Meaning Of Democracy Research Articles

What Is Democracy?

Abstract Modern democracies, including the United States, rely upon three normative elements: (1) rights expressing the dignity of the citizen; (2) law expressing a commitment to public reason; (3) elections as the method of selecting representatives. In each dimension, citizens are to see a representation of themselves as popular sovereign. Morality and law are not matters to be resolved at the polls. Yet, popular opinion, supported by contemporary social sciences, tends to reduce democracy to the third element. On this view, the higher the voter turnout, the better the democracy. In an age in which we worry as much about majority, as minority, tyranny, this view is not credible. A mob at the polls is still a mob even if it is a majority. An exclusive focus on quantification represents a profound misunderstanding of the meaning of democracy. Democratic politics includes an interpretive practice across the moral and the legal dimensions. It relies as much on persuasion as on proof. Recovery of a vibrant democratic life requires a renewed appreciation of a public humanities, not as a pastime but as way of living.

The Role of Political Parties in Maintaining Democratic Stability in Indonesia

The Indonesian state is one of the many countries that use a democratic system. Democracy is a system in which the people hold the highest position in government. This is in accordance with the etymological meaning of democracy, namely demos which means people and cratos which means power. And democracy has a reciprocal relationship that is from the people, by the people and for the people. This proves that democracy puts the people in the highest position. The requirement for democracy is the existence of elections. General elections occur when there are several political parties competing with each other for power and realizing the goals and ideals of the people or their members. In addition to realizing the ideals or goals of the people, political parties also have a very important role, namely conveying the aspirations of the people to the government in power, and political parties are also representatives of the people in overseeing the course of government so as not to deviate from pancasila. This writing uses a qualitative method approach using library research methods or literature studies. Where in the content of our material there are opinions of experts in their fields in the material we get by exploring previous studies related to the role of political parties in maintaining democratic stability in Indonesia. And in this writing we as writers really hope that our writing can be useful for readers, and we also hope that through our writing readers will be more concerned about the role of political parties in maintaining democratic stability in Indonesia.

Big Data and Ideational Institutionalism. Reconsidering the Possibilities and Limitations of Google Ngram in the Study of Ideas

AbstractIdeas and ideational change are difficult to grasp. When exactly did the idea of sustainability emerge? How has the meaning of democracy changed over time? Did ideational change precede or follow institutional change? These and many similar questions are highly relevant to the emerging field of ideational institutionalism, but they are difficult to answer conclusively without reliable data. Google Books Ngram Viewer, a tool introduced in 2011, opens up new possibilities in this regard by allowing the analysis of millions of print sources over time. However, after initial euphoria, its use has waned somewhat due to growing doubts about its reliability and the validity of the results it produces. Some of these problems have been addressed, but the debate about the potential and limitations of Google Books Ngram Viewer is ongoing. This research note will contribute to this debate by proposing a systematization for the use of search terms based on the concept of belief systems and by presenting the results of a reliability test for the German language corpus.

What’s Past is Prologue: Democracy in the Age of Originalism

Abstract This essay reviews three recent books grappling with the history and meaning of US constitutional democracy, written in a time when an originalist, conservative Supreme Court serves as the Constitution’s final arbiter. Democracies in America: Keywords for the Nineteenth Century and Today, edited by D. Berton Emerson and Gregory Laski, and The Nation That Never Was: Reconstructing America’s Story, by Kermit Roosevelt III, strive to appropriate originalist methods toward progressive ends. By contrast, Cass R. Sunstein’s How to Interpret the Constitution evinces a pragmatic skepticism of any such historically bound modes of interpretation. The tension between these approaches, I suggest, has shaped US constitutional discourse since the nineteenth century.

China: the state and the economy under Xi Jinping

How does the Chinese Communist Party navigate its way through the contradictions and tensions of managing a capitalist economy? This article traces the dynamics of recent developments within the Chinese economy and state, particularly the period of President Xi Jinping’s dominance. It explores the paradox of the juxtaposition of Communist Party rule with capitalist economic development. The resulting tensions are evident in the state’s successive changes of strategy, in its efforts to reconcile the antagonistic forces that have arisen during China’s extremely rapid industrialisation. An elite party is ruling without any functional or democratic means of negotiating between such antagonisms. China’s economy is currently shifting to a new phase, away from its emphasis on cheap labour from the rural areas and towards becoming a high‐tech economy. The current plan for growth rests upon a quest for greater self-reliance and vast investment in new technologies. Xi’s regime is attempting this while simultaneously seeking to strengthen its control over capital, labour and civil society. The article discusses recent shifts of policy resulting from Xi’s need to maintain the party’s authority following the financial crisis and the Covid pandemic: including the u-turn over Covid restrictions at the beginning of 2023, and the clampdown on companies such as Evergrande following the property crash.

Interventions of post-colonial states in the normative structure of world politics: the case of Iran and the norm of democracy

Within Global IR a constructivist-postcolonial literature is emerging which inquires into how postcolonial states intervene into the normative structure of world politics. This research programme has less covered the question how postcolonial states relate to the international norm of democracy, how and in which ways do they contest this norm, and to which effects? This question is important both to study how the ‘postcolonial condition’ can be overcome, as well as to understand which contours and shapes the norm of democracy might be taking in a multiplex world. To study this multifaceted question from a perspective which acknowledges the shadow of the past, as well as the agency of postcolonial states, Wiener’s concept of norm contestation is applied and further developed in three respects: firstly, by staking out various forms of contestation, that is rejection, strategic contestation and the construction of alternative meaning; secondly, by bringing in identity as a mediating device which impacts the forms of contestation; and thirdly, by studying various sites of contestation where actors beyond the state are also taken into account. This framework is then applied to heuristically study the case of Iran which is of particular interest as it intervenes in the global contestation of the norm of democracy on a dual level of external resistance and internal dissent. Studying Iranian contestation at the UN, within Iran and in Iranian-EU engagement, it becomes evident that during times of geopolitical confrontation with the US, the spectre of the past is produced as present and the form of contestation features dialectics of hypocrisy which harm the norm of democracy. At the same time, we also see a strengthening of the norm of democracy through hybridity both in Iranian encounters with the EU, as well as in the contestation of meanings of democracy within Iran itself.

Presidential Threshold in The Election of The President and Vice President from A Constitution and Human Rights Perspective

Art 222 Law Number 7 year 2017 concerning General Elections, regulates the provisions of the threshold where the acquisition of seats in the DPR must be 20 percent or obtain valid votes nationally as much as 25 percent then political parties can nominate and nominate pairs of presidential and vice-presidential candidates. Setting the Presidential Threshold in the election of President and Vice President in Indonesia from a constitutional and human rights perspective brings its own problems in the Indonesian constitutional system. The Presidential Threshold system does give rise to privileges for certain parties. This is because only parties that meet the threshold can compete directly in the presidential election. It is for this reason that the privileges of these major parties have given birth to political cartels. What is bad for democracy is that it eliminates equal competition for all potential candidates to contest the Presidential election. The Presidential Threshold is not justified in eliminating or emasculating the meaning of democracy which provides rights and freedoms for citizens. Among the constitutional rights include the right to vote, the right to nominate (the right to be a candidate), and the right to nominate candidates, these are rights guaranteed by the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia which everything is reduced because of this Presidential Threshold provision.

KEPEMIMPINAN DAN SPIRITUALITAS: STUDI KEPEMIMPINAN KH. ABDURRAHMAN WAHID

Spiritual leadership is leadership that brings worldly matters to the ukhrowi (ilahiyah) dimension. Namely leadership that is able to inspire, influence through giving examples, and serve with compassion. One of the nation's leading figures and also a global Muslim intellectual, namely KH. Abdurrahman Wahid or Gus Dur. This paper aims to examine Spiritual Leadership in the perspective of KH. Abdurrahman Wahid. This research is in the nature of a literature study, in which the researcher is to obtain the results of an in-depth study related to the literature on Spiritual Leadership in the view of KH. Abdurrahman Wahid. Gus Dur has views on various issues, always assessed by Islamic universalism which prioritizes spiritual values. In his leadership he strictly forbade Islam to use violence because Islam itself is a religion of peace. However, he allowed the use of violence in certain situations, for example when pressed. But as long as the path of peace can still be taken, he forbids using violence, returning to his original law that Islam is a religion that is rahmatan lil alamin. In the political field, for Gus Dur, democracy means equal rights and status of every citizen before the law, regardless of differences in ethnicity, religion, gender and language. Gus Dur's thinking about religious tolerance does not only use the products of traditional Islamic thought, but also emphasizes the use of methodology (manhaj), legal theory (ushul fiqh), and legal principles (Qawa'id Fiqhiyah) within the framework of making a synthesis to giving birth to new ideas as an effort to respond to actual changes in society so that inter-religious conflicts can be avoided.

Analisis Semiotika Kecurangan Pemilu dalam Film Dokumenter Dirty Vote

If we examine further, the democratic system in Indonesia is still very far from the dream, because it is far from the meaning of democracy. Especially in elections which determine the continuation of democracy from the people by the people and for the people. In fact, this is still very far from being implemented. This research uses a descriptive qualitative research method with Julia Kristeva's semiotic analysis because Kristeva combines structural analysis (focusing on the internal elements of the text) and contextual analysis (considering the social, cultural and historical context). This is relevant to "Dirty Vote" because it is important to understand the political and social context in conveying the film's message. The research results show that the meaning of the film's genotext shows election fraud, while the meaning of the phenotext is the visuals seen by the audience. while the idea of ​​abjection helps explain the feelings viewers have when viewing photos showing election fraud.

Penerapan Algoritma Support Vector Machine untuk Memprediksi Tingkat Partisipasi Pemilu terhadap Kualitas Pendidikan

Elections are a democratic means of choosing leaders. Public participation in elections is important for a healthy democracy. The quality of education influences public participation in elections. Therefore, the government needs to improve the quality of education in the Pasuruan Regency area. This research aims to predict the level of participation in elections on the quality of education in Pasuruan Regency. This research uses the Education sector dataset obtained from BPS data for Pasuruan Regency in 2022 and the level of election participation obtained from the recapitulation of the 2019 election results. Data analysis was carried out in an experimental stage to determine the variables to be predicted (target variables) and the variables used to predict it (predictor variable) using the Support Vector Machine (SVM) algorithm with three kernels, namely linear, rbf, and polynomial. The findings show an accuracy of 88.4% for the linear kernel, 88.5% for the rbf kernel, and 88.5% for the polynomial kernel. The quality of education can influence the level of election participation. This is because high quality education can increase public awareness of the importance of participating in elections.

Eco-sabotage as Defensive Activism

AbstractI argue for the conditions that eco-sabotage (sabotage involving the protection of animals or the environment) must meet to be a morally permissible form of activism in a liberal democracy. I illustrate my case with Jessica Reznicek and Ruby Montoya’s oil pipeline destruction, the Sea Shepherd Conservation Society’s whale hunt sabotage, and the Valve Turners’ pipeline shut-off, climate necessity-defense. My primary contention is that just as it is permissible to destroy an attacker’s weapon in self- or other-defense, it is permissible to engage in some forms of eco-sabotage. Taking inspiration from just war theory, I use the conditions of just cause, reasonable chance of success, proportionality, necessity, and discrimination to both conceptualize eco-sabotage as defense and illustrate the justificatory burden the eco-saboteur must meet. Often eco-sabotage is doubly pro-tanto wrong because it is illegal and involves property destruction. Overcoming these hurdles is particularly difficult because in seemingly bypassing democratic means of dispute resolution, the eco-saboteur seemingly coerces the other members of society by forcing idiosyncratic views upon them. Non-anthropocentric eco-sabotage grounded in defense of animal rights has mixed results regarding the democratic objection just described. I argue that anthropocentric eco-sabotage, grounded in defense of human rights, has the best chance of overcoming this objection, provided a persuasive case can be made for its reasonable chance of success. Passing a reasonable chance of success also causes problems for non-anthropocentric eco-sabotage grounded in species defense, while non-anthropocentric eco-sabotage grounded in defense against animal suffering has a lighter justificatory burden.

Populist conspiracy myths in far-right terrorist manifestos: A transnational perspective

In recent years, there has been a notable rise in the electoral success of far-right populist movements in various Western countries, coinciding with an alarming increase in far-right terrorist attacks. While far-right populists seek to attain power through democratic means, their rhetoric has inadvertently fostered an environment conducive to the growth of extremist ideologies. This article delves into the manifestos published by far-right extremists from the United States, Germany, Norway, and Australia, illuminating how these manifestos mirror and amplify the narratives espoused by far-right populists. Beyond sharing common conspiracy myths, these terrorists often reference one another and populist politicians in their manifestos, further showing the entanglement between far-right populism and extremism. This paper undertakes a discourse analysis of these terrorist manifestos, probing into how right-wing extremists make use of conspiracy myths promoted by the populist right-wing. As far-right terrorism increasingly threatens peaceful coexistence, it becomes imperative to conduct new research that assesses the role of conspiracy myths in fueling terrorism and devises strategies to avert further radicalization.

Implications of the Preseidential Threshold Based on the 1945 Constitutional Law Article 6A After the Enactment of Law Number 7 of 2017 (Concerning General Elections)

In essence, general elections or general elections are a means of democracy which is essentially to organize a state government by, from and for the people or in other words to realize sovereignty. Because basically, the constitution is an important document which contains basic regulations regarding the structure government, rights and obligations as well as limitations on state authority. This resulted in the euphoria of democracy and freedom that permeated all life nation and state so that it has an impact on efforts to make changes or changes to the constitution or the basis of state administration. Democracy is closely related with the principle of administering the rule of law on the grounds that in literacy democracy, general elections are one of the principles of the rule of law. This research is a normative juridical research method, research that uses regulations legislation, with a legal theory approach, so that it can help complete the writing of this research.

Brazilian reconstitutionalization in the second wave: a competition of democracies

ABSTRACT In the decade and a half following World War II, processes of democratization took place across the globe in what political scientists frequently refer to as the second wave of democracy. This democratization was defined by a series of debates about the true meaning and correct form of democracy. This article examines the drafting of the 1946 Constitution of Brazil within this context. Specifically, this text reviews the ways competing definitions of democracy fueled the debates at the constitutional convention and informed the creation of political institutions. In contrast to previous scholarship on the drafting of the 1946 Constitution that depicts the proceedings as a competition between reactionary conservative and pro-democracy factions, this article finds that this Constitution constitutes a reconciliation of the competing definitions of democracy that existed among the Brazilian political class at that time. This contradicts the commonly held view that the 1946 regime was a muted democratic experiment. Furthermore, the article highlights some of the ways in which the democratization process in Brazil mirrored transitions elsewhere and how it was unique.

The Ideal Concept of Dispute Resolution of Regional Head Election Results in the Constitutional Court

Direct Regional Head Elections can be understood more closely to the meaning of democracy. Pilkada underwent a change in term to Pemilukada, when Pilkada was categorized as part of the election, because it was followed by the transfer of authority to adjudicate disputes over election results from the Supreme Court (MA) to the Constitutional Court (MK).The purpose of this study is to find the ideal concept of dispute resolution of regional head election results. Elections are general elections to elect regional heads and deputy regional heads. In its development, the problem of the implementation of elections often occurs disputes, especially the results of the implementation of the election itself. In the Regional Head General Election Dispute is very complicated, many factors influence it both in terms of legal material violations and formal violations. Based on the results of the research found, there is a Comparison of the Periodization of Judicial Disputes of Pemilukada. With the above problems, it shows that problems in law enforcement are related to solving problems that are fair and have legal certainty in resolving election disputes. The conclusion in this study is the ideal concept of dispute resolution of future election results related to the scope of authority, legal position of the parties, object of dispute, grace period, content of application, case examination, evidence and decision.

Democratic Measures for Curbing Electoral Violence in Kanyama Constituency of Lusaka District, Zambia

In Kanyama Constituency of Lusaka District Zambia, physical violence especially during the election cycles of 2011, 2016 and 2021 may appear to have escalated. If violence and tyranny are allowed to take root in any democratic state, it may deprive the people of the capacity to resist bad governance because of the pervasive atmosphere of terror, fear and insecurity. Based on the foregoing context, this article explored Democratic measures that can be used to curb electoral violence in Kanyama Constituency of Lusaka District, Zambia. The article employed qualitative approach with a case study design. Twenty eight (28) participants were recruited for this research and they provided Primary data. The main findings of this research were that good political culture in the electoral process, enhancing civic and voter education, fair application of the law, formation and enhancing of youth empowerment programmes, responsive leadership both at party and national levels are the key democratic measures that can be used to curb electoral violence. Equally, having independent government institutions that are mandated to conduct elections is key as their operations may not be ill influenced by external forces. The article recommends that Political parties and constituencies should treat election period as an opportunity to elect credible leaders through democratic means than a possibility to intimidate those with divergent views.

BEYOND THE BALLOT BOX: THE MEANING AND SUBSTANCE OF DEMOCRACY

This paper seeks to make a theoretical contribution to the concept of democracy. The conceptualization of democracy is a widely linked with periodic elections that allow citizens to choose their leaders. However, this paper argues that democracy is more than just a matter of holding elections every few years. This narrow definition overlooks the substance and meaning of democracy, which encompasses a broad range of values and principles beyond the mere act of voting. In particular, the paper highlights three key dimensions of democracy that are critical for its meaningfulness: (1) participation and empowerment, (2) transparency and accountability, and (3) deliberation and collaboration. Through a review of existing literature, the paper demonstrates that these dimensions are interrelated and mutually reinforcing, and contribute to a more robust and sustainable democracy. The paper concludes by arguing that while elections are an important component of democracy, they are not an end in themselves, but rather one of the many tools that can help facilitate and reinforce a meaningful democracy.

Contemporary Autocratisation of Democracies in the Context of “a Paradox of Democracy”

After the fall of the “Iron Curtain,” Francis Fukuyama formulated a thesis on structural victory of liberal democracy and its fundamental values, such as freedom of speech, freedom of thought, freedom of worldview, freedom of the press etc. This thesis was demonstrably erroneous, as at the beginning of the 21st century, the crisis of liberal democracy in relation to the growth of populist movements is mentioned more and more frequently. While seizing power through democratic means, populist parties abandon the ideals of liberal democracy and values and pivot towards an autocratic governance model while ostensibly adhering to the rules of formal democracy. It was Hannah Arendt, who warned against such a situation saying that tendencies to move towards autocracy within democracies are specific for multi-party systems, while two-party systems in democracies are relatively less prone to such transformation. With regard to the above, the problem which philosophy of politics calls a “paradox of democracy” reappears. Among other things, it is related to the question on the limit of tolerance the liberal democracy has for thoughts, attitudes, actions and words which are substantially opposed to democracy and may lead to autocracy. At the same time, we are observing the fact of reappearance of the militant democracy theory, formulated by Karl Loewenstein. The aim of this article is to look closely at the theory and its suggested modifications (described as neo-militant democracy), as well as to answer the questions on what tools are needed and if they are even possible to be used to defend not only procedures, but also values of democracy from its progressive destabilisation in the face of digital revolution.

Investigating the Theological Foundations of Religious Democracy from the Perspective of Nahj al-Balagha

Undoubtedly, Nahj al-Balagha is one of the most important Islamic texts after the Noble Qur’an, serving as a comprehensive guide for human life in all aspects and providing direction in various fields. One of the areas that Nahj al-Balagha strongly emphasizes is governance and politics. The prominent view of Nahj al-Balagha on governance is religious democracy. This study, through an analytical and descriptive method, seeks to explore the question: What is the meaning of religious democracy from the perspective of Nahj al-Balagha and what are its theological foundations? In Nahj al-Balagha, divine governance is intertwined with democratic governance; if people desire to establish democracy, it must occur under the umbrella of divine governance. This notion is demonstrable within the theological foundations of monotheism, resurrection, prophethood, and Imamate. As a result, the theological foundation of religious democracy in Nahj al-Balagha can be summarized in this statement by the Commander of the Faithful, Imam Ali (peace be upon him): “All of you are shepherds, and all of you are responsible for your flock.” Thus, religious democracy means the realization of divine vicegerency and the rule of the oppressed on earth, as also emphasized in the Noble Qur’an.

ЭВОЛЮЦИЯ ПРЕДСТАВЛЕНИЙ О СУЩНОСТИ МЕСТНОГО САМОУПРАВЛЕНИЯ В ОБЩЕСТВЕННО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОМ ДИСКУРСЕ

The article analyzes the socio-political discourse of local self-government in the post-Soviet period of Russia’s development. The aim was to study the transformation of ideas about the functions of local government in the socio-political discourse of 2014-2023. The research method was quantitative and qualitative content analysis of texts. As it turned out, in the associative series with the concept of “local self-government”, word forms associated with the meanings of local democracy, civil society, democracy, and political participation of citizens were least used. To a much greater extent, the concept of local self-government turned out to be associated with concepts describing it as local public administration related to the performance of the function of providing services to the population, solving socio-economic problems. As a result of the study, the hypothesis was confirmed that the idea of transforming local self-government is the lowest link in the system of public power has support in political discourse. In the public consciousness, the function of this institution as a “school of democracy” was almost completely replaced by the idea of it as a “grassroots” management unit, engaged mainly in providing services to the population and solving socio-economic problems. Such a painless rejection of the democratic component in a broader context confirms the hypothesis that the formation of local self-government in the first half of the 1990s was not democratic, but politically situational in nature, associated with the interests of a relatively small number of actors, the lack of formation of local communities in the post-Soviet period, and the weakness of the “middle class”, therefore unable to become social the base of local government. This gave rise to the objective inevitability of the subsequent evolution of the institute of local self-government into the “lower floor” of the regional public administration system, bringing the “superstructure” institute of political management in line with its basic basis.