Maritime Competition Research Articles

Maritime dimension of Modi’s foreign policy: Indo-Gulf maritime cooperation and its implications for Pakistan

Owing to its geostrategic significance, the Indian Ocean is central to global maritime competition. Aimed at establishing its dominance over the Indian Ocean, India is an important player in this global power struggle. The current paper focuses on a crucial sub-region of the Indian Ocean, i.e., the Persian Gulf. Indian maritime security strategy (2015) mentioned the region as central to its interests. The study aims to uncover the maritime dimension of PM Modi’s foreign policy, the strategic significance of the Persian Gulf region for India, and the enhanced maritime Indo-Gulf interaction since Modi took office in 2014. A significant focus of the research is to analyse the possible implications of enriched Indo-Gulf maritime cooperation for Pakistan's foreign and defence policies. For probing the issue, a qualitative research method has been utilised. Primary sources included official documents and reports by the Ministry of External Affairs and the Ministry of Defence of the Indian government. Books, newspapers, and research articles were consulted as secondary data. The Paper concludes that the gradual increase in the maritime interaction between India and Gulf states is seriously challenging Pakistan’s historical standing in the area. Pakistan needs to pursue a proactive strategy for securing its interests.

해양경찰 간부 양성제도 연구

With the advent of the era of maritime competition over territorial sovereignty and marine resources worldwide, the role of the Coast Guard, a maritime executive agency, is becoming increasingly important. There is a growing demand from the public that wants to provide the highest level of administrative services internally and demands rational leadership in terms of fairness and justice. Coast Guard officers carry out important tasks to manage the organization, deal with pending issues, and design the future with a basic spirit of service and democracy to the people. Therefore, it is an important and urgent matter to be competitive in the organization and provide the best service to the people through the training of competent executive personnel.
 Despite its long history, the Korean Coast Guard maintains the previous system in its officer development system. It has been maintained until today without significant changes in the basic framework of Police Executive Candidate, which is the initial system. As a result, the overall organizational competitiveness has been weakened externally, and it has not been able to keep pace with the rapidly changing marine environment. Internally, it is deriving various problems such as lack of leadership, pure bloodism, and failure to promote its own director.
 In order for the Korean Coast Guard to become an institution that leads the pending maritime issues and provides high-quality services, it is necessary to diagnose the problems of the officer development system and seek alternatives. In consideration of the constraints of the scope of the study, this study will focus on the recruitment system and education and training of beginner officers among various categories related to officer development.
 First, we will look at the recruitment system for beginner officers and the current status of education and training for advanced foreign and domestic similar institutions. Next, we will identify the problems caused by the Korea Coast Guard officer development system. Finally, I would like to present a reasonable alternative to the development plan of Korea Coast Guard officers by focusing on the recruitment of beginner officers.

Maritime policy during the Spanish, Portuguese, Dutch, and British occupation of Indonesia

Geographically, 70% of Indonesia's territory is water. This made the nations that occupied Indonesia such as Spain, Portugal, the Netherlands and Britain have their own policies towards the colony, namely Indonesia. In general, the purpose of arrival was due to control of Indonesian spices such as pepper, cloves and nutmeg. They came to Indonesian territory by sea until they came to power in Indonesia and regulated water and trade policies. The law of the Tordesillas treaty regulated the division of exploration routes between Spain and Portugal. Spain and Portugal proved to be the opening sea explorers. The path they crossed became a reference for other nations to explore as well. The Dutch with the longest colonization time in Indonesia succeeded in making the archipelago once achieved its greatest expansion. The Dutch also regulated the policy of shipping routes and ports according to the current situation in that place and the prevailing political policies. There was a strong maritime competition between the Dutch and the British that led to the Dutch-British treaty. The British developed power in the sea and land areas of the Malay Peninsula to Sarawak-Borneo, while the Dutch with a base in Batavia developed sea and land areas to the tip of the outer islands in the east.

France and Germany in the South China Sea, c. 1840–1930: Maritime Competition and Imperial Power

France and Germany in the South China Sea, c. 1840–1930: Maritime Competition and Imperial Power

A Maritime Conversation with America

Over the last century, the U.S. Navy has encountered critical moments when the emergence of new technologies and competitors cause paradigmatic shifts, undermining established operations and force structure. Today, the rise of an assertive China and its new anti-access and area-denial capabilities threaten the aircraft carrier-based maritime dominance of the U.S. Navy. Citizens and elected officials alike need to be conversant in the process to create the strategy, forces, and metrics needed to guarantee that the United States wins the emerging maritime competition in the Western Pacific. It is time to explain to the American public the enduring considerations and limitations that shape the operations of their global Navy.

Traffic Inequality and Relations in Maritime Silk Road: A Network Flow Analysis

Maritime traffic can reflect the diverse and complex relations between countries and regions, such as economic trade and geopolitics. Based on the AIS (Automatic Identification System) trajectory data of ships, this study constructs the Maritime Silk Road traffic network. In this study, we used a complex network theory along with social network analysis and network flow analysis to analyze the spatial distribution characteristics of maritime traffic flow of the Maritime Silk Road; further, we empirically demonstrate the traffic inequality in the route. On this basis, we explore the role of the country in the maritime traffic system and the resulting traffic relations. There are three main results of this study. (1) The inequality in the maritime traffic of the Maritime Silk Road has led to obvious regional differences. Europe, west Asia, northeast Asia, and southeast Asia are the dominant regions of the Maritime Silk Road. (2) Different countries play different maritime traffic roles. Italy, Singapore, and China are the core countries in the maritime traffic network of the Maritime Silk Road; Greece, Turkey, Cyprus, Lebanon, and Israel have built a structure of maritime traffic flow in the eastern Mediterranean Sea, and Saudi Arabia serves as a bridge for maritime trade between Asia and Europe. (3) The maritime traffic relations show the characteristics of regionalization; countries in west Asia and the European Mediterranean region are clearly polarized, and competition–synergy relations have become the main form of maritime traffic relations among the countries in the dominant regions. Our results can provide a scientific reference for the coordinated development of regional shipping, improvement of maritime competition, cooperation strategies for countries, and adjustments in the organizational structure of ports along the Maritime Silk Road.

The India–China bilateral relationship: a ‘serious and enduring rivalry’

ABSTRACT Sino-Indian relations have seen many ups and downs since the late 1940s. This paper surveys the bilateral relationship by considering their border dispute, status-competition, and economic relations before it examines various geostrategic points of contention, including: relations with Pakistan and the United States; bilateral water disputes; China's Belt and Road Initiative; nuclear weapons policies; and maritime competition in the Indian Ocean. The Galwan Valley incident in June 2020 – which saw Indian and Chinese soldiers killing each other with improvised weapons – is treated as an inflection point; thereafter the bilateral relationship has deteriorated from what T.V. Paul called a ‘managed and enduring rivalry' in 2018 into a ‘serious and enduring rivalry’ now. This finding provides wider context for the papers which follow in this special edition; these consider whether Sino-Indian rivalry presents, on balance, more opportunities or greater challenges to the smaller states in the Indian Ocean region.

Chapter One: Defence and military analysis

Chapter One: Defence and military analysis

Cold war maritime competition

Cold war maritime competition

India’s ‘Indo-Pacific’ Strategy: Emerging Sino-Indian Maritime Competition

India is rapidly modernising its naval capabilities and expanding its maritime interests in Asia-Pacific region. The recent surge in its maritime domain is associated with two factors: Firstly, the rise of China as an ‘Asian power’ with growing influence in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR); secondly, India’s aspirations to become a leading player in the IOR while expanding its sway in the Pacific ocean. This paper argues that India’s increased regional engagements and its strategic partnership with the US will strengthen Indian footprints in the Indo-Pacific region which will increase security concerns for China. This paper explores the evolution of Indian strategic thinking over the years on ‘sea power,’ examines the emerging contours of India’s ‘Indo-Pacific’ strategy as well as fulfilling its aspirations of becoming a global power, and discusses the implications of ‘India’s Extended Neighbourhood’ policy for China’s economic and strategic interests in East Asia and the South China Sea.

Made by Migrants: Southeast Asian Ivories for Local and Global Markets, ca. 1590–1640

Investigation of the early development of ivory carving and trade centered around colonial Manila from the late sixteenth to the mid-seventeenth centuries reveals that the production of ivories depicting Christian subjects in the Spanish Philippines was inextricably linked to three interlocking developments in Southeast Asia: maritime trade, migration, and competition. Ivory carvers in Southeast Asia supplied the quickly rising ivory market on a regional and transoceanic scale with visually impactful sculptures of Christian iconography, which claimed authoritative status as preferred religious objects in the colonial Spanish territories.

Cruising for a Bruising: Maritime Competition in an Anti-Access Age

This paper explores the likelihood of maritime crisis stability between China and the United States by building on existing research on the Sino-American naval balance and the concepts of offense–defense theory. Whereas a “denialist” school in security studies argues that counterintervention technology makes defense dominant in the region, the US Navy remains a fleet designed for an offensive approach of power projection and sea control. Although this stubbornness in the face of a sophisticated anti-access capability might be attributable to a strong operational culture and obvious bureaucratic incentives, we posit additional forces suggesting defense dominance will not lead to crisis stability. At sea, offense–defense distinguishability is low and the temptation to strike first is high. Future interaction between current US and Chinese fleet designs risks a crisis or even war that will endanger the US fleet, potentially leading to the loss of the very military advantages underpinning American hegemony that its navy seeks to defend.

Too Important to Be Left to the Admirals: The Need to Study Maritime Great-Power Competition

For the first time since World War II the most likely friction points between a rising, potentially revisionist power and a declining, largely status-quo power are located at sea. This special issue accordingly seeks to set an appropriate agenda for security studies research. It presents six interconnected articles exploring different dimensions of maritime competition, largely between China and the United States. Between them, the articles employ three important approaches to security studies: quantitative analysis, pairing classic international relations theory with qualitative evidence, and operational-level research. Together, they consider different geographies—competition and conflict in the Western Pacific versus in the greater Middle East; different issue areas such contending legal claims and control over sea lines of communication; and, finally, different uses of naval power—including blockades, naval diplomacy, fleet engagements, and nuclear escalation. Combined, the issue encourages applying the many classic approaches of security studies to this high-stakes relationship while considering maritime conflict as distinct from other forms, such as land and nuclear, that have traditionally occupied the field.

The dilemmas of regional states: How Southeast Asian states view and respond to India–China maritime competition

ABSTRACTThis article examines contemporary perceptions and the corresponding responses of Southeast Asian states vis-à-vis India–China maritime competition. Specifically, it examines the cases of Singapore, Vietnam, and the Philippines. These countries provide useful cross-comparisons as, bilaterally, all three states relate uniquely to China and the maritime disputes in the South China Sea on the basis of two structural conditions – their formal security relationship with the US and whether they are a claimant state in the South China Sea dispute. The link between the range afforded by these three cases and the manner in which it drives their perceptions towards India–China maritime competition forms the core of this article. These three countries perceive differing levels of threat from China and have chosen a range of external balancing strategies to deal with these perceived threats. The nature of US–China and India–China security competition, the latter specifically in the maritime realm, structures the external balancing strategies they have pursued. There are, this article argues, important links between US–China and India–China strategic competition in structuring the external balancing strategies these countries pursue.

China’s Naval Base(s) in the Indian Ocean—Signs of a Maritime Grand Strategy?

The article assesses China’s Indian Ocean strategy against the backdrop of its naval base development in Djibouti. It argues that China’s naval force posturing stems from a doctrinal shift to ocean-centric strategic thinking and is indicative of the larger gameplan of having a permanent naval presence in the Indian Ocean. China’s maritime strategy comprises four key components. First, to channel naval reinforcements for securing its maritime trade and economic interests in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR)—even as it strengthens the Maritime Silk Road initiative. Second, to develop logistical and operational capacities for a permanent far-seas presence, including preparedness for maritime combat and non-combat operations. Third, to undermine India’s geo-strategic influence in the IOR as the two lock into a near zero-sum game maritime competition. Fourth, to overcome the threat of US naval dominance and deter its coercive tactics by enhancing the costs of military conflict. Beijing’s ultimate objective is to emerge as a ‘global maritime power’ capable of commanding the far seas and oceans.

What shall we do with the drunken sailor? EC Competition Law and Maritime Transport.

This study examines the application of EC competition law in the special environment in which the shipping industry operates, with special emphasis on the two block exemptions of Art. 3 of Regulation 4056/86 and Art. 3 of Regulation 823/2000. It will show that, like with a drunken sailor, something is seriously amiss with the way EC competition law is applied in this specific field. The first chapter provides some background information on the development of the shipping industry since the middle of the 19th century and an overview of the main legal developments in EC maritime competition policy. Chapter two, which constitutes the main part of this paper, contains an analysis of the two block exemptions mentioned. Chapter three addresses the question whether the current approach of EC competition law is adequate and compatible with the relevant Treaty provisions. This will lead to some concluding remarks on the question whether the current approach should be continued or whether it is advisable to modify it.

Building a More Secure Maritime Asia

In the past several years, maritime Asia has witnessed increasing security challenges, and this trend may persist in the near future. There are several underlying dynamics, including a geopolitical power game, lack of maritime governance and competition for maritime resources. However, in this globalised world, countries become quite interdependent and competition/confrontation is not the favourable policy choice. All countries share common interests in maintaining a stable maritime order, safeguarding the sea lines of communication (SLOCs) and developing a maritime economy. With China a rising maritime power, Chinese maritime policy has become important for Asia. Though incurring some misperception and misunderstanding, China will stick to its peaceful development strategy and try to foster a “harmonious ocean”, instead of resorting to the so-called “Neo-Mahanian Doctrine”. In achieving this, China will adopt an increasingly cooperative maritime policy, with the 21st-century Maritime Silk Road (MSR) initiative supplementing the effort.