Mechanisms Of Direct Democracy Research Articles

Explaining the impact of citizens’ initiatives on social movements: insights from the Spanish housing movement

ABSTRACT How do instruments of direct democracy affect the social movement organisations that sponsor them? Drawing on social movement studies and direct democracy research, we argue that direct democracy has a transformative effect on its sponsors because it triggers a triple process of movement building, learning, and bargaining with political elites. This triple process sets in motion enduring trends within the organisation that has undertaken the burden of promoting the initiative. We illustrate this argument with the case of a people’s legislative initiative (a non-binding mechanism of direct democracy) organised by a housing rights organisation between 2011 and 2013 to counter the eviction crisis in Spain. This initiative did not result in the reform that activists demanded. Nevertheless, it contributed to consolidating the sponsor organisation, innovating its repertoire of action, and broadening its strategic options.

Are Latin American populists more likely to introduce direct democracy?

ABSTRACT This article investigates the relationship between populism in power and the expansion of mechanisms of direct democracy (MDDs) in Latin America. We hypothesise that the introduction of new or additional MDDs is more likely under populist than non-populist presidents due to core populist ideas. We then add a conditional explanation to this ideational argument grounded in a strategic calculus and hypothesise that the expansion of MDDs is even more likely if the political context in which populist presidents are embedded provides strategic incentives to promote MDDs. We test these hypotheses by means of logistic and Poisson regression analyses using a newly compiled data set covering information on the introduction and reform of MDDs in 18 Latin American countries from 1980 to 2018. Our results indicate that expansion of MDDs is, indeed, more likely promoted by populist presidents and that this association is conditioned by the degree of presidential approval.

American Populism in the Context of Political Discourse: History and Vodernity

An important feature of populist political forces in the United States is the desire for widespread use of direct democracy mechanisms, such as referendums, local and national elections, direct elections, etc. It was mentioned above that the People's (Populist) Party already included relevant requirements in its program (in particular, the introduction of direct elections of senators, which was later implemented). In the political tradition of the United States, the roots of the plebiscitary, as opposed to representative, vision of democracy go back to the very founding of this country.

La participación ciudadana en la primera activación constitucional de los mecanismos de democracia directa en México

The mechanisms of direct democracy involve the participation through voting, from the legal forms of enquiry such as referendum, plebiscite, revocation of mandate, though it can include other graded definitions that go from the minimalist to wider conceptions such as the intervention in fiscal resources and the civic audit. The legal system ensures order. Legal models are the first step to move on to the institutionalized use of DDM as a possibility of influence of the governed ones on public decisions. The ways to influence are different in each country, not only because of the legal model in its government levels, but also because of the citizenship and its characteristics, product of the historical context of construction of the state which brings distinctive features for its use. Can political power be shared? And what is the purpose? The mechanisms of direct democracy in the south of the continent with the exception of Chile and Uruguay, have been institutionalized due to political circumstances of social conflict (as in Bolivia and Ecuador), because of scarce social movilization (like Argentina and Peru), because of low institutional instability (as occurred in Colombia), medium (like Venezuela, Bolivia and Argentina), and high (Ecuador and Peru), and just in Bolivia the clear incorporation took place due to a social demand. In this sense, What DDM are useful for? And for whom? Is it possible to influence public decisions based on the DDM? Legislating direct democracy mechanisms and activating them is not enough to give a sense of civic empowerment to these forms of participatory democracy. The method used is qualitative documentary, based on analysis of the political, legal, social, institutional, electoral dimensions, with the help of geographic information systems (GIS).

THE ROLE OF ADVISORY BODIES IN THE DEMOCRATIZATION OF SOCIAL AND HUMANITARIAN POLICY MECHANISMS IN UKRAINE

The article examines the role of advisory bodies in the democratization of social and humanitarian policy mechanisms in Ukraine. The article provides classification and differences of types of democracy and ways of democratization. It is noted that the democratization of mechanisms in the social and humanitarian sphere should become the basis for the development of an effective social and humanitarian policy, close to the demands of the population, able to take into account and express the interests of the person, community, and society as fully as possible. The assumption was put forward and proven that the nature of direct democracy is revealed in its functions - directions or types of direct manifestation of the will of the people, which mediate its content and forms by subjects, objects, methods, means of direct people's rule and other features. It was concluded that the current stage of democratic transformations in Ukraine requires strengthening the mechanisms of democratization of social and humanitarian policy through direct participation of citizens in socio-political processes, since the inefficiency of the main institutions of the political system is largely due to the lack of public control over their activities in the inter-election period and the limitation of political participation of citizens only through electoral processes. It is substantiated that the task of democratization of social and humanitarian policy requires the use of a whole set of mechanisms, namely: I. General mechanisms of democratization of state administration (social and humanitarian sphere as a subsystem of state administration); II. Special mechanisms for the democratization of social and humanitarian policy; III. Mechanisms of democratization of social and humanitarian policy at the local level. It is emphasized that the democratization of mechanisms of social and humanitarian policy is impossible without democratization of the entire political system, the main ones of which are: mechanisms of direct democracy; mechanisms of delegated democracy; mechanisms of citizen participation democracy.

Direct Democracy in the Hands of the Opposition Under Alternating Ideological Coalitions in Uruguay (1985–2022)

Uruguay stands out as an exceptional case for having a vibrant party system, stable democracy, and frequent use of direct democracy mechanisms (MDDs). Previous research has explained the use of MDDs as a means of opposing centre-right governments, but it has failed to explain the subsequent use of these mechanisms during the period of alternation between the major ideological blocs in government after 2005. We make an empirical contribution by describing the practice of direct democracy actions and explaining their fate through a qualitative comparative analysis that assesses how well the theoretical expectations proposed by Altman are borne out in the Uruguayan case in the latest period. We conclude that the politics of direct democracy change when ideological blocs alternate in government and that direct democracy initiatives fail due to the lack of lobbying power, high government approval rates, or non-concurrency of the vote with the presidential election in the context of a positive economic environment.

On blind deference in Open Democracy

In this article, I critically assess Hélène Landemore's new model of Open Democracy, asking whether it requires of citizens to blindly defer to the decisions of the mini-public. To address this question, I, first, discuss three institutional mechanisms in Open Democracy, all of which can be read to grant citizens democratic control. I argue that neither the capacity to authorize the selection mechanism (random sortition), nor the lottocratic conception of political equality, nor the self-selection mechanisms of Landemore's model deliver the form of control that would insulate Open Democracy from the charge of blind deference. I then discuss the direct democracy mechanisms that Landemore incorporates into her model. Although these devices grant citizens control and, by extension, offer the resources for repudiating the charge of blind deference, they also, I argue, subvert the logic of Landemore's lottocratic model, rendering Open Democracy predictably unstable. Given the deliberative asymmetries between the mini-public and the citizenry, a high frequency of bottom-up challenges is to be expected that would throw the whole system into jeopardy. Thus, the challenge for lottocrats is to show how democratic control can be achieved in a lottocratic system without undermining the benefits of the legislature by lot.

From Second-Best to First-Best Veto Point: Explaining the Changing Uses of Judicial Review and Referendums in Uruguay

ABSTRACTThe use of veto points to block policy change has received significant attention in Latin America, but the different institutional venues have not been analyzed in a unified framework. Uruguay is exceptional in that political actors use both referendums and judicial review as effective ways to oppose public policies. While the activation of direct democracy mechanisms in Uruguay has been widely studied, the surge in the use of the judicial venue remains underexplored. This article argues that veto point use responds to the ideological content of policies adopted by different coalitions and the type of interest organization affected. It shows that policy opponents predominantly activate referendums when center-right coalitions rule and judicial review when center-left coalitions govern. It illustrates the causal argument by tracing the politics of court and referendum activation. This approach helps to bridge the gap between research on direct democracy and judicial politics, providing a unified framework.

Increasing civil participation in public control at the municipal level

The subject of the research is public control, which is considered to be a modern instrument of citizens' participation in the cases of local self-government. It significantly complements the basic mechanisms of direct democracy at the municipal level, providing the population with the opportunity to evaluate the activities of local authorities.The purpose of the study is to consider public control from the perspective of its implementation at the municipal level. The key task is to find and justify additional subjects close to this level, revealing new opportunities for a more active response of residents to the short-comings of the local authorities. The most important in this series is the definition of citizens’ role and the public structures they create in the implementation of public control. Another significant task is to develop recommendations for improving the legal regulation of public control at the municipal level.The methodology. The solution of the set tasks is supposed to be carried out using a number of cognition methods with the analysis as the leading one. It has become determinant in the study of scientific sources and the empirical base. The doctrinal method was used to study the opinions of legal scholars on the issue under discussion. Working with legislation regulating public control was based on a formal and logical method. To formulate the research conclusions the authors used general scientific methods of synthesis and analogy, as well as general-to-specific method.The main results. The analysis showed that the public chambers (councils) of municipalities created by local governments to exercise public control are to a certain extent dependent on these bodies. We focused on more independent segments of the local community that are not included in the law, but show examples of social activity. The resource of society increases many times if three new subjects at the municipal level are given legislative access to public control: citizens, local public associations, and organized groups of citizens – territorial public self-governments that successfully operate in the local territories of municipalities. Conclusions. The recommendations presented in the study are the basis for improving domestic legislation on public control and local self-government. Filling in the legislative gaps should have a positive impact on law enforcement practice. The practical nature of the received conclusions and proposals is that they open up new opportunities for the representatives of the local community: (a) to protect their rights and legitimate interests with the help of the tools of public control; (b) to promptly correct mistakes and miscalculations of local authorities. The authors are convinced that the development of democracy on the scale of such a huge state as the Russian Federation should start with a small entity — its entrance hall, street, neighborhood, settlement, and city.

Ciudadanizar la democracia en la era de la desacralización electoral: mecanismos de participación en América Latina

In Latin America, the general acceptance of the democratic values coexists with the perception that political elites are not responsive and with the popular conviction that law enforcement is differentiated, leading to Electoral Desacralization. The effect produced is a pool of negative emotions capitalized by political options with essentialist and exclusive discourses. Does Direct Democracy guarantee that citizens take part in public affairs and dispose of spaces in decision-making processes? This essay compares Mechanisms of Direct Democracy in Mexico and Colombia to assess whether they meet the expectations of making democracy more participatory, or whether they are up-to-date modalities of clientelist, patrimonial, or plebiscitary practices. We consider that plebiscites, consultations, referendums, and citizens’ initiatives create an opportunity for the formation of public action networks and have the effect of creating citizenship.

ТЕОРЕТИЧНІ ОСНОВИ ВЗАЄМОДІЇ ОРГАНІВ ВЛАДИ ТА ГРОМАДСЬКОСТІ В ПРОСТОРІ КОМУНІКАЦІЇ

The article examines the theoretical foundations of interaction between government bodies and the public in the communication space. It is proved that over the years of independence of our country, relations between the government and society have been transformed, from a paternalistic model to a real, mutually beneficial, Democratic in nature, bilateral interaction. Relations between government and society have been transformed in such a way that there is an opportunity (and the need at the same time) for real interaction between state authorities and management with civil society structures that are able to solve together current and most important socio-economic and social problems by combining resources. Thus, we believe that positive practices of electronic interaction between authorities and society should be institutionalized while defining criteria that will determine the effectiveness of the existing mechanisms of direct democracy and the degree of their compliance with public needs. It is determined that the achieved level of informatization allows us to fully develop the Institute of e-democracy, as the latest tool for improving the quality of managerial decision-making at the state level with the help of a multi-level expert online network consisting of all categories of citizens. Having analyzed a large factual material, the regulatory legal framework related to the informatization of state authorities and society, we can draw the main conclusion that in Ukraine the vector for institutionalization of the processes of formation of political and administrative electronic interaction between government and society and the formation of “electronic democracy” has already been indicated.

Possibilities of application of digital technologies to direct democracy mechanisms in modern Russia

Possibilities of application of digital technologies to direct democracy mechanisms in modern Russia

Man in the territorial community: theoretical approaches to understanding the location and functi - oning

The article examines the theoretical approaches to understanding the location and functioning of man in the local community asa member.It is proved that the urgency of this issue is determined by the fact that for the first time, at the constitutional level, the Ukrainianstate has recognized the existence of a system of local interests, produced by the territorial community – territorial community, concerningthe existential issues of its existence and functioning. territorial units of the state, which were legalized as issues of local importance.Thus, such interests of the community, according to the current constitutional guidelines, are solved, first, through the use of aspecific historical and universal social and legal institution – local self-government, which really gives the community and its membersopportunities for self-organization in such a community, self-identification and self-expression. within such a community, as well asinitiatives to implement the latter, again within such a community. In addition, it is argued that local self-government is exercised eitherdirectly by such a community (through the use of appropriate mechanisms of direct democracy) or by local governments formed by thecommunity itself in the process of democratic elections and appointments and acting on the principles of representative democracy. Atthe same time, territorial communities act as the primary subjects of local self-government, and therefore local self-government bodiesmust act on behalf of and in the interests of the respective communities.It is argued that the phenomenology of self-presentation of man (personality) in the territorial community has a solid integralphilosophicalbasis, a significant doctrinal-normative basis, reflects axiological guidelines of local government and parametric-teleologicalvalues of formation, functioning, development and development and high motivation of a man (personality) – a member of thecommunity, because it demonstrates its ability to build harmonious relationships with other members of local society in local governmentand its bodies by either leveling their individual guidelines in favor of local society, or by adjusting, synergizing, adaptation tocollective needs. In addition, it demonstrates that the self-presentation of a man (personality) actively forms and demonstrates its selfworth,ability to self-identification, self-organization, self-activity, self-government, as well as the ability to build a balance of intereststhrough human size and application of individual and collective interests (intersubjectivity).

Processos deliberativos em políticas sociais: uma análise da efetividade institucional de conselhos gestores a partir da percepção de seus conselheiros

Este trabalhou buscou situar as relações entre Estado e sociedade civil no contexto atual da democracia brasileira em termos da emergência de novas temáticas de política social na agenda governamental, com foco nos mecanismos instituídos para garantir a interface socioestatal nessas áreas. Analisou-se a percepção dos conselheiros que integram o Conselho Nacional de Segurança Alimentar, o Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Rural Sustentável e o Conselho Nacional de Economia Solidária sobre diferentes dimensões de seu funcionamento, no intuito de compreender sua dinâmica, estrutura e efetividade (interna e externa). A partir da sistematização das respostas, foi possível traçar as percepções desses representantes acerca da atuação, avaliação do funcionamento e influência dos conselhos abordados na estrutura decisória governamental. Os resultados permitem inferir que a sociedade civil valoriza e se empenha na consolidação de mecanismos de democracia participativa, como no caso dos conselhos de políticas públicas. No entanto, o caráter deliberativo desses conselhos e a falta de instrumentos normativos que garantam um maior poder de influência de suas deliberações nos processos decisórios são obstáculos reais que fragilizam o potencial de proposição e construção de projetos inovadores em cada área na qual estão vinculados.

Smartphoneware of the country

Now in Ukraine it is necessary to introduce new philosophy of management. It should be administered at most from upstream, and at least from top down activities. It sounds a little absurdly, but that is how the management is organized in wildlife. We believe that with that management philosophy it is possible to reach the situation, when in the first place there will be the requirements of a common man, rather than oligarchs needs.
 In biological systems the mechanisms of self-regulation, self-management and self-preservation have been generated for millions of years.These mechanisms are based on phenomena of a system of negative and positive feedbacks through upstream signals from cells to the brain. For human society an effective upstream management system can be direct democracy, when the people in the Territories by voting determine how to solve any particular problems of there local life. Referendums and face-to-face interviews with residents are the ways of introducing direct democracy.
 In the society the formation of new delibarative and executive structures that would be confirmed by law is necessary for implementation of upstream governance mechanisms. The major purpose of new governing bodies should be the fulfillment of objectives for satisfaing the needs of common people. They could be informed above these needs in an electronic format through smartphones.
 So basically, smartphones can became those nerve fibres that connect an individual with public authorities. The useful function of "smartphoneization" can be associated with the fact that with its help it is possible to bring into force the mechanism of direct democracy in Ukraine, and through it an upstream management system.

ROLE OF REFERENDA IN THE EXERCISE OF POWER

Problem setting. Today, Ukraine is characterized by the needfor fundamental changes in the activity ofstate bodies. The effectiveness of the realization of the rights of the people, the guarantee of the possibility of their realization in the vital reality depends on the efficiency of functioning of the referendum institution, which requires effective development at the theoretical level. The urgency of the problem is caused by the need to select the most effective, democratic means of holding referendums, to study and to apply the best practices of the democratic countries of the world in this field of activity.Recent research and publications analysis. Some questions of the referendum institute were investigated in the works of such scientists as V. Barsky, Y. Budnik, N. Vinnykova, S. Derev ’yanko, S. Zakirova, M. Ilnitskyi, L. Kryvenko, V. Markitantov, V. Nechytailo, I. Myloserdna, Y. Paleeva, O. Chebanenko, O. Hryshchuk, N. Kolodyazhna, A. Yevhenieva, S. Kravchenko, V. Kobel, R. Makukha and others. Some elements of the constitutional model of the referendum have been analyzed in the majority of works devoted to this political and legal institute. From the special researches in which attempts were made to construct such a model, one can name the works of legal scholars: M. Onishchuk, V. Pohorilka, Stavniychuk, V. Fedorenko and others.Paper objective. The purpose of the article is to study the nature of referendums, their constitutional boundaries, as well as the experience of organizing and carrying out this form of will of the people in democratic countries, which can be used in Ukraine.Paper main body. A referendum is one of the most prominent institutions ofdemocracy that allows the population to directly address pressing issues of the state and society.The referendum as a political and legal institute dates back to ancient times. It was started in ancient Rome, but the date of the first referendum is considered to be 1439, and his birthplace is Switzerland, including the canton of Bern. The referendums were envisaged by the legislatures of many countries. The referendum in the XX century became quite widespread. Its implementation was providedfor by a number of constitutions of European states adopted during the period between the world wars. The legal practice of foreign countries shows the possibility of harmonizing the use of direct and representative democracy. Much depends on the nature of the political regime in a particular country, the traditions, the mentality of its people, the degree of democratization and other factors that influence the formation and development of a system of direct democracy. For the practical use of the referendum as an institution for legitimizing political decisions of the state power in Ukraine, it is necessary, first of all, to regulate the legal grounds of this legal form of the will of the citizens.Conclusions of the researh. The referendum as a political instrument of public administration has a long history. An important component of preparing for the successful use of a referendum in Ukraine as a tool of direct democracy is a detailed analysis of international experience and world practice. The most important step towards effective implementation of this mechanism of direct democracy is the existence of specific legislation and an advanced mechanism for the practical implementation of the decisions reached.

Prospects for the Development of Direct Democracy Mechanisms Using Information and Communication Technologies

Prospects for the Development of Direct Democracy Mechanisms Using Information and Communication Technologies

La Costituzione dello stato di Puebla fra elementi di originalità e influenze federali

The article explores the main features of the Constitution of Puebla State. An outline of Mexican federalism is that the subfederal entities has limited autonomy and their constitutions must borrow the provisions of the federal Constitution. Therefore they generally lack originality and the constitution of Puebla is not an exception. Nevertheless there are several aspects which can be considered peculiar like the regulation of family matters as well the mechanism of direct democracy. Some reflections are devoted to the indigenous peoples issues.

Revocatoria de mandato como mecanismo de control a las autoridades de elección popular en Ecuador.

En la Constitución Política del Ecuador, se contempla la revocatoria de mandato, uno de los mecanismos de la democracia directa participativa, el mismo que tiene por objetivo establecer un control a las autoridades de elección popular encaminado a que cumplan con su plan de trabajo apegado a lo que determina la ley; la problemática se presenta por el bajo índice que se registra del ejercicio de este mecanismo por parte de la ciudadanía; razón por la cual, se estableció como objetivo el analizar las causas de esta bajo índice y exponer sus consecuencias.

What are the best quorum rules? A laboratory investigation

Many political systems with direct democracy mechanisms have adopted rules preventing decisions from being made by simple majority rule. The device added most commonly to majority rule in national referendums is a quorum requirement. The two most common are participation and approval quorums. Such rules are responses to three major concerns: the legitimacy of the referendum outcome, its representativeness, and protection of minorities regarding issues that should demand a broad consensus. Guided by a pivotal voter model, we conduct a laboratory experiment to investigate the performances of different quorums in attaining such goals. We introduce two main innovations in relation to previous work on the topic. First, part of the electorate goes to the polls out of a sense of civic duty. Second, we test the performances of a different quorum, the rejection quorum, recently proposed in the literature. We conclude that, depending on the preferred criterion, either the approval or the rejection quorum is the best.