Members Of Different Racial Groups Research Articles

Family-based and external discrimination experienced by multiracial individuals: Links to internalizing symptoms and familial support.

Multiracial individuals are exposed to many forms of interpersonal racial discrimination, including general discrimination against their monoracial groups and discrimination against being multiracial. Because their families include members of different racial groups, multiracial people may also be exposed to various forms of discrimination from within the family. In the present study, we leverage recent advances in latent profile analysis to identify distinct patterns of family-based and external (i.e., from outside the family unit) discrimination experienced by multiracial college students, the differential impacts of these discrimination patterns on depressive and anxiety symptoms, and whether parental support of participants' multiracial experiences and identity impacts their exposure to different forms of discrimination. In a sample of 635 diverse multiracial college students (Mage = 21.2, SD = 5.3, range = 18-57, 74.0% female) from three U.S. universities, we identified three distinct discrimination profiles: High External and Familial Discrimination (43.2%), Average External Low Familial Discrimination (32.1%), and Low External and Familial Discrimination (24.7%). Profiles differed in depressive and anxiety symptomatology, with those in the High External and Familial Discrimination profile displaying the worst outcomes. Parental support of multiracial experiences was associated with lower levels of family-based discrimination. The complex relations between parental support, family-based discrimination, and multiracial participants' internalizing symptomology are discussed. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Differential impacts of face masks for threat evaluations of Asian versus Black faces

Wearing face masks to prevent the spread of respiratory illnesses such as COVID-19 has the potential to impact social perception. In the present research, we explore differential consequences of wearing face masks for evaluations of Asian and Black faces. Drawing on theories of prejudice and differing stereotype content for Asian and Black people in the United States, we hypothesized that being depicted wearing a face mask would mitigate evaluations of threat more for Asian faces than for Black faces. Results of a 2 (mask status: face mask vs. no mask) × 3 (face race: Asian vs. Black vs. White) within-subjects design ( n = 365) generally supported hypotheses. Additional analyses using normed ratings of face stimuli from the Chicago Face Database showed that Asian faces showed the greatest increase in threat evaluations compared to norming data. These results highlight the unique impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and related preventative health behavior on prejudice towards members of different racial groups.

Sensitivity to ingroup and outgroup norms in the association between commonality and morality

Emerging research suggests that people infer that common behaviors are moral and vice versa. We investigated the role of group membership in these inferences regarding commonality and morality. In Study 1, participants expected a target character to infer that behaviors that were common among their ingroup were particularly moral. However, the extent to which behaviors were common among the target character's outgroup did not influence expectations about morality. Study 2 reversed this test, finding that participants expected a target character to infer that behaviors considered moral among their ingroup were particularly common, regardless of how moral their outgroup perceived those behaviors to be. While Studies 1–2 relied on fictitious behaviors performed by novel groups, Studies 3–4 generalized these results to health behaviors performed by members of different racial groups. When answering from another person's perspective (Study 3) and from their own perspective (Study 4), participants reported that the more common behaviors were among their ingroup, the more moral those behaviors were. This effect was significantly weaker for perceptions regarding outgroup norms, although outgroup norms did exert some effect in this real-world context. Taken together, these results highlight the complex integration of ingroup and outgroup norms in socio-moral cognition.

Geographic Variation in the Black-Violence Stereotype

The stereotype that Blacks are violent is pervasive in the United States. Yet little research has examined whether this stereotype is linked to violent behavior from members of different racial groups. We examined how state-level violent crime rates among White and Black Americans predicted the strength of the Black-violence stereotype using a sample of 348,111 individuals from the Project Implicit website. State-level implicit and explicit stereotypes were predicted by crime rates. States where Black people committed higher rates of violent crime showed a stronger Black-violence stereotype, whereas states where White people committed higher rates of violent crime showed a weaker Black-violence stereotype. These patterns were stronger for explicit stereotypes than implicit stereotypes. We discuss the implications of these findings for the development and maintenance of stereotypes.

Racial Formation and Re-formation in Twentieth-Century Civil Rights Movements

Racial Formation and Re-formation in Twentieth-Century Civil Rights Movements Joseph R. Stuart (bio) Backroads Pragmatists: Mexico's Melting Pot and Civil Rights in the United States. By Ruben Flores. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014. 353 pages. $29.95 (paper). Building a Latino Civil Rights Movement: Puerto Ricans, African Americans, and the Pursuit of Racial Justice in New York City. By Sonia Song-Ha Lee. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014. xi + 332 pages. $34.95 (paper). The Jim Crow Routine: Everyday Performances of Race, Civil Rights, and Segregation in Mississippi. By Stephen A. Berrey. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2015. xci + 331 pages. $29.95 (paper). Race, Religion, and Civil Rights: Asian Students on the West Coast, 1900–1968. By Stephanie Hinnershitz. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2015. 268 pages. $28.95 (paper). The Revolution Has Come: Black Power, Gender, and the Black Panther Party in Oakland. By Robyn C. Spencer. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2016. 260 pages. $24.95 (paper). At the close of her landmark article "The Long Civil Rights Movement and the Political Uses of the Past," the historian Jacquelyn Dowd Hall asks, "How can we make ourselves heard without reducing history to the formulaic mantras on which political narratives usually rely?" Too often, Hall argues, the ways that individuals and social structures work for or against certain groups remain "invisible to citizens trained in not seeing and in thinking exclusively ahistorical, personal terms."1 Scholars must nuance and complicate readers' oversimplified views of the civil rights movement by helping them recognize how individuals and organizations foment social, political, economic, and racial change. The past will always be used politically; it is up to those of us [End Page 291] who research and write history to reveal the messy combination of individual agency and societal structures that create the racial, gendered, political, and economic ecospheres Americans inhabit. The five books under review here affirm that civil rights histories did not begin with the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education or end with Martin Luther King Jr.'s 1968 assassination, and that race in civil rights movements went beyond the oversimplified black–white binary. But more than this, these five scholars make larger arguments about civil rights movements in the United States by highlighting the ways that racial formation and identification informed social movements from the 1930s to the 1970s and from California to New York City. Sonia Song-Ha Lee's Building a Latino Civil Rights Movement examines "the political world in which Puerto Ricans and African Americans conceptualized their racial and ethnic identities" in response to New York City's long civil rights movement (3). Lee argues that, although that two groups frequently lived in geographic proximity and faced similar discrimination, they were not natural allies. Americans defined Puerto Ricans as a racially "in-between" people, neither white nor black (unsurprisingly, they fought to be identified with whites rather than African Americans). Despite that preference, twentieth-century sociologists and anthropologists from Oscar Lewis to Daniel Patrick Moynihan and Nathan Glazer identified Puerto Ricans through a racialized "culture of poverty," as did government programs, which linked Puerto Ricans with African Americans. Over time, however, many Puerto Ricans began to work with African Americans for civil rights in matters of antipoverty policy. Indeed, one of Lee's great contributions, building on the historiographical trend toward examining interracial political coalitions after World War II, is her exploration of the ways that politics and class created common ground for members of different racial groups within civil rights movements. Despite their shared economic disenfranchisement, New York's Puerto Ricans did not fight for political, social, and labor gains using the tactics embraced by African Americans before World War II. For instance, Lee shows that black and Puerto Rican members followed different paths in the struggle for justice in the workplace in the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union (ILGWU). Puerto Ricans' fragile status in the United States made them less willing to incur the wrath of their union bosses. African Americans, who did not fear deportation or other punitive measures, fought vocally for labor rights and used their connections to black community and...

Democratic Values? A Racial Group-Based Analysis of Core Political Values, Partisanship, and Ideology

Research on American core political values, partisanship, and ideology often concludes that liberals and Democrats believe equality to be one of the most important values while conservatives and Republicans place greater emphasis on social order and moral traditionalism. Though these findings are valuable, it is assumed that they generalize across various groups (e.g. socioeconomic classes, religious groups, racial groups, etc.) in society. Focusing on racial groups in contemporary American politics, I challenge this assumption. More specifically, I argue that if individuals’ value preferences are formed during their pre-adult socialization years, and if the socialization process is different across racial groups, then it may be the case that members of different racial groups connect their value preferences to important political behaviors, including partisanship and ideology, in different ways as well. In the first part of this study, I fit a geometric model of value preferences to two different data sets—the first from 2010 and the second from 2002—and I show that although there is substantial value disagreement between white Democrats/liberals and Republicans/conservatives, that disagreement is smaller in Latinos and almost completely absent in African Americans. In the second part of this study, I demonstrate the political implications of these findings by estimating the effects of values on party and ideology, conditional on race. Results show that where whites’ value preferences affect their partisan and ideological group ties, the effects are smaller in Latinos and indistinguishable from zero in African Americans. I close by suggesting that scholars of values and political behavior ought to think in a more nuanced manner about how fundamental political cognitions relate to various attitudes and behaviors across different groups in society.

The colors of fear: A multilevel analysis of fear of crime across Houston area neighborhoods

ABSTRACTResearch on fear of crime has revealed the impact that neighborhoods' racial composition has on individuals' perceptions of fear and safety. Yet, few studies have examined how between-neighborhood variation in diversity, as distinct from minority concentration, influences residents' perceptions. Using multilevel regression and drawing on data gathered from a sample of residents in the Greater Houston Area, we examine the between-neighborhood effects of diversity on perceived risk of victimization. Our findings suggest that both individual and community factors have utility for predicting fear of crime and that racial and ethnic heterogeneity influence fear differently for members of different racial groups.

Evidence in Voting Rights Act Litigation: Producing Accurate Estimates of Racial Voting Patterns

Abstract Voting Rights Act litigation, even in the wake of Shelby County v. Holder, requires estimates of racial bloc voting, or the extent to which members of different racial groups vote differently. Although there are a variety of methods to make these estimates, direct evaluation and comparison of these methods is lacking. I examine these alternate methods in the way that they might be used in litigation using a large dataset of partisanship and racial information at the precinct level in five states. Additionally, I extend the application of these methods to estimation of racial group preferences in locations with more than one racial minority and assess the contextual determinants of larger and smaller errors in ecological regression estimates. I conclude that the ecological inference method developed by King (1997), which incorporates the deterministic precinct-level bounds on the quantities of interest and is easily implemented using open-source software, provides the best estimates for precinct-s...

See no evil: color blindness and perceptions of subtle racial discrimination in the workplace.

Workplace discrimination has grown more ambiguous, with interracial interactions often perceived differently by different people. The present study adds to the literature by examining a key individual difference variable in the perception of discrimination at work, namely individual color-blind attitudes. We examined relationships between 3 dimensions of color-blind attitudes (Racial Privilege, Institutional Discrimination, and Blatant Racial Issues) and perceptions of racial microaggressions in the workplace as enacted by a White supervisor toward a Black employee (i.e., discriminatory actions ranging from subtle to overt). Findings showed that observer views on institutional discrimination fully mediated, and blatant racial issues partially mediated, the relationships between racial group membership and the perception of workplace microaggressions. Non-Hispanic Whites endorsed color blindness as institutional discrimination and blatant racial issues significantly more than members of racioethnic minority groups, and higher levels of color-blind worldviews were associated with lower likelihoods of perceiving microaggressions. Views on racial privilege did not differ significantly between members of different racial groups or affect microaggression perceptions. Implications for organizations concerned about promoting more inclusive workplaces are discussed.

Casper, Crebis and the Knegt: Rape, Homicide and Violence in the Eighteenth-Century Rural Western Cape

Rape is a shockingly prevalent crime in contemporary South Africa. Using a micro-historical approach to analyse a rape case in the criminal records of the Dutch East Indies Company (VOC) this article seeks to explore whether rape was as widespread in the eighteenth-century Cape as it is today. In examining the details of a case in which a white knecht (hired labourer) raped a Khoikhoi woman and murdered her son the article finds that no white man was ever convicted for the rape of a Khoikhoi or a slave woman and seeks to explain why this was the case. It also finds that though white settlers greatly feared that their women would be raped by slave or Khoikhoi men, this seldom happened. Though focusing on rape the article also examines colonial attitudes towards illicit or extra-marital sex between members of different racial groups. It concludes that issues of honour and respectability played a factor in limiting rape and that, despite a climate of violence, there is plentiful evidence of consensual interracial sex, especially in the frontier regions. Thus, although rape was a crime that white men could commit with virtual impunity, the records do not provide evidence that rape was common.

Diversity in the British police : adapting to a multicultural society

Historically white male dominated, the police service was criticised for having a sexist and racist culture and lacking black, Asian and female officers. The low numbers of ethnic minorities in the police service and other public institutions was highlighted in 1999 with the publication of the Macpherson Report into the Inquiry following Stephen Lawrence’s murder. The Race Relations Act of 2000 reinforced public authorities' duties to prevent racial discrimination, promote racial equality and promote good relations between members of different racial groups. All forty-three police forces in England and Wales were required to meet targets set by the government to increase the number of recruits from minority ethnic communities. These targets vary from region to region set according to the make-up of the ethnic population in each region. However, the National Target set by the government in 1999 of 7% of ethnic minority officers by 2009 to reflect the national average 7% ethnic minority population in England and Wales. By 2012, the proportion of police officers that consider themselves to be from a minority ethnic background had risen from under 2% in 1997 to 5%. This paper examines the nature and extent of the changes in recruitment and training of police made between 1995 and 2005 and examines the reasons for its relative success drawing on interviews with Thames Valley Police officers and staff in 2007.

Prostaglandin Efficacy and Safety Study Undertaken by Race (The PRESSURE Study)

Latanoprost, travoprost, and bimatoprost are prostaglandin or prostamide-type ocular hypotensive medications, all of which are effective and safe for lowering intraocular pressure (IOP). Most studies with these types of drugs have included patients mainly from European or white ethnic backgrounds; however, some reports have suggested that there is a difference in response between patients of white and African racial heritage. On account of the possibility that drugs may act differently in people of different ethnic background, we decided to study the effectiveness and safety of all 3 drugs in people from various ethnic heritages. Our hypothesis was that there might be a possible ethnic-based difference in IOP-lowering effectiveness between the 3 medications. This was a prospective randomized investigator-masked multicenter study. Patients newly diagnosed with open-angle glaucoma (primary, pseudoexfoliative, or pigmentary), or whose pressure became elevated after a washout period, were randomized to receive 1 of 3 prostaglandin/prostamide drugs. Assignment of drug was balanced by racial group and study site, and the investigator was masked to the drug used. The patients were requested to self-identify their racial group as White, African, East Indian, Asian, or Hispanic; to minimize the possibility of heterogeneity, all 4 grandparents had to be known to originate from the same group. However, for purposes of analysis, the patients were divided into 2 groups--White or Other. Patients were followed at 2, 6, 12, and 24 weeks; IOP and local side effects were assessed at each visit. Eighty-three patients were recruited from 9 sites. The mean age of the patients was 61.5 ± 10.5 years. There were no differences in mean age or the distribution of sex between the patients whether examined by the 2 racial groups or the 3 drug groups. There was a highly statistically significant decrease in IOP from baseline to 12 weeks and from baseline to 24 weeks (F = 439.3, P<0.0001; F = 305.94, P<0.0001). There were no differences in treatment effect between the 3 drugs or between the 2 ethnic groups, (P > 0.05 for all comparisons) and there was no interaction between race and drug. All 3 prostaglandin/amide drugs are highly effective at lowering IOP. No differences in effect between the drugs or between members of different racial groups were detected, although the study sample size was too small to be certain to detect differences, if they existed.

When White Feels Right: The Effects of In-Group Identification and Race of Partner on Negotiation Performance

Negotiations in which the counterparts are members of different racial groups may be hampered by less effective communication, lower trust, or distracting levels of concern over appearing prejudiced. In Study 1, we confirmed consumer studies showing a disadvantage for minority negotiators, and extended them by showing that the disadvantage can be mutual for their majority group negotiation partners in terms of profitable deals, stress and liking. In Study 2, we replicated this main effect and demonstrated that affective in-group identification (good feelings toward the White group) moderates it. When negotiating with a Black confederate, feeling “glad to be White” was a liability, in that stronger in-group affect of White participants was related to poorer joint outcomes and lower perceived liking. When negotiating with a White confederate, stronger in-group affect of White participants instead boosted the dyad’s connection and performance, resulting in higher joint outcomes, higher individual outcomes, and greater trust, perceived liking, and confidence. We discuss the implications of cross-race negotiations for both majority and minority individuals.

School Choice in Black and White: Private School Enrollment Among Racial Groups, 1990–2000

This study investigates how much the racial composition of communities influences the private school enrollment rates of members of different racial groups. Some scholars argue that private school enrollment contributes to racial segregation in public schools because White families attempt to enhance the social status of their children by leaving public schools serving communities with higher percentages of children who are Black. A second group of scholars argue that private school enrollment is primarily based on nonracial factors. A third, related perspective argues that race is of diminishing importance in driving behaviors such as school choice. This study explores these perspectives using 1990 and 2000 Public Use Micro Data Samples to estimate private school enrollment rates by student race and community racial composition. Findings indicate that private school enrollment rates among Asian, Black, and Hispanic students do not fluctuate much with community racial composition. By contrast, private school enrollment rates among White families are strongly and positively correlated with the percentage of children in their communities who are Black—even after holding constant a series of individual and community-level factors that may account for this trend. Moreover, the association between race and choice has changed little between 1990 and 2000.

Race-Related Content of Animated Cartoons

Relying upon a content analysis of 1 specific type of medium to which young people are exposed beginning at an early age, on a regular basis, and for many years (i.e., animated cartoons), the present study examines what types of messages are provided about being members of different racial groups. This research examines the following issues: (a) How prevalent are race-related content and overt acts of racism in animated cartoons? (b) Has this prevalence changed over time? (c) What “types” of characteristics tend to be associated with being Caucasian, African American, Latino, Native American, and Asian? Results indicate that the prevalence of racial minority groups has been low over the years, with gradual decreases in representation during recent years, when the American population of racial minorities has grown. As time has gone on, the presence of overt racism has decreased greatly, demonstrating particularly sharp declines in the years since the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s. On most dimensions studied, members of different races were portrayed similarly.

Leisure Spaces as Potential Sites for Interracial Interaction: Community Gardens in Urban Areas

Finding ways to alleviate racial tension is an important societal issue. A well-established strategy is to increase positive contact between members of different racial groups, which is hypothesized to lead to improved racial attitudes if the contact takes place under certain conditions. Bridging racial divides, however, has historically been a difficult process. Leisure settings can be ideal environments for interracial interaction to occur due to qualities of free choice and self-determination. This study focuses on a specific type of leisure environment, community gardens located in urban settings. More specifically, the purpose of the study was to examine whether urban community gardens are perceived as spaces in which people of different races can successfully integrate. The study also sought to examine race and its relationship to perceptions, motivations, and benefits of community gardening. The study focused on African American and White gardeners in St. Louis.

The Effects of Race on Telecommuting Motivators: Implications for the Recruitment of Minorities into Open Information Technology Positions

The purpose of this study was to investigate the differences between American racial groups in terms of what motivates them to telecommute and then to discuss any implications these differences may have for the recruitment of minorities into open IT positions. To collect data for this investigation, a 25-question survey was developed and distributed to 250 IT professionals in a wide variety of industries. One hundred thirty-two surveys were returned. When controlling for race, we found that members of different racial groups are indeed motivated to telecommute by different factors. These factors relate to safety, control, fairness, respect, and technology.

Social De-Construction of Race and Affirmative Action in Jury Selection

Recent race riots offer powerful and disturbing images and evidence of the cost of ignoring the apparent unfairness of court decisions made by all white juries. In the eyes of many marginalized segments of the community, the conviction of a black defendant or acquittal of a white defendant by an all white jury, against overwhelming evidence of his guilt, is deeply disturbing. The fact that a jury is all white has the powerful effect of racializing the jury proceeding. In the post-Civil War south, a series of similar atrocities occurred when the Ku Klux Klan's frenzy of violence and lynching , targeting blacks and white Republicans, went unpunished by all white juries. It is notorious that practically never have white lynching mobs been brought to court in the South, even when the killers are known to all in the community and are mentioned in name in the local press, Gunnar Myrdal's 1944 work on race relations once declared.' Today, issues of racially mixed juries and racial balance in cases involving inter-racial crimes pose unique challenges to our judiciary, our criminal justice system, and the community. This article examines possible applications of affirmative action in jury selection to create racially heterogeneous juries. Since race-conscious affirmative action must rely on the clear conceptualization of race and racial definitions, the article first presents critical analysis of the conceptualization and formulation of race and racial classification. Specifically, the first section of this article attempts to deconstruct racial identity as defined by government-defined racial categories, suggesting that race is a social construction and racial identity is subject to individual and societal manipulation. This allows many individuals to pass as members of different racial groups. The article then empirically examines public perceptions of the affirmative jury structures, focusing on the use of mandatory racial quotas to engineer racially heterogeneous juries in criminal trials, specifically the jury de medietate linguae, the Hennepin model, the social science model, and a peremptory inclusive selection method. The article finally argues that, given the strong endorsement for the Hennepin and social science models of affirmative juries, both legislative and court-initiated actions may be needed to energize the public debate concerning the importance of racially mixed juries, the size of mandated racial quotas, and implications regarding applications of affirmative action in jury proceedings. t Associate Professor of Sociology, University of California, Santa Cruz. Ph.D. & M.A., University of California, Riverside, 1985 & 1982; B.A., California State University, Fullerton, 1979. 1 am very grateful to Ian F. Haney Lopez for his helpful comments on the social deconstruction of race as well as John Brown Childs, G William Domhoff, and Richard Krooth for their critical comments on the earlier version of this article. 1. GUNNAR MYRDAL, AMERICAN DILEMMA 552 (1944). 1 Fukurai: Social De-Construction of Race and Affirmative Action in Jury Sel Published by Berkeley Law Scholarship Repository, 1999