Marxist-Leninist Ideology Research Articles

«Моя работа… прошла не даром»

The publication is a commentary and texts of three previously unknown letters written to each other by N.I. Vorobyev and R.K. Gareeva (Urazmanova), who would later become the leading specialist in Tatar rites and holidays. The conducted analysis of the document revealed the peculiarities of scholarly communication between these individuals, the emotions of an inexperienced but science-minded young school teacher who was involved in the research work, and the influence of Marxist-Leninist ideology on the understanding of the importance of the ethnography science in the Soviet times. Gareeva’s first letter was written on January 23, 1961. In the letter, she shared her concerns about not understanding the need for ethnography. Vorobyev wrote her a detailed response in February of the same year. Nikolai Iosifovich divided the letter into sections. In the first part, when discussing the age of science and technology, he points out the spiritual needs. In his opinion, culture and art are no less important for people than material needs. When reflecting on the importance of ethnographic science, the scholar emphasises the need for a comprehensive study of the ‘development’ of the culture of different peoples, when old skills can be useful for meeting the modern needs. In the last section, he argues that a new generation of researchers is necessary to ensure the continuity of academic knowledge. The geographical education received by R.K. Gareeva, as N.I. Vorobyev is convinced, will help her look at traditional culture much more broadly. The second letter of Rufa (Raufa) Karimovna is not as worrisome as the first one. She expressed gratitude to Vorobyev for the answer and, inspired, she reports on her research plans to collect ethnographic materials on the culture of the Tatars and on preparation for entering graduate school. The revealed epistolary documents made it possible to reveal the subtle aspects of the formation and development of ethnological science in the Volga region, the importance of the individual/teacher in the professional development of researchers of the traditional culture of the peoples of the region.

MOZAMBIQUE AND NEPAL: REVOLUTIONARY EXPERIENCES ON THE CUSP OF SOCIALISM WHICH REMAINS UNBORN

The revolutionary experiences of Mozambique and Nepal present a stark case of revolutions on the verge of socialism which remains unborn. Owing to several factors, the communists and socialists at the helm of these states for several years now have faltered to embark on decisive socialist paths despite their firm hold of state power. The same reportedly hindered its march to socialism. In 1985, Frelimo finally shredded its Marxist-Leninist ideology and embraced the neo-liberal policies in the guise of development and modernity in exchange for loans and aid from multilateral financial agencies of the West. Nepal, on the other hand, is being led by an alliance of communist and socialist parties. However, its march towards socialism is supposedly hampered by the country’s economic backwardness, dependence on aid and labor wages from India and the Middle Eastern countries, ballooning debt from multilateral institutions, the predominance of the peasant class over the proletariat, and the inability of the ruling coalition to forge on a single road to socialist construction. This paper looks into the feasibility of socialism being attained in Nepal and Mozambique whose economies and productive forces are undeveloped, with their people in subsistence living and a meager awareness of socialist ideals among the masses. ? The paper argues the possibility of building socialism as shown by the Soviet and Chinese experience, provided that there is a strong proletarian party whose vision and ardor are consistent with the Marxist theory of history and class struggle.

L’art, l’artiste et la presse:les armes de la propagande et de l’idéologie communiste en Roumanie. L’exposition Flacăra, 1948

After the proclamation of the Romanian People’s Republic in December 1947, a new direction in art developed. The Flacăra exhibition marks the beginning of Soviet-style socialist realism, which gradually takes hold of the Romanian art scene. The press played an essential role in the establishment of realism and exercised a particular form of control. The Communist Party realised that art and the press could be a powerful tool to convey the Marxist-Leninist ideology. The article analyses the press discourse on the works presented in Flacăra.

І знову до Біблії – першооснови в житті, літературі

The article analyses the issue of the entry of ancient literature, which is considered to be cult, to the educational programs of educational institutions of Ukraine. Such tasks have already been partially tackled by domestic scientists. However, it is not about the training manuals. Rather, it is about the preservation of national heritage. A century later, I. Ogienko in the book History of Ukrainian Printing (Lviv, 1925) collected and systematized a huge amount of source material, planning a multi-volume publication in the future which would present the history of Ukrainian books from the 15th to the 18th centuries, including a description of old printings, an album of photographs of their title pages, artistic decorations, etc., textbook materials on the history of Ukrainian bibliography, content of ancient books, their printing techniques, the history of engraving, censorship, etc. This means that the scope of the research was planned to be diverse. However, these plans of the scientist were not destined to come true. And to date, I. Ogienko’s tasks have not been fully implemented as he wanted them to be. Today, lack of such knowledge leads to dire consequences. Biblical texts should become the first series of tasks to correct this wrong policy of lack of knowledge and ignoring the canons of prehistoric times. Even the current war is one of those violations of the rules of life that were forcibly rejected by Marxist-Leninist ideology, militant atheism from Ukrainian families, from everyday life under the USSR.

Крестьянское коневодство Российской империи во второй половине XIX — начале XX века: историографический аспект

This study is an attempt at a historiographical analysis of research works into the history of peasant horse breeding in the Russian Empire in the second half of the 19th — early 20th century. The work delineates historiographical periods, identifies the focal points covered in the literature and outlines avenues for future exploration. Monographs, dissertations and research articles reporting findings on peasant horse breeding served as sources of the study. Pre-Soviet, Soviet and modern historiographical periods are distinguished. Although the first works on the issue appeared in the pre-Soviet period, most were opinion pieces. In the Soviet period, the Marxist-Leninist ideology prompted historians to delve into the peasant economy. Yet, horse breeding by peasant farms was considered only in passing in works whose geographical scope extended to the entire territory of European Russia or groups of several regions. Modern historiography of the issue features studies emphasising the regional features of peasant horse breeding in provinces of the Russian Empire in the s period. However, the state of the peasant horse breeding economy in many provinces of Russia has received little scholarly attention in the country, alongside comparative analysis of peasant horse breeding across regions or exploration of how central departments, zemstvos and public organisations contributed to the modernisation of the industry.

Subjektiivsuse aspekt Aurora Semperi kontserdikriitikas aastail 1938–1940 ja 1957–1965

The article examines the subjective aspect in concert reviews by Estonian music critic, pianist, teacher and music historian Aurora Semper (1899–1982), investigating whether and how different socio-political context influenced the manifestation of Semper’s subjective evaluations and taste in her writings for the newspapers Postimees (1938–1940) and Sirp ja Vasar (1956–1965). The paper focuses on the question of to what extent Semper’s subjective aesthetic understandings developed by the 1930s, such as seeing chamber music at the top of the hierarchy of musical genres, her educational background, including piano studies and the experience of West European musical life, were expressed during the Soviet regime with its demands on re-evaluation of music according to the Marxist-Leninist ideology. Comparing Semper’s reviews written in the late 1930s and 1960s, enough common features emerge. The found similarities include the preference for chamber music/ensembles and symphony concerts as well as the focus on the performance aspect, interest in historical issues and the observation of the long-term development of the collective/artist. Also, the attitude towards contemporary music is generally supportive and favourable. As a difference, one can notice the absence of stage works’ reviews in Semper’s Soviet-era writings and a stronger ideological message which is not emphasized but which Semper expressed when necessary in her attitudes, as well as the use of language and emphases. It can therefore be concluded that Aurora Semper’s subjectivity, which was strongly shaped by her studies in Europe (Germany, France) in the 1920s, broad mind and curiosity for knowledge, marriage to an intelligent and tolerant writer and politician Johannes Semper, music history teaching experience and a delicate character, became visible in the relatively free press of the independent Estonia in the 1930s and remained generally unchanged, despite the new socio-political context, in the much more rigid and ideologically controlled Soviet years.

Comparison of Traditional Chinese Thought and Xi Jinping's Understanding of Governance through the Hundred Schools of Thought

Xi Jinping, often referred to as the contemporary Mao, has introduced numerous development plans on a national and global scale since taking office as President in 2012. Having learned lessons from the disastrous Cultural Revolution which aimed to implant socialist ideas in China and resulted in the deaths of millions, Xi Jinping declared a new era in governance by emphasizing the importance of "Chinese Characteristics". Now, a Chinese government that has overcome the 'century of humiliation’ and is capable of confronting Western powers through a concerted effort, has successfully integrated Marxist-Leninist ideology with Chinese characteristics. Xi Jinping's philosophy, which combines modern requirements with the principles of traditional Chinese governance, has become part of the CCP ideology. Xi's comprehension of governance stems from traditional Chinese philosophy. The Warring Principalities era and the emergence of the Hundred Schools of Thought are the foundations of Xi's understanding of governance. This article investigates the heritage and evolution of Xi Jinping's governing ideology from ancient Chinese traditional beliefs, using the example of the "Hundred Schools of Thought". The article aims to explore the value implications of traditional Chinese governance thought in contemporary political life. Additionally, it seeks to promote the essence of ancient Chinese traditional culture, investigate its relevance in modern times, reveal patterns of cultural development, and offer guidance on how to carry forward and inherit the traditional Chinese cultural perspective.

Listening to Human Rights: Class Conflict in Hanns Eisler’s Deutsche Sinfonie

Abstract In what began as a piece against the Nazi concentration camps, the composer Hanns Eisler and his collaborator, the poet and playwright Bertolt Brecht, created the eleven-movement, twelve-tone Deutsche Sinfonie, Op. 50 (1935–1958) to communicate political ideas. They soon expanded it to articulate what they saw as the very roots of fascism: militarism and capitalism. To explain the problems of class conflict in Europe, Eisler and Brecht focused on two groups that were central to Marxist–Leninist ideology: peasants and industrial workers. In two movements, the Peasant Cantata (Bauernkantate) and Workers Cantata (Arbeiterkantate), they portrayed long-standing injustices that peasants and industrial workers endured in the twentieth century. Eisler thus viewed the Deutsche Sinfonie, his largest and most ambitious work, as a way of explaining the arc of modern German history—from the late nineteenth century through to the 1940s—and how the Nazis came to power. The article further argues that the Deutsche Sinfonie can be analysed in relation to the discourse on human rights, drawing on the work of Martha Nussbaum, Micheline Ishay and other human rights theorists and historians, as a contribution to what Mark Philip Bradley calls the ‘global human rights imagination’. The article explains the vital role that the Peasant Cantata and Workers Cantata had in the overall conception of the work and how human rights issues were at the core of that musical idea. To place the Deutsche Sinfonie in historical and cultural context, this interdisciplinary analysis integrates methodologies of both cultural history and musicology.

Activities of Club Institutions in the Soviet Period (by the Example of the Tatar Locality of Mordovia)

Introduction. The events of the October Revolution of 1917 completely changed all aspects of public life. This change occurred, among other things, due to large-scale public education. The purpose of enlightenment was the formation and popularization among the citizens of the country of a new proletarian culture based on Marxist-Leninist ideology. The spread of club institutions helped to achieve this goal. The purpose of the article is to analyze the activities of club institutions in the Tatar locality of Mordovia during the Soviet period. The article contains statistics on the number of club institutions and their variety, talks about the difficulties that club institutions faced, and so on. Materials and Methods. The research is based on documents from the Central State Archive of the Republic of Mordovia. Previously published studies that talk about Soviet educational policy have also become an important source. The methodological body of the study includes comparative-historical, chronological and statistical methods. Results. During the study, statistics were prepared on the number and types of club institutions in the Tatar locality of Mordovia, and some of their features have been identified. Problems faced by club establishments have been identified. The main problems were material difficulties, the lack of proper attention to club institutions by local authorities, and the lack of qualified personnel. Discussion and Conclusion. The study of this topic made it possible to establish that the Tatars living in Mordovia, together with the Russian and Mordovian people, became part of the general cultural and educational process that began after 1917. In the Tatar locality, various club institutions developed, which, in the case of good personnel work and a responsible attitude on the part of local authorities, became a real cultural center and carried out large-scale political and educational work. The article also provides examples of the unsatisfactory work of club institutions. For example, they did not function in every Tatar locality. Often, one club could unite several settlements, and this situation was observed throughout Mordovia.

Karadağ'daki Ortodoks Kilisesi Ile Ilgili Olarak Radikal Ateizm 1945-1960

The roots of radical atheism in Montenegro can be found at the beginning of the existence of the Yugoslav state in the interwar period. The Podgorica Assembly, which had the goal of formalising the unification of Montenegro with Serbia and other Yugoslav provinces, was held in November 1918. The Assembly proclaimed the decision to merge Montenegro with Serbia. Three members of parliament (MPs) came forward with radical atheistic requests at the Assembly, demanding that all the church’s property should be confiscated and handed over to the state. Some churches and monasteries were to be turned into public chapels for burials, and the others into schools and cultural institutions. During the interwar period, the Communist Party existed mostly illegally in Montenegro, and did not show any greater intent to impose radical atheism. During the Second World War, a strong revolutionary movement led by the Communist Party developed in Montenegro, as did also a counter-revolution. At that time the Communist Party and the partisan movement showed a strong degree of radical atheism, with elements of militant atheism, especially in the killing of a large number of church clergy (monks, priests and graduate theologians) during the war. However, the Communist Party did not implement radical atheism in the fields of ideology and the economy. It would do that only after the Second World War, when it assumed power over all spheres of social and public life. At that time, within the process of nationalisation and agrarian reform, significant material goods (buildings, land, forests and movable property) were taken away from the Orthodox Church in Montenegro. The same was done to the Catholic Church and the Islamic religious community. The process of radical atheism in an ideological sense took place parallel with this process. The intention of the Communist Party was to completely remove the church from social life, and implement atheism among the people, and practically turn them into believers of the new Marxist-Leninist ideology.

“Our Best Four for Five”

The article focuses on how the Communist Party in Bulgaria used slogans in the physical environment as party propaganda. An account of the historical context in the country after the Second World War is provided that lead to the establishment of a Communist regime and the drastic changes it brought in all spheres of life. The books of two Bulgarian philosophers written before the democratic changes in 1989 are commented on – an inside criticism of the inherent flaws of the Communist ideology and its practices that countered the innumerable official laudatory appraisals of the system. In the text, a distinction is made between Marxist-Leninist ideology and ideologies in liberal democracies. Discussed are the repetitiveness, the omnipresence and the key signifiers used in the slogans. Structurally, slogans are viewed as single-sentence texts whose communicative function is explained in terms of speech acts. Analysed are their most frequent topics and linguistic features.

Право на образование в Конституциях ГДР и СССР

The article considers the right to education recorded in the Constitutions of the German Democratic Republic and the Soviet Union, as well as some related norms applied in the Soviet zone of Germany. The author used the comparative legal method, e.g., the method of normative comparison, to compare the education laws in East Germany and the USSR. The state regulation of education started in East Germany in the pre-republic period. The period of 1945–1949 saw a ban of private schools, a single structure for all comprehensive schools, and a stipulation of equal rights to education. The constitution of the German Democratic Republic, which appeared in 1949, enshrined these norms at the statutory level. However, the new Constitution inherited a lot from the Weimar Constitution. The consolidation of education rights in the Constitution of 1968 differed from the variant of 1949. The Constitution of 1968 did not follow the education model of the Soviet Constitutions of 1936 and 1977, which were almost identical in structure and content. Despite the strong influence of both Soviet law and Marxist-Leninist ideology, the Constitutions of East Germany were independent in terms of education rights.

Влияние марксистско-ленинской идеологии сталинской лингвокультуры на школьные учебники истории СССР 1930–1950-х годов

The paper considers the formation and development of the USSR history education exposed to the 1930–1950s state policy and expressed in the resolutions of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and the Council of People’s Commissars. It analyses the origins of the widespread revolutionary terminology in the political, social and everyday life of the country. The paper focuses on the formation of a special linguistic culture of the Soviet society after the release of I. V. Stalin’s «Short course of the CPSU (b)». It updates the influence of the official documents language, party leaders’ and statesmen’s public speeches, the «Short Course of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks», 1930–1950s Soviet periodicals and dictionaries on the vocabulary of the school history books of that time. The educational publications of this period conducted the Marxist-Leninist understanding of history and served a tool for influencing the worldview of Soviet schoolchildren. The main textbooks of this period contain numerous examples of specific words, reflecting the interpretation of historical events and processes in line with Marxist-Leninist ideology. The paper provides brief information about the authors of educational publications and the results of textbook competitions initiated by the party and state bodies. The conclusion refers to the content adjustment of history textbooks depending on ideological attitudes.

The impacts of the 1973 and 1979 oil crisis on Central and Eastern European countries

The 1973 and 1979 oil crisis had profound impacts on the global economy. As a result of the Yom Kippur War in October of 1973, world oil prices quintupled between 1973 and 1974. The crisis was structural in its nature and led to the end of postwar prosperity in Europe. In Western Europe and the United States, economic slowdown was coupled with persistently high inflation and rising unemployment rates. The situation of the world economy was further exacerbated by the collapse of the Bretton Woods system in 1971, which had widespread negative consequences. Additionally, the 1979 Iranian Revolution resulted in another “oil crisis” and caused a severe recession. Despite the harsh propaganda, based on Marxist-Leninist ideology, the Soviet bloc had to face a permanent economic crisis from the mid-1970s. The socialist countries postponed the introduction of structural reforms in their national economies and preserved their obsolete production and export sectors. Due to the lack of adjustment to the changed circumstances in the world economy, the structural crisis became deeper and prolonged more in Central and Eastern Europe than in the West. This paper aims to highlight the impacts of fundamental changes brought by the oil crisis on the socialist countries. It also evaluates the main reasons of economic slowdown and growing indebtedness of the region.

The New Cold War: U.S., Russia, P.R. China

This essay seeks to explore major challenges confronting the United States in a new Cold War era. It proposes that the Cold War entered a new phase, post-1991, with the Soviet Union restructured as the Commonwealth of Independent States. Yet, CIS is increasingly a “Ring of Instability” which Russia seeks to remedy by supporting pro-Russian factions and building new buffer zones after the Russia-Georgia War in 2008, annexing Crimea in 2014, and invading Ukraine in 2022. But P.R. China’s quest for world dominance via extension of “soft power” and “unrestricted warfare” poses an even greater challenge to the Free World. The U.S. confronts a Sino-Russian axis and their client states--North Korea, Vietnam, Laos, Cuba--sharing a Marxist-Leninist ideology and totalitarian one-party systems wrapped in nationalism. While healing its internal social divisions due to identity politics, the U.S. needs to reclaim its technological lead, rebuild its manufacturing, and strengthen alliances, where its partners need to take on greater responsibility for the common defense.

Этнографические экспедиции под руководством Д. А. Золотарёва и политика коренизации в Карелии

The Soviet national policy, its pluses and minuses for modern Russia is a topic that causes constant discussion. In this situation, for the professional community of ethnologists, such interconnected problems as the role of ethnographic knowledge in solving the national question, the relationship between scientists and authorities, and the influence of the dominant Marxist-Leninist ideology on research have acquired particular relevance. Despite the large number of domestic and foreign publications devoted to these problems, many of them (the zigzags of the Soviet nationality policy, its features in various national regions and their influence on the work of ethnographers) have not yet been sufficiently studied. The article for the first time in the historical context (national policy, attitude of the authorities to ethnography) examines the activities of the first Soviet ethnographic expeditions in Karelia under the leadership of the outstanding ethnographer and anthropologist D.A. Zolotarev in the 1920s. The main sources for the analysis were the works devoted to the biographies of the participants of the expeditions and their works; field reports published in periodicals of those years or stored in archives. It is noted that these unique large-scale expeditions had a pronounced applied value, aimed at implementing the indigenization policy. Strengthening of the ideological dictate, strained relations with Finland and the emerging departure of the authorities from the policy of indigenization at the turn of the 1920s-1930s. began to prevent an objective assessment of the material and successful independent field research of the peoples of Karelia.

Семейно-бытовая обрядность народов Дагестана: историографический обзор

Based on historical-comparative, typological, chronological, and systemic general scientific methods, the article gives a historiographical review of pre-revolutionary, Soviet and recent his-torical, and ethnographic sources, as well as literature on the family rituals of the peoples of Da-gestan. In the Soviet and Russian ethnographic tradition, these rituals are usually attributed to the rituals of the life cycle - birth, reaching maturity, changing social status, marriage, death, and bur-ial. Rites of the life cycle are a group of rites that mark the main stages in the life of each member of society. They have ethno-cultural significance, since they are directly related to local, in partic-ular, ethnic identity and act as an important mechanism for the formation and preservation of the stability of traditional culture. According to the author, pre-revolutionary historiography, present-ed by Russian and local Russian-speaking authors, was descriptive. Under the influence of the Marxist-Leninist ideology and the class approach in describing the phenomena of culture and life, Soviet historiography, represented by metropolitan and local ethnographers, was engaged in fixing marriage, family, wedding, maternity and funeral rites and customs of relics of ancient forms of family and marriage, pre-monotheistic beliefs, and party functionaries - the fight against obsolete harmful remnants and introducing new rituals into socialist life - Komsomol and no alcohol wed-dings, etc. Both Soviet and post-Soviet authors, describing family rituals, focused on clarifying the traditional layer and new customs. The latest historiography of family rituals pays attention to the transformational processes in them under the influence of globalization, modernization, and urbanization. Giving the nomenclature of historians and ethnologists of modern, Soviet and mod-ern times engaged in the study of wedding, maternity and funeral rites of the peoples of Dagestan, the author also conducts researchers of family life among other peoples of the Caucasus and Rus-sia.

Sovyet Dönemi Kırgız Romanında Hegemonik Erkeklik Söylemi

1917’ye kadar yazılı edebiyata ulaşamamış olması sebebiyle Kırgız edebiyatında roman türü dünya edebiyatına kıyasla daha ileri bir tarihte ortaya çıkmıştır. 1936 yılında yayımlanan ilk roman Uzak Col’dan başlayarak, bağımsızlık tarihine kadarki süreçte yaklaşık 100’e yakın romanın yazıldığı görülmektedir. Söz konusu eserlerin büyük çoğunluğu Marksist-Leninist ideoloji merkezli şekillenmekle birlikte bu romanlarda Sovyet ideolojisinden uzak birtakım fikir ve düşünceler de yer yer işlenmiştir. Ancak hangi fikir ve düşünce temelli olursa olsun Sovyet dönemi Kırgız romanının ideolojik bir anlayışa bağlı olarak doğduğu ve geliştiği bir gerçektir. Çoğu yazar, edebiyatın bir propaganda aracı olarak merkezin sesi olma zorunluluğunu göz önünde bulundurmuş, bazıları ise bu güdüme rağmen satır aralarında kendi ideolojik dünyalarını da yansıtmıştır. Nitekim ideoloji, hegemonik söylemi açığa çıkarır. Dolayısıyla merkezin veya yazarın hegemonik söylemi yoluyla roman türü ideolojinin/bilginin nesnesi konumuna dönüşmüştür. Özellikle Sovyet ideolojisinin öteki üzerinde hâkimiyet kurmaya eğilim göstermesi veya yazarın metnin içerisinde hâkim ideolojik bir söylem üretmesi, kadınlık/erkeklik hâlleri ve ideal/öteki kahramanlar üzerinden kurgulanır. Amaçlanan ideal kadınlık/erkeklik, milletlerin/millî kimliğin inşası ile ilintilidir. Bu sebeple, Sovyet dönemi Kırgız romanında toplumun ve kültürün sembolik olarak ilerlemesini, düzenini temsil eden erkekliğin hegemonik söylemin içerisinde nasıl tasavvur edildiğini ortaya koymak önemli görülmektedir. Bu çalışmada, dönemin eril tahakkümü, idealize edilmiş erkeklik söylemi, bedensel kurgular, eril idealler ve bu ideallerin karşıtı ötekiler ele alınmaya çalışılacaktır.

EDUCATION AS AN OBJECT OF CULTURAL ANALYSIS: THE FORMATION OF THE “BOLSHEVIK WORLD” IN THE KHERSON REGION

The purpose of the article is to analyse the peculiarities of the formation of the “Bolshevik world” in the education and culture of the Kherson region. The current situation in Ukraine is somewhat similar to the beginning of the 1920s when the “Bolshevik world” was formed, and the population was instilled with a Soviet worldview. The scientific novelty consists of studying artificially created cultural and educational paradigms in Ukraine as a phenomenon of humanistic genocide by the Bolsheviks. The research methodology consists of applying the approaches of cultural studies, pedagogy and history, and analytical, structural and problem-chronological methods to find out the purpose of the Bolshevik educational policy in the formation of a new cultural space. Conclusions. It is proved that after the seizure of power in Ukraine, the Russian Bolshevik elite began to impose the “Bolshevik world”, spreading ideologically directed Russianlanguage literature as a means of fighting for the masses. The author noted that the Russian language was automatically transferred to the Ukrainian educational process, the main element of which was the propaganda of communist ideals. The school basis was labour and social education, collectivism, commune and herd thinking. The most critical in the political world was assigned to institutions of higher education, admission to which was carried out on a social basis. Culture should also serve to popularise and instil communist ideology. Art was defined as a form of social Marxist-Leninist ideology in the interests of the proletariat’s class struggle for communism. Almost all representatives of Soviet culture were tested entirely. Only works of art that corresponded to Bolshevik dogmas were allowed, and political and ideological attitudes measured their artistic value. The population had to read “ideologically correct” literature only, not have their own opinion and work. Consequently, a certain “genetic” selection was made when people of proletarian origin loyal to the Party were needed to govern the country. In the mass consciousness, socialist culture promoted absolute faith in leaders and Communist dogmas.

ІСТОРІОГРАФІЯ ДОСЛІДЖЕННЯ ПАТРІОТИЧНОГО ВИХОВАННЯ В ШКОЛАХ УКРАЇНИ ДРУГОЇ ПОЛОВИНИ ХХ – ПОЧАТКУ ХХІ СТОЛІТЬ

The article analyzes scientific works devoted to the traditions of patriotic education in Ukrainian schools of the second half of the 20th – early 21st centuries. The leading tendencies of this process are determined on the basis of studying the publications in the press of that time, manuals and monographs of scientists-teachers. The conducted logical-historical analysis of the scientific problem gave grounds to state that patriotic education in Ukrainian schools in the second half of the 20th – early 21st centuries has not been the subject of a separate comprehensive research. Despite the interest of scientists in some issues of retrospective experience of patriotic education in the schools of Ukraine in the second half of the 20th – early 21st centuries, in scientific research on this issue within these chronological limits either highlighted some aspects of organizational nature or conducted extensive research on the theory and practice of educational work. The analyzed scientific works on the traditions of patriotic education in Ukraine give grounds to conclude that there is no comprehensive systematic study of the theory and practice of patriotic education in Ukrainian schools during the second half of the 20th – early 21st centuries. The analysis of these works suggests that the formation of a new man was considered by the classics of Marxism-Leninism as one of the main tasks of building a new society, and international and patriotic education was an important component of this process. It was found that the scientific works of the Soviet period, devoted to the educational process in general and patriotic education in particular, are important because they contain significant factual material and allow to characterize the socio-political and pedagogical contexts of the problem. At the same time, the expressed ideas are distinguished by bias, connection with Marxist-Leninist ideology, lack of objective assessment of pre-Soviet pedagogy and foreign pedagogical theory and practice, as well as the state and prospects of patriotic education in the Soviet state. The historiographical analysis made it possible to substantiate the theoretical and methodological principles of research (educational concepts, directions, types and principles of patriotic education, features of the organization and methods of its implementation in schools of Ukraine). It was found that the content, forms and methods of patriotic education of students have undergone transformations under the influence of socio-political, cultural and socio-pedagogical factors. The conducted research does not exhaust all aspects of the researched problem and testifies to the necessity of further elaboration of the issue of patriotic education of Ukrainian schoolchildren in the period of independence.