Measures Of Political Orientation Research Articles

Does a Left-Wing Political Orientation Really Go Along With Greater Prosociality? A Large-Scale Empirical Investigation

The notion that political orientation is linked to prosociality has been voiced by many, suggesting that supporters of left-wing parties and ideologies may favor prosociality more than supporters of right-wing parties and ideologies. However, evidence for this proposition is inconclusive. We conducted a large-scale, preregistered analysis of the relation between political orientation and prosociality in a heterogeneous German sample (189 ≤ n≤ 1,836) using five different measures of political orientation, six incentivized economic game paradigms to measure prosocial behavior, and 10 measures of trait prosociality. Whereas we found only weak support for left-wing political preferences to be associated with more prosocial behavior, stronger evidence for said link was apparent for trait prosociality. Overall, our study suggests that political orientation and prosociality are indeed linked, thus supporting theoretical arguments. However, this link is relatively weak and depends on the way prosociality is measured.

Conservatism, anti-vaccination attitudes, and intellectual humility: examining their associations through a social judgment theory framework.

Previous research has consistently found that more political conservatism is related to higher anti-vaccination attitudes. However, little work has investigated how intellectual humility could potentially contribute to this relationship. Employing the social judgment theory of attitude change, we examined whether conservatism could mediate the association between intellectual humility and anti-vaccination attitudes. Participants (N = 1,293; 40.1% female; Mage = 38.23years, SDage = 11.61, range of age was 18-78) completed a multifaceted measure of intellectual humility, an assessment of four types of anti-vaccination attitudes, and a measure of political orientation. Results from structural equation modeling revealed that decreased levels of most aspects of intellectual humility (i.e., independence of intellect and ego, openness to revising one's viewpoint, and lack of intellectual overconfidence) are associated with more conservative political views, which in turn is associated with stronger anti-vaccination attitudes, particularly worries about unforeseen future effects, concerns about commercial profiteering, and preference for natural immunity. These findings suggest that intellectual humility could reflect one's latitude widths, thereby predicting their openness to vaccine massaging, and thus may play an important role in addressing anti-vaccination attitudes, especially when politics is involved.

Longitudinal Change in Authoritarian Factors as Explained by Political Beliefs and a Distrust of Science

During the COVID-19 pandemic there have been marked changes in individuals' belief systems (e.g., support for lockdowns) as a result of the threat of COVID-19. In the current study, we investigated whether these belief systems change as a function of changes in the threat of COVID-19. Specifically, we conducted a longitudinal study, with authoritarianism measured at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic in New Zealand and when the threat of COVID-19 was low (i.e., no known COVID-19 cases in the community). A total of 888 participants responded at both timepoints, completing measures of political orientation and distrust of science, in addition to the measure of authoritarianism. We had two hypotheses. First, that liberals would display a more marked reduction in authoritarian submission between Alert Level 4 and Alert Level 1 relative to conservatives. Second, that changes would be mediated by trust in science. Both hypotheses were supported, demonstrating that authoritarianism is sensitive to threat, even for those on the political left, and that trust in science helps to explain these changes. We suggest that fluctuations in authoritarianism may be different across the political spectrum due to underlying belief systems such as a distrust of science.

Political Hearts of Darkness: The Dark Triad as Predictors of Political Orientations and Interest in Politics.

Background: This study investigated the relationships between the Dark Triad of personality (sub-clinical psychopathy, Machiavellianism, and narcissism) and four political variables: socio-religious conservatism, support for greater economic equality, overall liberal–conservative orientation, and interest in politics. A theoretical approach that focused on the influence of the Dark Triad in large groups was provided to interpret those relationships. Methodological issues found in previous research that related to the use of abbreviated scales to measure the dark traits and the use of unidimensional indicators of political orientations were addressed. Methods: A hierarchical regression analysis was conducted to determine whether any of the three dark traits could explain variance in the aforementioned political attributes over and above that accounted for by the Big Five, sex, age, and nationality, using the full personality scales and measures of political orientation that captured both social and economic liberalism–conservatism. Results: Machiavellianism uniquely predicted lower levels of socio-religious conservatism, and both Machiavellianism and narcissism uniquely predicted lower levels of overall conservatism. Conclusions: There were important links between the Dark Triad and politics.

Consequences of a Zero-Sum Perspective of Gender Status: Predicting Later Discrimination against Men and Women in Collaborative and Leadership Roles

The zero-sum perspective (ZSP) implies gains made by one group (e.g., women) translate into equivalent loss for another group (e.g., men). The present studies extend prior research by examining whether individuals with a ZSP of gender status exhibit later discrimination. In Study 1, 624 U.S. undergraduates completed online measures of political orientation, social dominance orientation (SDO), right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), sexism, and ZSP of gender status. One month later, they read three online scenarios depicting a male target and three depicting a female target in a leadership or collaborative role, then rated their endorsement of the target. Regression results indicated that beyond the effects of participants’ gender, political orientation, RWA, SDO, and sexism, the greater participants’ ZSP of gender status, the less they endorsed female leaders and collaborators. ZSP did not predict endorsement of male targets. In Study 2, 249 adults across the United States completed the same initial measures as in Study 1 then one month later, read two online scenarios depicting a male target and two depicting a female target, then rated target endorsement. Greater ZSP of gender status again predicted less endorsement of female targets. A significant ZSP x Target Gender interaction showed endorsement of female targets declined with increasing ZSP whereas endorsement of male targets remained unchanged across levels of ZSP. These findings show discrimination against female leaders and collaborators by individuals who possess a ZSP of gender status and provide insight into how win-lose perceptions of gender status may impede gender equality.

Relationship of Moral Foundations to Political Liberalism-Conservatism and Left-Right Orientation in a Finnish Representative Sample

Abstract. In moral foundations research, two single-item measures of political orientation – with anchors labeled “liberal-conservative” or “left-right” – have been alternatively used. Using a Finnish representative sample, we employed both measures. High conservatism was associated with binding foundations (loyalty, authority, and sanctity), while the associations with the individualizing foundations (harm and fairness) were practically zero. By contrast, the left-right dimension was not associated with the sanctity foundation, but was associated with all other foundations. The measures of political orientation were interchangeable only for fairness; harm was more strongly associated with the left-right dimension, and all binding foundations were more strongly associated with the liberal-conservative dimension. This suggests that at least in some countries, the liberal-conservative and left-right measures are not interchangeable.

The impact of disparaging humor content on the funniness of political jokes

AbstractThe present study examines the extent to which the impression of funniness conveyed by political jokes is influenced by the disparaging contents of the jokes. Jokes directed against conservative politicians and jokes directed against left-wing politicians were judged by 152 participants of different ages and political orientations. As content predictors of joke judgment, measures of political orientation were collected, including conservatism, party preference and perceived likeability of conservative and left-wing politicians. Furthermore, the appreciation of different structures of humor was determined using the 3 WD humor test (Ruch 1995). The results of structural equation analyses provide evidence for a strong and substantial influence of political orientation on the preference of anti-left-wing jokes compared to anti-conservative jokes. The direction of this influence is in accordance with the predictions of the disparagement theories of humor. This study supports the impact of disparaging humor contents on the perceived funniness of political jokes.

The Effects of Mortality Salience and Social Dominance Orientation on Attitudes Toward Illegal Immigrants

The paper examines the hypothesis that the effects of mortality salience on attitudes toward illegal immigrants are moderated by individual differences predisposing participants toward prejudice or intolerance. A total of 122 university students completed measures of political orientation, authoritarianism, and social dominance orientation prior to being randomly assigned to a mortality salience or control condition. Political conservatism, authoritarianism, and social dominance orientation were all associated with more negative attitudes toward illegal immigrants. Although there was no main effect for mortality salience, there was an interaction between mortality salience and social dominance orientation. Higher social dominance orientation was associated with more negative attitudes toward illegal immigrants, albeit only in the mortality salience condition.

Believe but Verify? Russian Views and the Market

Prominent analysts have argued that the Russian reform process has gone badly because Russian attitudes towards the market mechanism fundamentally differ from those in the West. Others strenuously dispute this. We combine surveys and a classroom double auction experiment to investigate Russian beliefs about how the market mechanism works. Beliefs about how well economic theory predicts outcomes were elicited before ('ex ante') and after ('ex post') the double auction. Women, graduates of general secondary schools, children of Orthodox parents and children of entrepreneurs are more skeptical ex ante. Having observed the trading results women, children of Orthodox parents and children of entrepreneurs become less skeptical. However, graduates of general secondary schools remain relatively skeptical ex post. Two measures of political orientation are only weakly associated with beliefs, and sociodemographic characteristics, such as occupation, income and parents' education, have no detectable effect on beliefs about the predictive value of economic theory.

The relationship between need for cognitive closure and political orientation: the mediating role of authoritarianism

As regards the relationship between cognitive style, authoritarianism and politics, no secure conclusion can be drawn and the debate is still alive. This contribution explores the relationship between need for closure, authoritarianism and political orientation. One hundred and seventy-eight Italian participants were administered the Italian version of the Need for Cognitive Closure scale, an Italian version of the authoritarianism scale and a measure of political orientation. Results show that both need for closure and authoritarianism are associated with a right wing political orientation, and that this relationship is linear. Moreover, authoritarianism seems to mediate the influence of need for closure on political orientation.