Maya Area Research Articles

Site-Planning Principles and Concepts of Directionality among the Ancient Maya

Many societies use architecture for symbolic expression, and often buildings or other constructions constitute maps of a culture's worldview. Archaeological identification of such ideational expressions is receiving renewed attention, in the Maya area as in many other regions. Excavations in 1988-1989 in Groups 8L-10 through 8L-12, Copán, Honduras, were designed to examine a particular model of ancient Maya site planning and spatial organization, in which the principles of architectural arrangement and their directional associations derive from Maya cosmology. This paper describes the model and its archaeological evaluation at Copán and discusses interpretive implications of the specific results obtained, in the context of other ongoing studies in epigraphy, iconography, and archaeology.

Economic Variation of Ancient Maya Residential Settlement in the Upper Belize River Area

Regional settlement studies in the Maya area have provided a basis for understanding the importance of subsistence strategies, but have not addressed the issue of how the settlements themselves are differentiated. This article examines Maya settlement patterns of the Belize River area and uses data from residential-unit midden tests to identify aspects of settlement variation. These variations are examined with respect to general landform characteristics. Much of the variation appears to relate to the productive capacity of agricultural resources in the area. This is no surprise, since the ancient Maya were an agrarian society.

Redefinition of the Swasey Phase at Cuello, Belize

Calibrated radiocarbon dates of 19 samples excavated since 1976 at the site of Cuello, in northern Belize, place the Swasey phase (11 dates) and Bladen phase (8 dates) in the Middle Formative period, rather than in the Early Formative, as 10 dates on charcoal excavated in 1975 and 1976 indicated. The post-1976 dates for both phases fall between about 1100 and 400 B.C., and the two sets do not appear to differ significantly. All except 3 of the 35 archaeologically acceptable dates from the later Lopez Mamom and Cocos Chicanel contexts fall within the conventionally accepted ranges for those phases. A mixture of old charcoal from the environment or from an unidentified pre-Swasey occupation with the 1975–1976 samples may explain their early radiocarbon ages, although why such mixing should have affected only the 1975–1976 samples is not known. This reassessment of the early Cuello sequence aligns it with comparable cultural developments elsewhere in the Maya area and suggests that the earliest farming communities of northern Belize perhaps derived from the highlands of Guatemala.

The Carnegie Uaxactun Project and the Development of Maya Archaeology

AbstractThe Carnegie Institution of Washington's 1924–1937. Uaxactun Project, one of the first large-scale excavations in the Maya area, established the role of dirt archaeology in Maya studies. The archaeologists who worked on this pioneering project developed many field methods and approaches that remain in use today. A review of the project and of the careers of its participants shows the critical role the Carnegie Uaxactun Project has played in the history of Maya archaeology.

Big Man, Big Heart? A Mesoamerican View of the Emergence of Complex Society

AbstractThe issue of whether elites in societies with developing socioeconomic complexity emerge as a functional response to the needs of the community or emerge in response to opportunistic possibilities of self-aggrandizement is of critical importance to an understanding of the emergence of complex hierarchical societies. Existing ethnographies do not provide adequate observations to enable the competing models to be tested. Original fieldwork was therefore conducted in the Maya area, focusing on communities that had been extremely isolated in the earlier part of this century and that had experienced crises in which elites could be expected to materially aid the community if the primary reason for their existence was a “functional” one. We interviewed a wide range of older individuals representing different statuses in formerly isolated traditional communities. The results are unequivocal. Elites, or incipient elites, provided no aid to their communities in times of crisis other than actions that were designed to enhance the advantages of the elites. We argue that the Maya cargo system constitutes a special case of the broader category of competitive feasting systems found among many ranked societies throughout the world, and that the competitive feast is the main mechanism by which ambitious individuals acquire disproportionate goods, influence, and power.

The Politics of Joking: Popular Response to Chernobyl

the 16th century, but it is probable that we shall never be able to determine whether the oral tradition was translated into action periodically over that span or saw its first concrete manifestation in the early 1900s. Don Pastor's observations regarding the church pose a problem for us by confusing what appeared to be the comparatively simple matter of assessing skeletal data on the people of Lamanai during the century of Spanish influence. On the positive side, his comments, brief though they were, reinforce conclusions regarding the potential for accuracy of historical content in oral tradition. Given the long period of Maya dependence on such tradition for the maintenance of fragments of the Classic way of life, it is to be expected that further instances of long-term retention of real history in folk tradition will emerge in the Maya area.

Scales of Settlement Study for Complex Societies: Analytical Issues from the Classic Maya Area

Several lines of settlement evidence from a study of Late/Terminal Classic Period (A. C. 700–950) Maya settlement and politics in the Rosario Valley of SE Mexico are used to explore analytical issues associated with working at different settlement scales. One issue concerns the utility of idealized settlement-scale hierarchies and the way these can be used to guide the analysis of variability in actual mapped settlement distributions. Patterns of forced settlement centralization in the Rosario Valley are used to illustrate this point. A second issue concerns bridging arguments and the way that their levels of difficulty vary according to settlement scale. The overall emphasis is on developing a problem-oriented and scale-sensitive analytical flexibility that contributes to appreciating and accounting for the politically relevant variability in the settlement records of ancient complex societies.

Scales of Settlement Study for Complex Societies: Analytical Issues from the Classic Maya Area

Scales of Settlement Study for Complex Societies: Analytical Issues from the Classic Maya Area

The Chipped Stone Industry of Cihuatan and Santa Maria, El Salvador, and Sources of Obsidian from Cihuatan

The chipped stone industry of Cihuatan and Santa Maria, Postclassic sites of north-central El Salvador, is discussed briefly in terms of behavioral/technological typology. The industry was based almost exclusively on obsidian and emphasized specialized production of prismatic blades. Source determinations by X-rayfluorescence and neutron activation analysis of 20 obsidian specimens from Cihuatan indicate that at least three highland Guatemalan sources supplied obsidian to the site. Twelve specimens are attributed to the Ixtepeque source, seven to El Chayal, and one to San Martin Jilotepeque. The multiple-source procurement pattern is interpreted as a hedge against the fragility of Postclassic sociopolitical alliances and shifting exchange networks. One of the most important advances in Mesoamerican lithic studies of recent years has been the development of behavioral and technological typologies based on linear reduction models of manufacturing trajectories (Clark 1979, 1981 la; Clark and Lee 1979; Moholy-Nagy et al. 1984; Sheets 1972, 1975a, 1978a). These typologies focus on the behavior involved in the manufacture, use, and recycling of lithic artifacts, thus attempting to model the real technological structure of lithic industries. Behavioral/technological typologies are now available for about 20 sites in the Maya area and the southeastern periphery of Mesoamerica (Fowler 1985). Another significant advance has been the development of techniques for accurate, high-precision chemical characterization of obsidian as a means of source determination (Stross et al. 1968; Stross, 1976). The results of precise geochemical analyses to determine the sources of archaeological obsidian in Mesoamerica have led to better understanding of the nature and degree of long-distance exchange in the area. Three factors make obsidian an excellent indicator of long-distance exchange contacts: (1) good-quality, workable obsidian occurs in a relatively limited number of geological deposits; (2) obsidian artifacts deposited in archaeological contexts are virtually imperishable; and (3) it is possible to determine, within limits of statistical certainty, the geological sources of obsidian artifacts through precise geochemical characterization. It is a fair assumption that obsidian exchange is an indicator of the exchange of other items that left no trace in the archaeological record. At the very least, the buyers had to offer something to the sellers in exchange for the obsidian. Whether or not perishable goods moved in appreciable quantities along the same routes of exchange as obsidian (see Drennan 1984), the reconstruction of Precolumbian obsidian exchange in Mesoamerica sheds light on prehistoric interregional contacts and exchange networks in general and provides a foundation for hypotheses concerning ancient sociopolitical ties that operated over long distances. When behavioral/technological typologies and obsidian source determination are used conjunctively, the analyst leams more about the cultural context within which a given lithic industry developed and functioned (Moholy-Nagy et al. 1984). The resulting reconstruction is more detailed and is a more fruitful source of hypotheses than either of the approaches used alone. The chipped stone industry of the ancient settlements of Cihuatan (Bruhns 1980; Fowler 1981; Kelley 1985) and Santa Maria (Fowler 1981), in the Paraiso (or Cerr6n Grande) Basin of north

Terminal Classic Interaction on the Southeastern Maya Periphery

A review of material from Copan, originally assigned a post A.D. 1000 date, suggests the existence of two separate temporal episodes, one a Terminal Classic equivalent. A rare trade ceramic found in this Copan Terminal Classic and at contemporary Seibal is also present in a ceramic group of Lepa phase (A.D. 625–1000) Quelepa, El Salvador. This identification supports the placement of the Copan material in the Terminal Classic. New data from the Ulua Valley, northwest Honduras, document an extreme southeastern extension of the Terminal Classic Altar Fine Orange ceramic sphere of Seibal. Two networks of interaction linking the southeastern extreme of Mesoamerica and the western Maya area suggested by these ceramic correlations are examined, and the processes involved are discussed.

Archaeology and the National Science Foundation

In 1954, nineteen years after the founding of the Society for American Archaeology and four years after President Harry S Truman signed its enabling legislation, the National Science Foundation (NSF) inaugurated a Program of support for ”Anthropology and Related Sciences,” which expended its entire research budget for that year on two awards. Dr. Gordon Willey of Harvard University received a one year grant of $11,500 to examine “Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Maya Area” and Dr. Robert Braidwood, University of Chicago, was provided with $23,500 to be expended over a three-year period to conduct “Human Population Studies in the Fertile Crescent.”

Classic Maya Prediction of Solar Eclipses [and Comments and Reply

Work by earlier scholars has shown that the Dresden Codex contains a table of temporal intervals appropriate to the cyclic occurrence of solar eclipses. This paper demonstrates that if the Maya calendrical dates in the table are converted to the Gregorian calendar by using the so-called Modified Thompson 2 correlation constant, the table gives very accurate warnings of solar eclipses for the late-8th-century A.D. span to which it refers. During the approximately 33 years between November 10,755, and September 6, 788, all of teh 77 solar eclipses affecting the planet occurred within three days of dates appearing in the table. Although most of these eclipses did not affect the Maya area, the table itself provides a mechanism for recognizing and discounting irrelevant predictions. No visible solar eclipse of the late 8th century could have occurred without a very precise warning if the table were used in the fashion suggested here. It has often been assumed that the table was intended to be recycled or reused, but scholars have differed on how this might have been done. This paper suggests that the information necessary to an accurate recycling is given in the table's own introduction. Using this information, a model for recycling and periodically correcting the table over a span of approximately 1,400 years is presented and tested against the data of Western astronomy. The efficacy of the recycled tables as solar eclipse warning devices proves as high as that of the original.

Ancient Maya Mercury

Discovery of mercury in an ancient Maya offering at Lamanai, Belize, has stimulated examination of possible sources of the material in the Maya area. Two zones of cinnabar and native mercury deposits can be defined in the Maya highlands, and the presence of the native metal suggests that the ancient Maya collected rather than extracted the mercury from ore.

Aztec Arithmetic: Positional Notation and Area Calculation

Texcocan-Aztec peoples in the Valley of Mexico used both picture symbols and lines and dots for numerical notation. Decipherment and analysis of mid-16th-century native pictorial land documents from the Texcocan region indicate that the line-and-dot system incorporated a symbol for zero and used position to ascribe values. Positional line-and-dot notation was used to record areas of agricultural fields, and analysis of the documentary data suggests that areas were calculated arithmetically. These findings demonstrate that neither positional notation nor the zero were unique to the Maya area, and they imply an equally sophisticated mathematical development among the Aztecs.

Radial Pyramids and Radial-Associated Assemblages of the Central Maya Area

Although little known, the radial pyramid is one of the most important and widespread architectural forms of the Classic Maya culture. The radial pyramid is found in many sites of the Central Maya area, often incorporated into standardized assemblages. Both the association between radial pyramids and astronomical observation, and the open character of radial-associated assemblages, suggest that these structures were designed for public participation in rituals regulated by the solar or agricultural calendar. The ritual motions performed on or around radial pyramids were probably understood as acts of sympathetic magic. A comparison with Aztec ritual indicates that among other uses, the Maya would have employed the radial pyramid for the ritual establishment of the axis mundi in equinoctial ceremonies. The public nature of radial-associated assemblages, as well as the rigidity of form, orientation, and arrangement of the component structures, are shown to contrast with the qualities of Maya dynastic architectural assemblages such as the temple and palace acropolises.

Archaeological Investigations in the Valle de Naco, Northwestern Honduras: A Preliminary Report

AbstractCornell University investigations in the Valle de Naco, NW Honduras, are producing new insights into cultural relationships in the eastern Maya frontier zone. Since 1975, survey, mapping, and excavation have produced new data which modify the traditional view of the valley's culture history.By the Late Preclassic period, the Valle de Naco had at least one center — Santo Domingo — with sizable public architecture. During the Late Classic period, La Sierra, a large Maya center, dominated the valley. Naco was the largest Late Post classic settlement in the region and one of the major conquest-period centers in NW Honduras. Both La Sierra and Naco maintained extensive economic relationships with distant regions. External connections included interaction with other sectors of the Maya area as well as strong ties with non-Maya Central America.

The Analysis and Distribution of Volcanic Ash-Tempered Pottery in the Lowland Maya Area

Petrographic analysis of potsherds from Dzibilchaltun and other Maya sites conclusively establishes the presence of volcanic ash temper in ceramics from northern Yucatan. The distribution of ash-tempered ceramics in time and space suggests import of ash in bulk from sources in highland Guatemala or El Salvador in exchange for salt. The homogeneous nature of the ash in northwestern Yucatan supports the idea that certain trading organizations enjoyed exclusive access to that region, while competing for markets in other lowland areas.

Maya: The Riddle and Rediscovery of a Lost Civilization

This is a book for the beginner, but it is a good book for the beginner. Maya is a good starting place for the general reader who seeks a good overview of the Maya civilization, but does not wish to get bogged down in lots of details of Maya language or archaeological documentation or anthropological theory. Gallenkamp, who is a talented storyteller and also an amateur archaeologist, wants to capture the interest and imagination of his readers. This he does skillfully. Maya includes some discussion of the background of Maya civilization, of the cultural heights the Mayas achieved, and also of the probable reasons for their decline. Mostly, however, Gallenkamp focuses on specific stories-very dramatic ones-within the much broader story of the Mayas in general. For example, he introduces us to John Lloyd Stephens and tells us the exciting tale of Stephens and Frederick Catherwood's discovery of Copan in 1839. This was the beginning of Maya archaeology. Another good story which Gallenkamp includes is the vivid account of Alberto Ruz's breathtaking discovery in Palenque of the tomb deep inside the Temple of Inscriptions. The author takes us along with Ruz, step by difficult step, as he slowly clears the passageway and opens the burial chamber of a long-dead Maya leader. Gallenkamp also recounts for us the discovery of Bonampak by Giles G. Healey in 1946, when he stumbled upon a jungle-covered building which contained magnificent frescoes. Still another Maya archaeological narrative which Gallenkamp gives us is the account of Edward Herbert Thompson's excavations at Chichen Itza, including the famous Sacred Cenote there. Thus, Maya is a book about people as well as a book about ruins. Maya is a revision of the author's 1959 edition. It includes a useful map of the Maya area, a fairly extensive bibliography, and numerous photographs. It is a very readable, entertaining and informative introduction to the Mayas. Furthermore, unlike many Maya books, this one does not deal exclusively with the ancient Maya. Gallenkamp devotes an excellent chapter to the present-day Maya. He describes

Exchange Systems among the Ancient Maya

AbstractMost studies of trade in the Maya area of Mesoamerica have been descriptive examinations of exchanged objects and have relied heavily on ethnohistoric sources. This paper, on the other hand, relies mainly on archaeological data and offers several hypotheses about the socio-political significance of intra- and inter-community exchange systems.It is proposed that in the relatively uniform environment of the Maya Lowlands, subsistence arti-facts and goods were generally exchanged within communities while prestige artifacts were exchanged between communities. This hypothesized situation is contrasted with the environmentally differentiated Mexican Highlands where subsistence items were traded widely. Following the theoretical leads of M. Coe, Webb, and Fried, we offer the hypothesis that prior to the introduction of foreign influences, the lack of differential access to basic resources among the ranked social groups of the Maya Lowlands did not stimulate the development of the state in this area.

Preclassic Ceramics from Chalchuapa, El Salvador, and Their Relationships with the Maya Lowlands

AbstractApplication of the type-variety analytical procedure to Preclassic ceramic material excavated from mound-fill deposits at Chalchuapa, El Salvador, has provided important indications of possible ceramic relationships between this site-zone and the Maya Lowlands. Of the five ceramic complexes, the earliest (the Tok ceramic complex) seems related to the Early Preclassic (Cuadros phase) of south coastal Guatemala and Mexico. Pottery of the early Middle Preclassic (the Colos and Kal ceramic complexes) appears to involve certain direct type-variety relationships with the Lowland Maya Xe and Mamom ceramic spheres. Late Middle Preclassic pottery (the Chul ceramic complex) is evidently almost exclusively affiliated with Highland Guatemala (the Providencia phase at Kaminaljuyu). Pottery of the Late Preclassic and "Protoclassic" (the Caynac ceramic complex) at Chalchuapa continues to reflect these ties (now with the Miraflores, Arenal, and Santa Clara phases at Kaminaljuyu). Apart from such ties, however, there are also significant indications of renewed ceramic connections with the Maya Lowlands during this time interval that we believe might have been of some consequence for the development of the Classic Lowland Maya. The implications of these ceramic relationships for the problem of the initial occupation of the east-central Maya Lowlands and the later intrusive Floral Park ceramic sphere at Barton Ramie are discussed. The paper also considers the implications of this evidence for the type-variety analytic procedure and proposes a tentative outline of Preclassic ceramic relationships in the Maya area.