Map Of Greece Research Articles

The Symbolic Topography of Oedipus’ Life. Some Remarks

The author of Oedipus Rex manages to reconstruct the hero’s life path against the background of the map of Greece of his day. In doing so he constructs the imaginary of the protagonist’s identity, one that is inextricably linked to his mental blindness as opposed to the tragic, self-inflicted blindness meted out to himself as a punishment for his crimes.

Border-line Polarization: Maps, Banal Nationalism, and Altruism

Going back to at least the seminal work of Benedict Anderson, scholars have recognized that maps --- that is, pictorial representations of national boundaries --- have been a core component of nationalism and nationalist sentiment throughout the world. Despite this recognition, precious little scholarship has examined to which maps themselves may affect the psychological predispositions of humans. In this paper we attempt to examine this. We conduct an experiment using a nationally-representative sample of the Greek population and have these subjects divide imaginary financial resources between themselves and others --- specifically, citizens of the four geographical neighbors of Greece --- using the Social Value Orientation (SVO) slider measure. In our instructions for the SVO task, subjects see a colored (but unlabeled and unreferenced) map of Greece and its neighbors. For those in the treatment conditions, we manipulate borders such that Greece loses part of its territory to neighbors. We find that, when compared to subjects who saw the regular map of Greece, huge partisan splits emerge. Whereas left-leaning and right-leaning Greeks in the control condition have similar SVO towards Greece's neighbors, right-leaning Greeks in the treatment are much more individualistic than left-leaners.

Maximum macroseismic intensity map of Greece for the time period 1953–2011

The aim of this paper is to present the spatial distribution of macroseismic intensities assigned in modified Mercalli (MM) scale, across the Greek territory. For this purpose, a digital database with more than 30,000 local seismic intensity recordings from 156 major earthquake events that affected Greece and adjacent areas during the period 1953–2011 was developed. These events have focal depths up to about 150 km and surface-wave magnitudes (Ms) greater than 4.4. Various GIS-based techniques for data analysis and map creation were applied. A number of seismic intensity maps have been produced taking into account different attributes like intensities for shallow or deep events, maximum intensities by administrative units, maximum intensity for significant earthquakes, etc. The main map produced is the national map of maximum seismic intensities for shallow earthquakes (scale 1:1.500.000). The final layout also contains the maximum seismic intensities for deep earthquakes, the tectonic lines of Greece, the earthquakes of the database as well as the seismic intensities for two significant earthquakes in the last six decades.

Broadband municipal optical networks in Greece: A suitable business model

This paper proposes a business model for the optimal exploitation of the currently developing broadband metropolitan area networks in Greece. Having recorded and examined relevant international practices, we describe in detail the way that these networks should be managed, operated, maintained and expanded. Taking into consideration that these infrastructures will widely alter the broadband map of Greece, that Greece has currently one of the lowest broadband penetration percentages in Europe and that the proper exploitation strategy of the networks to be deployed could boost the demand for broadband connections and applications, the application of the optimal business model appears to be of vital importance. We describe the proposed business model in detail, including ways for expanding the broadband infrastructures, as well as tackling of viability issues regarding the authority responsible for managing the broadband metropolitan networks.

IV. Hellenistic Historians

The two centuries that separate Thucydides and Polybius saw a vast change in the historical map of Greece. The cosy world of the Aegean, upon which the destinies of Sparta and Athens had played themselves out, became the largeroikoumenêextending from Spain to India. From the north, the mainland Greeks had to contend with the rising power of Macedon, which eventually swept all before it. Then Alexander’s conquests, on a scale never previously seen, opened up the entire world of the Near East and part of the Far East to Greek arms and Greek culture, and this interaction left in its wake a series of kingdoms of varying size in Macedon, Egypt, and Syria, with an appetite amongst themselves for competition and conquest. In the other direction, the Celtic incursions, culminating in the great attack on Delphi in 278, compelled the Greeks to turn their eyes westward. The Sicilian Greeks, of course, had their own varied history during this time, both amongst themselves and against the great power of Carthage. And also from the west, Rome slowly but steadily began to come within the purview of the Greeks. Not surprisingly given such changes, the ways of writing history changed as well. Numerous writers in the fourth and third centuries penned histories of great breadth and variety, and by the time Polybius came to write his own work, he had before him a vast array of approaches to the past. As we shall see, Polybius expressed himself forcefully on these types of historiography, and it will be worth while here to give a brief summary of them.

Classical Greek Drama in Modern Greece: Mission and Money

Classical Greek Drama in Modern Greece: Mission and Money Stratos E. Constantinidis Introduction Lines 1164-1165 in the éxodos of Aristophanes' Ecclesiazousae are generally assigned to Praxagora's drunk maid. She tells Vlepyros "And you too, move your feet in the Cretan manner." Textual evidence suggests that she urges him to perform a "high stepping" dance: the little girls (meirakes) who accompany the chorus, are told to mark the rhythm "with the whole leg" (1167), and the chorus members urge each other to "Get it up" (1179) as they make their exit. High step, straight back, head held high are features of Minoan Cretan dancers (Lawler 1964: 94-95). The drunk maid bequeathed modern directors a quandary: should they use a modern Cretan dance, or concoct—lacking archeological records—an allegedly "archaic" one? Alexis Solomos, the first director to revive Aristophanes' comedies at the Epidaurus theatre , gave his productions a flavor of the 1950s rather than stage shaky inferences about how the ancient Greeks supposedly performed in their amphitheatres. "My purpose," Solomos said, "was not so much to present an artificial revival as to prove a natural survival " (Solomos 1974: 11). The maid's lines circumscribe a wider problem in the revival of classical drama on modern Greek stages: should a theatre company "translate" the verbal and visual aspects of the ancient plays to suit the understanding and tastes of modern audiences or preserve the verbal, paraverbal, and non-verbal elements? Historically, this problem has proven to be a tough one for the modern Greek theatre, having caused great conflict between the advocates of rival production styles. There is no exact equivalent in the English theatrical tradition for this kind of conflict. The present study aims at describing the issues and tensions that have resulted from reviving classical Greek plays in modern Greece. Their history, in brief, consists of the century-long amateur 15 16 Stratos E. Constantinidis productions (1830-1930) followed by half-a-century of professional (subsidized) productions (1931-81). The focus here is on the first period . From the Neoclassics to the Classics Modern Greek theatre was born outside Greece in the large Greek communities of Bucharest (Romania), Alexandria (Egypt), Odessa (U.S.S.R.), Vienna (Austria), Venice (Italy), and Constantinople (Sideris 1970: 151). High school based community theatres produced Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, and Aristophanes in translation for ideological purposes. The productions, say, of Hecuba (Bucharest 1817)—a collation of passages from Homer's Iliad rather than Euripides' tragedy (Zoras 1967: 509)—and Sophocles' Philoctetes (Odessa 1818), served as tools for instructing the subjugated Greeks against the Turkish domination. Rigas Pheraios' Map of Greece (1797), for example, which portrayed an ideal Greece stretching from Crete to the Danube, bears a drawing of an ancient Greek amphitheatre in the upper left-hand corner, thus affirming the importance of theatre as a cultural expression of Greek unity (Kambanis 1948: 129-130; Dimaras 1964: 162-163). Between 1791 and 1821 the Greek Enlightment turned out some 65 plays in translation such as Pietro Metastasio's Orpheus and Euridice (l797), Goethe's Iphigenia Among the Taurians (1818), and Vittorio Alfieri's Orestes (1820) (Sideris 1976: 18). Published and produced translations of the Greek classics such as Sophocles' Ajax (1817) divided the plays into acts and scenes and incorporated the original choral lines into the dialogue. This spirit of adapting the classics to current esthetics was an initial approach to reviving ancient Greek drama (Sideris 1976: 17). During the 1835-36 season, several actors and intellectuals went to Athens, the capital of new Greece, to assist in the rebirth of drama (Veis 1940: 19). Costas Aristias, for example, came from Bucharest and became artistic director of the amateur Friends of Drama Company. This company set a double goal for itself: to teach a generation of young actors to perform ancient Greek plays in Athens and other major towns and to re-educate the modern Greek audiences to the cultural treasures of their own past apart from Italian and French melodramas (Paraskinia 1938: 269-273). Ironically, the company produced Vincenzo Monti's Aristodemus (1840) and then disbanded. Aristias returned to Romania while melodramas and operettas dominated the theatre of Athens from 1840 to...

The Ancient Shape of Attica

The physical shape of Attica has not altered appreciably since ancient times; Attica is far too well founded for that in the remote geological structure of the Aegean. But Attica is a promontory, an akté, plunged in the sea at the far end of the main watershed of peninsular Greece; and filled also with abrupt and lofty mountains, which prevent it from being ‘easy to oversee’ (eusynoptos) in the sense prescribed by Aristotle for his ideal city-state. Consequently the ground-plan, the ‘shape’ of Attica on a map of Greece, has been differently interpreted by different observers.On the modern map, based on ‘trigonometrical’ measurement of angles subtended by bases of exactly measured length, Attica appears as a wedge-shaped promontory, one side of which lies between Piraeus and C. Sunium, the other between Sunium and the bend of the coast south of Rhamnus. The angle between these two coasts is about 45 °, or half of a right angle. West of Piraeus, the island of Salamis, seen from the sea, not only looks like part of Attica, but conceals the great ingression of the Saronic Gulf into the Bay of Eleusis. And north of Rhamnus, even on the modern map, few people realize that the coast runs much more nearly west than north—bearing about 300° from Rhamnus to the Euripus Strait; so completely does Euboea insist on its immemorial connexion with Attica, and disguise the fact that from Parnassus east-ward into Attica the Greek mainland is an isthmus, lying nearly east and west, and only about 24 miles broad between the bays of Livadostro (anc. Creüsa) on the Corinthian Gulf, and Skroponeri on the Euboean channel, on the border between Boeotia and Locris.