Martial Rule Research Articles

Emerging Trends of Radicalization in Global Context and Pakistan and their Solution in the Light of Islamic Teachings

Terrorists use violence to create fear. Comprehending why terrorists kill innocent civilians is crucial to understanding the situation. The current discussion on ‘root causes' focuses on identifying a terrorist's anti-civilization motivations. But the debate over what motivates a terrorist misses the circumstances that enable terrorism. To reduce the number of terrorists, it is vital to identify their enablers and root causes. Terrorism's purpose will take a decade or more to decrease, and its capabilities will need continual attention. Radicalism shares several values. It was a happy, tranquil, prosperous period. Fundamentalists believe that change comes from above, and hence support force and coercion above democracy and popular will. So, the structure isn't democratic. One for every fanatical. Armed forces toppled progressive anti-imperialist leader Ahmed Soekarno in 1964, slaughtering communists posing as American imperialism. In 1973, General Pinochet killed Chile's first elected socialist president, Silva Durlande. Forcing martial rule in Pakistan and deposing Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, fundamentalists supported General Zia-ul-Haq. Extremism and fanaticism yield their fruit. Our religious seminaries teach the same mindset that is spread by Islamic groups and religious politicians, which has produced the present position for Islam and Muslims worldwide. However, what is the right Islam? If there is a religious riot in Muslim culture, it is not the preaching of secularism, but a religious counter narrative that may bring peace. ۔
 Keywords: Radicalization, Emerging trends, Solution, Islam, Pakistan

Phonography Culture

Phonography Culture

A Nightmare of the June 17, 1970, Martial Rule, and: Similarities Between the Revolutions

A Nightmare of the June 17, 1970, Martial Rule, and: Similarities Between the Revolutions Efe Duyan (bio) Translated by Richard Gywn and James Vella a nightmare of the june 17, 1970, martial rule th e you ngwor ker swhoc utthei rtee th andoldm enw hoar medt hemselv eswi thwalk ings tickshav ecar ried thr ought heent irecitythev oiceof a s hip’s b ell th echild ren whoc rammed alltha t t hey ha ve stu died intothe irsch oold esksan dreturn edhomebe forel earni ng tore ad prop erly have spr eadth eirw ingsand arep ec king atthe doo rsof perc eptioninorder t o s p i tther ust f ro mthe irm out hs [End Page 29] similarities between the revolutions revolutions toolike grand planscan’t be plotted in great detail like punctual trainsoffer peaceand never look back once set off like suicideon every occasionforge a connection between us that I can’t name like close friendsare also useful in covering our own defects like babies screaming in joynever tire like methey—in truth—don’t like crowds like all of usit is a lie that they wish the best for everyone like all godsthey are sure they are capable of creating the world in a few days like the relationshipsyou suddenly find yourself a slave to like womenyou can only suppose you understand them like a loverthey can only let you down like a platonic lovethey are beautiful after all [End Page 30] Efe Duyan Efe Duyan was born in Istanbul, Turkey. His books of poetry include Sikça Sorulan Sorular (Frequently Asked Questions), Tek Şiirlik Aşklar (One Poem Stands), and Takas (Swap). He teaches the history of architecture at Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University in Istanbul. Copyright © 2019 University of Hawai‘i Press

Democracy and Martial Law in the Philippines: A Misconception that Leads to Misinformed Citizenry

The most precious among all the rights and freedom accorded to a human is the right not to be restraint by anyone, including the State. When there are restrictions to a person, the presumption always ends up in violation of these rights accorded under the fundamental law and the law of the United Nations. The objective of the study is to inquire into the true intention of democracy and martial rule if they are inconsistent or one of them is really a tool to keep one’s rights and freedom, or there is only one that should exist, and they may not be both exist in one system, meaning the existence of one is nigh and in contrast with the other. Specifically, it aims to discuss the following: What is the meaning of Democracy and Martial law? What are the effects of Martial Law in a Democratic system of government? Why do people fear Martial Law? What are the instances of the declaration of Martial Law? Is Martial Law a means or tool or a system of government? The study will present the legal bases of Democracy and Martial Law through the available data, primarily government documents. The scope of the research concentrates on the laws and policies affecting the government and the people to compare and analyze through the records and jurisprudence. A case study is appropriate for this study because researchers have used the case study research method for many years across a variety of disciplines. Social scientists, in particular, have made wide use of this qualitative research method to examine contemporary real-life situations and provide the basis for the application of ideas and extension of methods. The study pointed to the fact that the people must be informed of the effects and benefits of martial law through government agencies and the media. The local government must also do martial law education for their constituents and by utilizing the barangays. The Dept. of National Defense, The Dept. of Interior and Local Government and the Commission on Human Rights must come out with a clear handbook or guidelines about the effects of martial law on the people. The Dept. of Education and the Commission on Higher Education must devise a curriculum or subject that tackles and discusses martial law effects.

The racialized death-politics of urban resilience governance

ABSTRACTIn the essay, ‘Necropolitics’, Achille Mbembe attends to the contemporary subjugation of life to the power of death – exceptional violence that exceeds the biopolitical aim of fostering life – thus alluding to a state of emergency in which law is suspended and martial rule is brought into force. However, as several commentators have suggested, exceptional politics does not need to be legitimized by a declared state of emergency, such as in cases where governmental and non-governmental actors are vested with powers to take strong measures against specific urban sub-populations in the name of security or order maintenance. Still, even these reworked and expanded approaches to death-politics revolve around sovereign exceptionality and the accompanying fabrication of undesirable ‘others’. Somewhat counterintuitively, the present article advances an analysis of racialized security politics issuing from the breakdown of representational, topographical boundaries between ‘inside’ and ‘outside’, ‘us’ and ‘others’. Illustrated by a case from Malmö, Sweden, it urges greater attention to how necropolitics could operate entirely outside the trope of emergency as exception. The principal argument is that urban security politics, when operating within the frame of resilience governance, involves distinctly different configurations of necropolitics, which require a critical-theoretical vocabulary outside the traditional framework of securitization.

Civil Society under Martial Rule: Comparing the state-civil society nexus under the rule of two dictators in Pakistan

Contemporary discourse on civil society asserts democracy as a precondition for a successful working of civil society and a vibrant civil society for a smooth working of democracy. Yet there have been exceptions. On one hand some predominantly authoritarian regimes around the world are said to have harbored vibrant civil societies such as some countries of East Asia and Latin America. In this context, this paper overviews the growth and development of civil society in Pakistan during the rule of two military dictators in Pakistan viz. Ayub Khan (1958-1969) and Zia-ul-Haq (1977-1988) in the light of state-civil society models of conflict and coordination. It further seeks to explore: How those dictators treated the civil society in Pakistan? What was the response of civil society towards the dictatorial rule? And can we draw some parallels in the working of this nexus during the two eras?

The origin and development of emergency regimes in Cameroon

The purpose of this study is to trace the origin and development of emergency regimes in Cameroon, to address their negative impact on the current structure of the political system and to highlight the need for change in the country. Emergency regimes are generally brought into being in exceptional circumstances and allow states to (legally) suspend law and infringe human rights when confronted by threats to their existence. They generally include a state of emergency, a state of exception, a state of siege and martial rule. In the case of Cameroon, these regimes are a legacy of French colonialism, and were introduced into the country's legal system to sustain harsh imperialist policies. Traditionally it is believed that a state of emergency and a state of exception are declared in response to circumstances threatening the state's existence (such as natural cataclysms, invasions, and general insurrections), but the peculiarity of these regimes in Cameroon is that they have been and still are used as a political device. Indeed, in the context of colonialism and war of independence between French colonial authorities, their local acolytes and indigenous Cameroonians, emergency regimes played a key role in eliminating political challengers, increasing the powers of the executive, and absolving it of any accountability and responsibility. However, in the process, these measures ended up losing their exceptional character as they entered the sphere of normalcy. The current hypertrophy of the powers of the executive entity in Cameroon dates back to that period, and it is consequently difficult to distinguish between a Cameroon society in crisis and one in peacetime.

Nation, Space, and Exception

Pakistan’s first military dictatorship launched the Basic Democracies scheme in 1960, after a bloodless coup that dissolved political parties and legislative institutions. Naqvi’s essay considers how the architects of the “BD system” reconceived the Pakistani nation in response to the ends of martial rule, namely, the permanent empowerment of the postcolonial executive. Naqvi theorizes the BD scheme as an extraconstitutional system of governmentality that produced the Pakistani citizen ambivalently—as an authentic yet nontranscendent subject of the nation. He further shows how the Basic Democracies scheme rationalized the state’s negation of wider channels of democratic participation by nationalizing the parochial as an expression of the true “genius” of the Pakistani people. Such attempts to fragment and reassign the experience of national solidarity, he contends, drew inspiration from the racial assumptions of the colonial state in a postcolonial context marked by uncertainty about the form of Muslim national solidarity. Moving between programmatic literature on Basic Democracies and nineteenth-century colonial debates on the reform of local self-government, the essay traces the genealogical and comparative significance of the following question: Can a nation in which democratic participation is confined exclusively to the local level continue to feel and act as a nation?

Kuhn's Structure of Scientific Revolutions and Developments of History and Philosophy of Science and Science and Technology Studies in Taiwan: A Short Story

Although Kuhn's Structure of Scientific Revolutions was first published in 1962, its entries to Taiwan are rather late and curious. Taiwan's martial law rule was long (thirty-eight years) and lifte...

Thinking Straight: Queer Imaging in Lino Brocka’s Maynila (1975)

The separation in so-called public political discourse and private identity issues attained recent cultural cutting-edge status in the articulation of gender issues. In view of the artificiality of disciplinary boundaries, this paper seeks to evaluate the potential of queer politics (focused on gay-male practice) within the exploratory terms provided by a major city film, Lino Brocka’s Maynila: Sa mga kuko ng liwanag (1975), produced during martial rule. The area of application of this analysis will be Philippine popular culture, in consideration of the country’s position as a post-colonized territory that had set up a dictatorial regime to facilitate neocolonial control by the US.

From Martial Law to the War on Terror

This article explores the transformation of martial law into emergency powers. In so doing it presents an argument about the liberalization of martial law and the constitutionalization of emergency powers. In showing the ways in which the powers of martial rule have become normalized within liberal democracies the article points to an ideological circuit between emergency powers and the logic of security, a circuit most apparent in the current "war on terror."

Philippines: Trauma of a Failed Presidency

The year 2000 ended violendy in the Philippines, signalling a period of turbulence that puts the country's democratic institutions to the severest test. On 30 December, as Filipinos prepared to celebrate the start of a new year, five powerful bombs ripped through the Manila area. The bombs were set off on a crowded commuter train, a packed bus, near a hotel in the business district, a public park across from the American embassy, and in a restricted area close to the fuel depot of the airport. The bomb attacks, still unsolved at the time of writing, killed twenty-two and injured over a hundred. The sophistication of the explosives, the methodical execution of the terrorist operation, and the timing of the attacks raised many questions among a stunned public. The police went through the usual suspects: the armed communist factions, the Islamic separatist movements, and the military groups responsible for the coup attempts of the late eighties. Somehow, none of the usual suspects were acceptable explanations for the senseless bombing. The bombings, after all, occurred during a period of high political tension. President Joseph Estrada has become the first Asian chief executive to be formally impeached. On the last day of trial before the holiday break, a senior bank executive gave explosive testimony before the Senate sitting as an impeachment trial court. Clarissa Ocampo, senior vice-president of one of the Philippines' largest banks, told the court that Estrada, under a false identity, was the true owner of several bank accounts holding hundred of millions of pesos. Recalling the incidents of 1972, when Ferdinand Marcos ordered bombing attacks on the metropolis to justify his imposition of martial rule, many Filipinos feared that the 30 December bombings were a prelude to an adventurous scheme to retain Estrada in power in the face of mounting evidence of misdeed. The year ended with even more pessimism than it began. The bomb blasts and the explosive evidence being introduced in the Senate were not the only pieces of bad news troubling a confused population. The Finance Secretary announced at year-end that the national budget deficit could

Advocating Democracy: The Role of Lawyers in Taiwan's Political Transformation

Litigation has not been a significant strategy in Taiwan for challenging injustice due to the use of the Civil Law tradition as a model for the Republic of China legal system and the diminished autonomy of the ROC legal profession and legal system under martial law and authoritarian rule. Individual lawyers, however, were among the leading proponents of reform during Taiwan's recent transition to democratic rule. Furthermore, one of the significant liberalizing reforms ushered in by the democratic transition has been the reform of the ROC legal profession. We examine the contribution of some lawyers to democratization and consider what role the reconstituted ROC legal profession may play in the political economy of Taiwan in the future.

The Islamic Threat

There is little dispute that the Iranian revolution, the ensuing hostagecrises in Tehmn and Beirut, the Salman Rushdie affair, and, finally, thePemian Gulf war have drastically changed the image of Islam in the West.The hetoric of the most ardent Muslim activists has been accepted at facevalue, and Islam has been identified as a revolutionary force with an axe togrind against the West. Although the Western phobia of Islam has somejustification, the West has allowed stereotypes and shibboleths to rule itsjudgment too easily. Explicitly, as well as implicitly, Islam is depicted in themedia and even academic literature as the religion of war, vengeance, anddestruction-as a force that is inimical to the orderly conduct of internationalrelations and the progress of society and politics. Islam is viewed as hostileto democracy, minority rights, and women's welfare. Islam as a world civilizationhas been reduced to Islamic fundamentalism, and even then the Westhas preferred to cling to political slogans rather than grapple with complexsociopolitical pmesses in undetstanding the theoretical and political challengeof Islamic movements.The radications of the simultaneous reduction of Islam to fundamentalismand the "mythologization" of fundamentalism are immediately clear.The West turned a blind eye to a brutal military coup in Algeria in 1991, believingthat martial rule would be a far better option for Algeria and the Westthan an Islamic government in Algiers. The reaction to the crisis in the formerrepublics of Yugoslavia has been equally perplexing, especially in the lightof Serbia's glorification of its genocidal carnage of Bosnians as "a worthycause" that Europe will eventually appreciate. After all, the Serbs are "doingEurope a favor by ridding it of the menace of Islam." Muslims have in factcharged, and rightly so, that the West follows a different set of standards ondemocracy and human rights when it comes to Muslim societies.Is the Western reaction to things Islamic mere genuflection or does it reveala more deep-seated anger and distrust of Islam? If the latter is the case,what will the consequences of such a policy be for global interests of theWest? The Islamic threat: Myth or Reality? offers answers to these queries.Esposito, a leading expert on Islamic studies who has written prolifically onthe relation of Islam to politics, provides a lucid examination of the roots ofMuslims' activism and the Westem response to it. He places the attitude ofIslamic movements towards the West in the context of the Muslim experience ...

Book reviews

Book reviews

The State of Martial Rule: The Origins of Pakistan's Political Economy of Defence. By Ayesha Jalal. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. 362p. $44.50.

The State of Martial Rule: The Origins of Pakistan's Political Economy of Defence. By Ayesha Jalal. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. 362p. $44.50.

Book reviews

Book reviews

The State of Martial Rule: The Origins of Pakistan's Political Economy of Defence. By Ayesha Jalal. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990. xiii, 362 pp. $44.50.

The State of Martial Rule: The Origins of Pakistan's Political Economy of Defence. By Ayesha Jalal. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990. xiii, 362 pp. $44.50.

The state of martial rule: the origins of Pakistan's political economy of defence

Preface List of abbreviations Map of Pakistan Introduction 1. The demand for Pakistan, 1940-1947 2. Pakistan's share of the spoils 3. Constructing the state 4. Wielding state power: politicians, bureaucrats and generals 5. Breaking down the political system, 1954-1958 6. State and society in the balance: Islam as ideology and culture 7. The state of martial rule, 1958 to the present: towards a conceptual framework Glossary Select bibliography Index.

The State of Martial Rule: The Origins of Pakistan's Political Economy of Defense.

The State of Martial Rule: The Origins of Pakistan's Political Economy of Defense.