E. M. Yaroslavskii, and extract from minutes of meetings of the Bureau of the Party Control Commission under the Central Committee of the AUCP (B) dated November-December 1935. The introduction argues the relevance of topic and characterizes broad historical context, necessary for understanding the essence and significance of the published materials. It shows that M. F. Frolenko was not only organizer and participant of several assassination attempts on Emperor Alexander II, but one of the few members of the Executive Committee of the “Narodnaya Volya,” who, despite his arrests and katorga, lived long enough to see the collapse of the Russian monarchy. For 18 years following the establishment of Soviet power, participation of M. F. Frolenko in the socio-political life of the country was limited to public speaking to working youth and students and his membership in the All-Union Society of Political Prisoners and Exiles. Low-profile political activity of M. F. Frolenko may be explained by his advanced age, poor health, and Bolsheviks’ distrust of members of other parties. In the first years after their coming to power, Bolsheviks willingly received former socialists, if they joined the party; however, starting from the mid-1920s, the top party leadership had raised the requirements for this category at least twice. As a result, by the mid-1930s the AUCP (B) almost completely barred members of other political parties from joining it. The more surprising was decision of 87-year-old M. F. Frolenko, who remained nonparty all this time, to become the member of the AUCP (B) in November 1935. The hypothesis suggests itself, that it was initiated by the party leadership. Higher ranks of Bolsheviks wanted M. F. Frolenko to recognize the successes of socialist construction and correctness of the general line of the AUCP (B) publicly. Soon, in 1936, it laid foundations for the concept of “complete ideological defeat of narodnichestvo” formulated by E. M. Yaroslavsky.

Collective Portrait of Delegates to the Congress of Soviets in 1917–1936

Analysis of the party, socio-professional, ethnic, educational, gender and age composition of the delegates to the All-Russian and All-Union Congresses of Soviets in 1917–1936 discovered that the revolution brought to power new people. If the majority of the members of the State Duma and the Constituent Assembly belonged to the political cream of the elite and counter-elite, then the majority of the delegates to the Soviets were bone from the bone of the lower orders and reflected the cultural level of the majority of voters and shared socialist ideas and were zealous conductors of them in life. Overrepresented in the Soviets were members and candidates of the CPSU, men, youth and persons of early adulthood, employees, military personnel and intellectuals, Russians, educated; and underrepresented are members of other parties and non-party people, peasants, pro-bourgeois elements and persons from the former privileged strata, women, non-Russians, persons of mature and old age, illiterate. By age and education, delegates were not suitable for serious parliamentary activity, since they lacked education, worldly wisdom and political maturity. The new electoral law of 1918 was of fundamental importance for the creation of a loyal pro-Bolshevik deputy corps. The law established a system of indirect, multistage, class, qualification elections, very similar to the pre-revolutionary electoral law of 1907. Qualifications were introduced that increased the number of pro-Bolshevik voters; the election procedure was changed, allowing the authorities to take control of the nomination of candidates and the voting process. The policy of restriction found a response and approval among the broad masses, gave them a feeling of deep satisfaction, since they began to feel themselves like privileged classes. Many, primarily millions of deputies of the Soviets of various levels, sincerely believed that they were taking part in governing the state.

Udostępnianie zasobu w archiwach partii komunistycznej na przykładzie Archiwum Komitetu Wojewódzkiego Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej w Lublinie

<p>Podjęcie tematu udostępniania zasobu archiwalnego zgromadzonego przez komunistyczną mono-partię rządzącą w Polsce wynikało z potrzeby uchwycenia jej podejścia do realizacji tego zadania, uważanego współcześnie za jedną z najdonioślejszych funkcji archiwów historycznych. Bezpośrednim powodem zainicjowania badań w tym obszarze był całkowity brak literatury dotyczącej realizacji tej funkcji przez Archiwum Komitetu Wojewódzkiego PZPR w Lublinie i nikły stan badań nad tym samym zagadnieniem w odniesieniu do archiwów PZPR z innych ośrodków oraz w skali ogólnokrajowej. W toku postępowania badawczego starano się odpowiedzieć na pytania o to, z jakich powodów, w jaki sposób, w jakim zakresie i na czyj użytek realizowano to zadanie w AKW w Lublinie. W badaniach zastosowano metodę dedukcyjną, indukcyjną i statystyczną. Do zanalizowania tytułowego zagadnienia wykorzystano następujące rodzaje źródeł: wewnętrzne normatywy kierownictwa PZPR regulujące sferę udostępniania zasobu w jej archiwach, protokoły z narad kierowników archiwów komitetów wojewódzkich PZPR uwzględniających problemy udostępniania dokumentów i cykliczne sprawozdania sporządzane przez kierowników AKW w Lublinie. Udostępnianie zasobu w ciągu kilku dekad istnienia AKW w Lublinie ewoluowało od podejścia restrykcyjnego ku względnej liberalizacji. Symptomem liberalizacji było to, że w miarę upływu czasu wśród użytkowników obok liczebnie dominujących członków partii (pracowników aparatu partyjnego i działaczy) pojawiali się także członkowie innych stronnictw i osoby bezpartyjne. Pod względem liczebności na drugim miejscu byli studenci różnych uczelni, a na trzecim pracownicy naukowi. W ciągu roku AKW w Lublinie odwiedzało średnio od dwudziestu kilku do sześćdziesięciu kilku użytkowników. Zwiększona częstotliwość, z jaką odbywały się ich wizyty w tym archiwum często wiązała się z przypadającymi na dane lata ważnymi dla partii jubileuszami, do których obchodów się przygotowywano. Z kolei spadek liczby odwiedzin w niektórych przypadkach mógł mieć związek z wybuchającymi w kraju kryzysami społeczno-politycznymi, takimi jak Grudzień ’70 i wprowadzenie w Polsce stanu wojennego. Udostępnianie archiwaliów użytkownikom z zewnątrz praktycznie przez cały czas istnienia AKW w Lublinie, to jest od lat pięćdziesiątych do osiemdziesiątych XX w., podlegało reglamentacji. Zgody na dostęp do dokumentów udzielał odpowiedzialny za sektor propagandy sekretarz KW. Służyło to niedopuszczeniu do udzielenia osobom niepowołanym informacji mogących narazić na szwank wizerunek PZPR i jej bieżącą politykę. Wśród tematów badawczych realizowanych przez użytkowników zasobu AKW w Lublinie przeważały takie, które bezpośrednio lub pośrednio afirmowały działalność partii i ‘władzy ludowej’, np. historia organizacji młodzieżowych, działalność UB, MO i ORMO oraz utrwalanie władzy ludowej w Polsce. Z dokonanych ustaleń płynie ogólna konkluzja, że zasoby archiwów PZPR, w tym AKW w Lublinie, służyły przede wszystkim potrzebom tej partii. Zwłaszcza opracowywaniu propagandowo użytecznej wersji historii jej samej oraz dziejów innych organizacji społeczno-politycznych, instytucji i środowisk, na które w okresie Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej partia wywierała przemożny wpływ.</p>

The Eyes that Bind: Junior Ministers as Oversight Mechanisms in Coalition Governments

Research on multiparty governments has started to debate how coalition partners oversee each other’s policymaking. Due to the divergence of preferences among partners and the difficulty of sanctioning members of other parties, cabinet members attempt to monitor each other in policymaking activities through the use of junior ministers. By analyzing multiple countries’ governments across decades, this article contributes to the current debate about government oversight by defining the circumstances under which parties in coalition governments choose to use junior ministers to keep tabs on ministers from coalition partners. Specifically, we contend that their use depends on the power dynamics within a coalition, as well as the institutional structures in the broader political environment.1

Abortion in Democratic Spain: The Parliamentary Political Agenda 1979–2004

Since Spain's transition to democracy, abortion has been a public policy issue both inside and outside parliament. This paper describes the history of abortion law reform in Spain from 1979 to 2004 and analyses the discourse on abortion of members of the Spanish parliament by sex and political allegiance. The analysis is based on a retrospective study of the frequency of legislative initiatives and the prevalence of different arguments and positions in debates on abortion found through a systematic search of the parliamentary database. Little time was given to abortion in the parliamentary agenda compared to other women's issues such as violence against women. There were 229 bills and other parliamentary initiatives in that period, 60% initiated and led by pro-choice women. 143 female and 72 male parliamentarians took part in the debates. The inclusion of socio-economic grounds for legal abortion (64%), and making abortion on request legal in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy (60%) were the most frequent forms of law reform proposed, based most often on pro-women's rights arguments. Male and female members of anti-choice parties and most male members of other parties argued for fetal rights. Pro-choice parties tabled more bills than anti-choice parties but till now all reforms proposed since 1985 have been voted down.RésuméDepuis la transition de l'Espagne vers la démocratie, l'avortement est une question politique à l'intérieur et à l'extérieur du Parlement. Cet article retrace l'histoire de la réforme de la législation sur l'avortement en Espagne de 1979 à 2004 et analyse le discours des députés espagnols, par sexe et appartenance politique. L'analyse est fondée sur une étude de la fréquence des initiatives législatives et de la prévalence des différents arguments dans les débats sur l'avortement, effectuée à l'aide d'une recherche systématique dans la base de données parlementaire. Les travaux parlementaires ont consacré peu de temps à l'avortement par comparaison à d'autres questions intéressant les femmes, comme la violence contre les femmes. On a recensé 229 propositions de lois et autres initiatives parlementaires pendant cette période, dont 60% lancées et dirigées par des femmes favorables à l'avortement. Parmi les députés ayant participé au débat, il y avait 143 femmes et 72 hommes. L'inclusion de motifs socio-économiques pour l'avortement légal (64%) et la légalisation de l'avortement pendant les 12 premières semaines de grossesse (60%) étaient les propositions les plus fréquentes, basées le plus souvent sur le droit des femmes à choisir. Les membres masculins et féminins de partis opposés à l'avortement et la plupart des membres masculins d'autres partis militaient pour les droits du fłtus. Les partis pour le libre choix ont présenté davantage de propositions de loi que les partis contre l'avortement, mais, depuis 1985, toutes les réformes ont été refusées.ResumenDesde la transición de España a la democracia, el aborto ha sido asunto de políticas públicas dentro y fuera del parlamento. En este artículo se describe la historia de la reforma de la ley de aborto en España desde 1979 hasta 2004, y se analiza el discurso sobre el aborto por parte de los parlamentarios españoles, por sexo y afiliación política. El análisis se basa en un estudio retrospectivo de la frecuencia de iniciativas legislativas y la prevalencia de diferentes argumentos y posiciones en debates sobre aborto, encontradas mediante una búsqueda sistemática en la base de datos parlamentaria. No se dedicó mucho tiempo al aborto en la agenda parlamentaria, comparado con otros asuntos relacionados con las mujeres, como la violencia contra éstas. Hubo 229 iniciativas parlamentarias en ese período, el 60% iniciadas y dirigidas por mujeres por el derecho a decidir; 143 diputadas y 72 diputados participaron en los debates. La aceptación de motivos socioeconómicos para tener un aborto legal (64%) y la legalización de la práctica de abortos a petición en el primer trimestre del embarazo (60%) fueron las formas más frecuentes propuestas para reformar la ley, principalmente a raíz de argumentos referentes a los derechos de las mujeres. Hombres y mujeres afiliados a partidos contra el derecho a decidir, y la mayoría de los hombres afiliados a otros partidos abogaron por los derechos del feto. Los partidos por el derecho a decidir presentaron más proyectos de ley que aquellos en contra, pero hasta ahora, se ha votado en contra de todas las reformas propuestas desde 1985.

Structure and use of distance calls in wild bonobos (Pan paniscus)

We report the physical structure and use of a distance call (high-hoot) by wild bonobos (Pan paniscus).Although spectrographic analyses reveal high structural variability, the total sample can be subdivided according to the composition of units—the presence or absence of an initial segment—and the range of the lowest harmonic. Analyses of samples from male—female pairs,vocalizing simultaneously and in close proximity, reveal that both animals utter calls in more or less precise temporal alternation but with different spectral ranges. Whether these differences are gender-specific or related to other factors, such as age or the social relations between particular individuals, is not clear. We suggest that (a) individuals of the same party may coordinate their vocal activity on both the temporal and the spectral level and (b) high hootings stimulate emission of equal vocalizations by members of other parties and may increase cohesion among community members. Comparison of a restricted number of spectrograms from known individuals indicates that bonobos may be able to adjust spectral parameters of one type of distance calls (high- hoot) according to corresponding calls of conspecifics.

Parties and Cleavages in the Belgian Parliament

An analysis of questions addressed to members of the Belgian Parliament shows that they perceive the parties in Parliament as being aligned according to three basic cleavages: linguistic, federal relations, and socioeconomic (or left-right). The ethical-religious cleavage is considerably less pervasive. These findings are reinforced by answers provided by the MPs about the extent of their collaboration with members of other parties. Further analysis shows that these cleavages are related to the perceived positions of the parties on the issues of Brussels, the power of linguistic regions, state intervention in industry, and education.

Direct Primaries and the Second Ballot

One of the unsettled questions in direct primary legislation is the test of party affiliation. Upon what terms should the voter be permitted to participate in the selection of partisan candidates? Should he be required to prove past action with the party whose primary he would attend, or should a mere declaration of present intention to give it his future support suffice?The former requirement may take the form of an oath that the voter has generally supported the candidates of the party in the past, or at least at the most recent election. Such a test of party affiliation has the apparent advantage that it protects the party primary from invasion by members of other parties for improper purposes, and thus preserves the purity of the partisan nominating system. This advantage, however, is more apparent than real. There is no effective way of discovering a case of perjury without at the same time violating the secrecy of the general election ballot. An oath which can be neither gainsaid nor corroborated excludes only the conscientious voters, who do not need it, and admits the unscrupulous members of all parties.A less objectionable test of party affiliation may take the form of a declaration that the voter has not participated in the primary election of any other party within a prescribed interval. This declaration may be enforced by a system of party registration, which will impose material obstacles to capricious or dishonest changes of party affiliation.