Map Of Europe Research Articles

Sweden between East and West

changes in the map of Europe during the first half of the twentieth century will certainly be a trial for schoolboys and teachers of history in generations to come. For Sweden, the recent changes in European frontiers have special implications; they have resulted in the dislocation of a European equilibrium which was of primary concern to them. First let us look briefly at some recent territorial changes as they affect the small powers of the Baltic and Sweden in particular. In the far North, Russia has taken from Finland a strip of territory which, since the treaty of Dorpat in 1920, had given the Finns access to the Arctic with the ice-free harbour of Petsamo. It is of interest to Sweden as Norway's closest neighbour that the new border thus established gives Russia a common boundary with Norway. This frontier is only 122 miles long, but the Soviet Government has used it at least once to put pressure on Norway, and indirectly on all Scandinavia. This happened in January 1949 when Norway decided to join the Atlantic Pact.

The New Saarland

T I XHE six years since cessation of hostilities in Europe have brought to the fore, among many other complex and critical questions, the longunsolved puzzle of the Saarland. Although overshadowed by the larger problems of East-West relations and a satisfactory settlement with Germany, the Saar question deserves a thorough re-examination, both in its own right and as an aspect of the German problem. The nature of the long conflict between France and Germany over the strategic and valuable little territory coupled with events of the postwar years indicates that solution will be difficult. Furthermore, even a quasi-permanent settlement of the Saar question, as in the case of other small contested areas, is somewhat contingent on the outcome of the current not-so-cold cold war: the problem cannot be considered an isolated one, to be solved on its own merits, however desirable that might be. On January I, I95i, it was announced that the Saarland, already in economic union with France, had achieved de facto political autonomy within frontiers established between I946 and I949. However, the French, British, United States, and Saar governments have agreed that the present status is only tentative, to be confirmed, modified, or canceled in the treaty with Germany. At the time of this writing there is evidence that the defacto status will, with some modifications, be made de jure. In view of the recent appearance of a Saar state on the map of Europe and the possibility that it will remain for some time, it seems appropriate to examine some of the political-geographical factors in the establishment of the new polity.

Gioan Francesco Camocio and his large map of Europe

Gioan Francesco Camocio and his large map of Europe

The Welfare Map of Europe

Next article No AccessThe Welfare Map of EuropeW. Hardy WickwarW. Hardy Wickwar Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Social Service Review Volume 20, Number 2Jun., 1946 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/635798 Citations: 1Citations are reported from Crossref PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:W. Hardy Wickwar Social Welfare and Political Science, American Political Science Review 40, no.33 (Sep 2013): 563–571.https://doi.org/10.2307/1949330

Kodály's Choral Music

It is nearly twenty years since the performance of ‘Psalmus Hungaricus’ in Gloucester Cathedral awakened English singers and their audiences to the existence of Zoltán Kodály and induced a considerable number besides I.S.C.M. adherents to place his name on their musical map of Europe. It was not a matter of general sympathy for the Hungarian loss of three million Magyars under the treaty of Trianon, or even of polite interest in the Jubilee celebrations of the union of Buda and Pesth which had occasioned the production of the work in 1923. In forming musical inclinations the English do not think much of revisionist movements, least of all in the Shires. All the same, it was fitting that singers whose oratorio tradition had been closely bound up with the forms of Italian and German opera and the literary devotion of the English School should turn for a change to a fresh and intensely national sphere of influence by way of freshening their religious repertoire.

An Orchestra for London

To say that the map of Europe has changed during the last five years is to remark on the obvious. To understand the implications of the change as they concern music is a little more difficult. It is clear that most of the international centres for presenting music under favourable conditions have gone, some for good reasons, others for unhappy causes. Berlin, Vienna, Prague, Budapest and Salzburg can hardly function again on pre-war lines until many years are past. Paris, Brussels and London are left with the responsibility of maintaining music, international music, at its highest level.

The Arabic Edition of the British Council Map: Europe and the Middle East

Note: The original request, made to the Society in 1940, was for a map in Arabic. This involved compilation in English, but it was hoped that the two versions would be published almost at the same time. The drawings for the map were first seen at a Meeting of the Society in May 1942, and they included a first drawing for an Arabic name-plate, but it was not nearly up to the standard of calligraphy required: Nor were the methods of writing European names in Arabic accepted as the best to be made of a very difficult and controversial matter. The Arabic drawing had to be revised in substance and made again. After many meetings of committees the general principles were agreed, and the Society was fortunate in obtaining the assistance of Dr. Joseph Schacht, who has compiled the decisions made on these principles, but with many necessary exceptions, which are set out in his note which follows. Meanwhile there was a long search for an Arab calligrapher who should work in London under the immediate superintendence of Dr. Schacht, and with the continual assistance of Mr. C. E. Denny. Eventually the services of Mr. Seoudi were obtained in December 1943. And when the draw? ing for the Arabic name-plate was at last completed and approved in April 1944, there was still the question of making the photogravure plate to fit exactly the other plates of the map, and then of finding the opportunity of printing the map, in some rare interval when the photogravure presses of Messrs. Harrison were not engaged on work of higher priority. The English edition of the Map of Europe and the Middle East was pub? lished in September 1942: the Arabic edition now only in April 1945. The long delay has been disappointing, but in the hard circumstances of the time inevitable. We can hope only that the quality of our ambitious undertaking will be found to satisfy the high standards demanded in such a map. A. R. H.

The Fate of the Baltic Nations

IN THE recent stormy years and perhaps even more so in recent months, the future of the three Baltic Republics, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, has been causing deep concern to those dealing with and responsible for the establishment of international peace, lasting friendly relations, and collaboration at the end of this war between the great western democracies, on one side, and the great Soviet totalitarian State, on the other. A serious difference of both a political and ideological nature exists between the English speaking democracies and the Soviet Union on this vexed question, as America and Great Britain have refused to recognize the annexation of the three Baltic republics by Soviet Russia. The three Baltic peoples, the Lithuanians, the Latvians, and the Estonians had been completely forgotten by the outside world, and were only brought to the attention of the present generation through the upheaval of 1914-1918. They took their place on the new map of Europe as fully recognized independent national entities in 19181920. While the Allied and Associated Powers were slow in deciding, after 1918, whether or not to recognize the three new republics, Soviet Russia acted immediately and put into operation Lenin's doctrine of self-determination of peoples, establishing full reciprocal diplomatic, consular, and commercial relations with them. Full de jure recognition by the Allies came later. Before Soviet Russia was forced into this war by Hitler's unprovoked attack, she had come to an understanding with Germany by which Germany recognized Soviet Russia's annexation of the Baltic States and the eastern part of Poland, while Soviet Russia recognized Germany's incorporation of Memel into the Reich and the annexation of the remaining part of Poland.

Map of Europe and Middle East

A MAP of Europe and the Middle East on a scale of 1: 11 million has been published by the Royal Geographical Society on behalf of the British Council. The map is drawn on Murdoch's third conical projection and extends from Western Europe, the British Isles and Iceland east to Rangoon and south to Abyssinia. It will fit obliquely with two adjoining sheets, North America to Britain and the Far East, which are now published in outline only but are to be completed later. Land relief is shown by contours and layer colouring in tints of brown and hill shading in lavender grey corresponding to a light thrown from the top left-hand corner of the plate. Contours are at 50, 100, 200, 500, 1,000 and subsequent 1,000 metres, which is fully as many as the scale can bear in some areas. Principal railways are shown as red lines and selected roads as red dotted lines. Political boundaries as in 1938 are marked and there are also shown oil fields, pipe lines, ancient sites, deserts, marshes and glaciers. No submarine relief is shown: water is blue. Names of countries and principal rivers and towns are in black. An edition with names in Arabic is to be published. The present sheet (No. 1), flat or folded, costs 5s., or, flat, with the outline edition of No. 2 and No. 3, which are not sold separately, 8s.

The Beast From the Abyss

The role of Germany is written in the clearest print upon the map of Europe. In the centre of the European land mass it is, apart from Russia, the greatest homogeneous unit within that mass. With some seventy-eight million inhabitants, largely self-sufficient in food, with great industrial resources of every kind, its inhabitants have spilled over its natural limits and can be found beyond the Vistula, the Bohemian Mountains, the Alps, the Danube and the Rhine. Racially, linguistically, and self-consciously distinct, this nation has vast dynamic energies which it is supremely capable of organising and a strong historic consciousness of its geographical-historical position. That position has two aspects. As the Germanic tribes silted into their present territories, they had the Roman Empire on their Western flank, a static and friable organisation inviting aggression; on their Eastern flank the tribal and barbaric wave beat up against them. The attitude bred by that situation still remains, a feeling of predatory virility towards the Western and settled nations, the lands of the evening; an attitude of cultural defensiveness towards the vast, level, amorphous frontiers to the East. There is no doubt what is Germany’s natural role; it is to be the mistress of Europe. Divine Providence has apparently ordained that she should be a mistress too tyrannical to be tolerated. For this enormous and extremely able nation has certain obvious psychological defects which make the unrestricted use of its natural supremacy intolerable. It is a very selfconscious nation; it is a politically immature nation; it is an arrogant nation; a warlike one; cruel, unscrupulous, emotional. There is a dark strain of tribalism and totemism in its make-up, despite enormous civilised achievements.

Europe Lays Asia Open to Aggression

THE dismemberment of Czechoslovakia marks the beginning of a new era in European and hence in world affairs. In this new era the outstanding factor is the domination of Europe by a highly armed, aggressive totalitarian state based immutably on the theory that force is the determinant in all political and international relations. The first objective of this new German Empire is to make itself economically self-sufficient. When that has been achieved by redrawing the map of Europe it will be in a position to demand and obtain the redrawing of the map of the world. Hitler has demonstrated anew the truth proclaimed two thousand years ago by Wu, the Chinese philosopher of war, that the greatest general is he who wins his battles without fighting. By making his enemies believe that he is stronger than in truth he is, Hitler has bluffed them into yielding. In the process he has broken down the last vestiges of the system based on international law and agreement and has proved to the world that the democracies will sacrifice their friends, their allies and their principles when threatened by brute force. That this change in Europe will have repercussions in the Far East goes without saying. For the last half century the interrelation between European and Asiatic political trends has been intimate. Remains to inquire, therefore, first, in what manner the new growth of Germany is likely to influence Europe, and, second, how this in turn is likely to affect the Far East. What this means for Western Europe can best be understood in the light of the German thesis of world power. For a half century or more German political scientists have preached the doctrine of the geographic determination of world power. Not only the lay of the land, but what lies under it and what it can produce, they insist, determine a nation's policy. Lacking important resources such as oil and copper, and needing markets for industrial products, Germany has had to look abroad for both. The most popular doctrine before

Regional Governments for Regional Problems

ment is trying to rule an area vaster than that of a dozen European governments combined. Take a map of the United States and superimpose it upon a same-scale map of Europe. San Francisco falls where Liverpool is, while Baltimore drops somewhere east of Constantinople. New Orleans keeps company with Palermo, while Minneapolis goes northwest of Moscow. The entire kingdom of Italy, with its fortytwo million population, is considerably smaller than the single State of California with only six millions. Put France and England together and you have a smaller combined area than the State of Texas. Kentucky matches Portugal, Indiana is bigger than postwar Austria, and Belgium would fit comfortably into the niche that Maryland occupies. People do not think of our individual states in such national terms, because European nations and American commonwealths are rarely shown on maps of uniform scale. In a geographical sense the United States is not simply a nation but a league of nations.

Summary of The Geology of Denmark

Between the North Sea and the Baltic Sea lie a peninsula and a number of islands which, from early times, have been the home of the Danes. On a globe these lands appear as a tiny patch, even if their situation is sharply defined and easily found, and in fact on a map of Europe their extent is only small, and yet, for more than a thousand years they have formed an independent state, Denmark.There are few countries to whom the sea has been of greater significance than it has been to this one, and few peoples have felt themselves more closely connected with the sea than the Danes. Whereas elsewhere the sea is more nearly a dividing factor, to Denmark it has been that which united the islands and the peninsula into one whole; it formed the high-roads round which the Danish realm grew up at the close of antiquity. It is the geological structure of this country that will be briefly sketched in this work.

Geological Map of Europe, executed under the direction of Joseph Prestwich, F.R.S., by W. Topley and J. G. Good-child. About 22 × 16½ inches, mounted on linen to fold. Oxford University Press, 1928. Price 2s. 6d.

Geological Map of Europe, executed under the direction of Joseph Prestwich, F.R.S., by W. Topley and J. G. Good-child. About 22 × 16½ inches, mounted on linen to fold. Oxford University Press, 1928. Price 2<i>s</i>. 6<i>d</i>.

The New Map of Europe and the Ukraine

The New Map of Europe and the Ukraine

The Little Entente

THE new states which in Central Europe have taken the place of the Hapsburg monarchy owe their creation to the living will of the peoples who tor centuries had been op pressed in Austro-Hungary, and who had in vain endeavored to secure within that state the necessary conditions for a free and full development of their economic and cultural life. The revo lutionary activities of these peoples?whether of a military or diplomatic character, whether undertaken abroad, side by side with the Allies, or at home?were the clear expression of this will, which could only be acted upon successfully because the Euro pean War created the pre-conditions for a new adjustment of Europe and because the substitution of new independent states for the Austro-Hungarian monarchy was not only an act of historic justice but at the same time in the interests of Europe generally. The Danubian monarchy was the aider, abettor and tool of Hohenzollern imperialism. It was, moreover, by its very constitution, the outward expression of a German-Magyar system of violence and the living negation of those ideals which brought half Europe and America into the conflict. Its removal became a manifest necessity as an insurance against future dangers and in order to secure the triumph of the principles for which the war was fought. The changes which have thus been made in Central Europe are, of course, greater than any which have taken place in other parts of the continent. An entire great state has been obliterated from the map of Europe, an ancient and mighty dynasty deprived of its power and dominion; frontiers of new states have been de limited, and with their creation there have been severed political ties and, above all, economic ties of no mean importance. It is not surprising that there are people who regard with scepticism the capacity of the new states for independent exis tence and who have doubts regarding their future destiny. The question arises whether Europe has gained by this new adjust ment of conditions at her very center. Has the dissolution of a great economic entity, with a vast network of arteries and com munications, and its severance into various fractions isolated from each other by customs barriers, contributed to European

The League of Nations and the Protection of the Inhabitants of Transferred Territories

CURRENT discussion of the policy of the United States toward the work of the Paris Conference has centered chiefly on the immediate advantages which may accrue to the American people from the post-war liquidation, and on the commitments which we may undertake for the event of future wars. confusion which has been engendered in the course of this discussion has tempted us to forget some of the responsibilities which the United States shares with the other principal belligerents, as a result of the role we played in achieving the Allied victory. It was not surprising that the zeal for success should have diverted attention from the ends to be served by victory while hostilities were still in progress, but war zeal generally outlives its usefulness and tends to becloud the understanding upon whiel the political solutions wrought by war depend. Any peace which might have been made in 1919 would certainly have resulted in the creation of the new states of Poland and Czecho-Slovakia, in the transfer of some territory to Italy and Jugo-Slavia and Roumania and Greece, and in the disannexation of some of Germany's possessions over-seas. very progress of the war, as it had developed during 1917 and 1918, made it inevitable that a new map of Europe should be drawn. Even if the travail of pre-war European politics had not pointed in this direction, the expression which President Wilson gave to the political aims of the Allies made it impossible to continue the status quo ante bellum. His rallying of Allied opinion to the slogans of democracy and self-determination may have been more genuine among dissatisfied peoples in Europe than among his own fellow citizens, but the war meant to many Americans a release of oppressed peoples from the domination of their unwilling masters. The principle of justice to all peoples and nationalities, and their right to live on equal terms of liberty and safety with one another whether they be strong or weak, was proclaimed by President Wilson and believed by many millions of men and women, on both sides of the struggle, to run through the whole program of the fourteen points. As such, it was embodied in the compact which the American people made, in continuing as well as in ending the hostilities, with the peoples of Eastern Europe and the inhabitants of German territories outside of Europe. responsibilities of endeavoring to give them complete protection in the territorial readjustment rested primarily on the peoples who were chiefly instrumental in the defeat of the central powers. A settlement which did not face these responsibilities would not only have failed to safeguard the future peace, but it would also have betrayed the solemn faith which the Allies had pledged. I propose to discuss some of the measures which the Paris conference designed to discharge this responsibility of the United States and the other principal belligerents, and to suggest that the enforcement of these measures and the realization of their purposes must still find a place in American foreign policy if we are living up to our obligations and if we are to play the 78

An Analysis of the New International Frontiers in Central and Eastern Europe

THE break-up of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the carving of the Baltic States out of Western Russia. have caused a number of new countries to appear on the map of Europe in the broad isthmus between the Eastern Baltic and the Eastern Mediterranean. It would seem as if the irregular patch-work quilt arrangement, formerly peculiar to the Balkan Peninsula, had been extended by the Peace settlements over the whole of this intermediate belt of Europe, and as if a perverse spirit had inspired the Treafy-makers to multiply to the utmost the length of international frontiers. It is worth inquiring into the. actual increase in these frontiers, as much to show that the percentage increase is smaller in reality than in appearance, as to afford some justification for the arrangements made. Let us examine the area lying to the south of the New Poland first. The length of the pre-war land frontiers of Austria-Hungary including Bosnia-Herzegovina was about 3,300 miles, while that of the frontiers of Serbia with countries other than Austria-Hungary was about 700 miles, and that of Rumania with Russia about 400 miles, thus making a total of about 4,400 miles. Under the new conditions the following States in this area have frontiers to be considered: German Austria, Czecho-Slovakia, Rumania, Hungary, Poland (southern frontier), and Jugo-Slavia. For the purpose of estimating the difference in length of frontiers here, the new frontiers of the first two may be taken as representing the gross increase; because the southern boundary of Poland is then accounted for, and because the new western frontier of Rumania is about equal in length to the old western one, and its new eastern frontier shows no increase in length. It is noteworthy that the throwing together of States in Jugo-Slavia has caused a shortening of frontiers in that region of about 425 miles, as explained below. When the lengthening of frontiers through the emergence of German Austria and of CzechoSlovakia is balanced against the shortening produced by that of Jugo-Slavia, the result is approximately the difference required, and the frontiers of Rumania and Hungary and the southern frontier of Poland can be neglected. In accordance with this plan the following estimates are given, in approximate figures. The increase in frontiers in the new

Bismarck, Pirogoff, and the German Empire, or How the Map of Europe Might Have Been Changed through the Application of a Spanish Fly Blister

Bismarck, Pirogoff, and the German Empire, or How the Map of Europe Might Have Been Changed through the Application of a Spanish Fly Blister

The Role of Political Boundaries

Boundary disputes have ever been potent causes of war. A treaty of peace not infrequently constitutes the casus belli of a new conflagration, because it imposes upon some belligerent illogical and geographically impossible boundaries. The first shot of the second Balkan war was fired during peace negotiations at the close of the first; and the treaty of peace which terminated the second conflict laid the basis for Bulgaria's last assault on Serbia. In each case a political boundary which deprived Bulgaria of certain real or fancied geographical advantages was the cause of war. Italy rejected Austrian tenders of territory and entered the present war against her former ally because the latter would not agree to a boundary designed to secure Italy against invasion from the north. Manifestly anything so pregnant with dangerous possibilities as a political boundary demands careful study. Not until the role which a boundary line should play in the economy of nations is fully understood will it be proper to seek the ideal boundary line. Not until the comparative value of different physical features on the earth's surface in performing the desired role has been determined will it be possible to say which natural boundaries are best. The geographer is always profoundly interested in any discussions bearing on these vital points and particularly so at a time when such discussions have more than ordinary significance in view of the new map of Europe which must soon be drawn. A brief review of four recent papers dealing with boundary problems, two from the standpoint of general principles and two relating to a concrete ease, may therefore be in order.