Malaysian Politics Research Articles

Unity in Diverse Society of Malaysia

Objective: This article aims to use historical institutionalism to examine how the Malay Bumiputera Muslims identity was constructed and analyse people’s responses to related government policies. Theoretical Framework: The role of religion in constructing an identity for Malay Bumiputera (son of the soil) Muslims, who form the majority of the population, is a topic of debate among Malaysians. Since independence in 1957, the supreme law of Malaysia, the Federal Constitution, has pronounced Islam as the official religion but other religious ideologies are allowed to be practiced. Apart from the race riots of 1969, Malaysians have been living in a harmonious and peaceful multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-religious society; where each ethnicity promotes its own culture, while also respecting other diversities and cherishing differences to promote unity. This study applies the HI framework to examine the identity construction of Malay Bumiputera Muslims and also assess people’s responses to related government policies. Method: For empirical data analysis, the authors employ qualitative method through historical analysis based on authentic sources available in libraries as well as interviews with key informants in order to collect data from their personal opinion and experience. In other words, this comprehensive study has used mixed methods beginning with documentary analysis and using qualitative interviews to support the documentary analysis to achieve our objectives. Results and Discussion: The government has taken many steps to promote stability and racial harmony. Still, there are hurdles such as economic disparities among ethnicities, education based on vernacular languages, and others. On top of that, there are vast differences in community identity construction between the Malay Peninsula and the Borneo states, Sabah and Sarawak. To some extent, however, this historical setting has shaped Malaysian politics to be primarily centred upon the Malay and Bumiputera racial-hegemony context. This political setting cannot be avoided, but other ethnics are also permitted to form parties to represent their communities. Conclusion: To conclude, this identity construction has been a way to provide unity in diversity in the multi-racial society which is politically and socioeconomically constructed.

Visual Representation of Selected Malaysian Political Trolling on Social Media: Disclose the Ideology and Power

The visual variety involving internet political trolling in Malaysia also adds to and impacts the audience's awareness of this resource. The existence of internet trolling encourages the audience's openness to give diverse responses and perceptions in politics in Malaysia. Thus, these responses and views will have a big impact on anything that is depicted visually, especially on social media. This study examines the ideology and power behind visual internet trolling on social media. For this purpose, the research methodology applies a qualitative approach based on visual content. Social media such as Twitter is used as the medium and unit of analysis of this study in visual sources. Adaptation of the theory uses Fairclough's (1995) critical discourse analysis and Visual Semiotics Theory by Kress and van Leeuwen (1996) in studying selected visual trolling. By using a combination and adaptation of these theories, visual ideology, and power can be best unraveled. The results of the study found that the visual production of Malaysian politicians' trolling aims to have an impact on the audience's attitude through the ideology and power that is visualized in Malaysian politics. The visual ideological and power construction of trolling also successfully creates an alternative for the audience to express their perceptions and rights, namely the right of expression which underlies to support or criticize Malaysian politics. This study provides knowledge and understanding about the ideology and power behind visual trolling in the Malaysian political context.

Legal experts colluding with the political and economic elites in justifying corruption: the case of Malaysia’s Madani goverment

This paper examines the increasing centralization of power by the current ‘reformist’ Malaysian government through the co-optation of civil society organizations (CSOs) to bolster the moral legitimacy of the integral state. We argue that Anwar Ibrahim’s transition from a unifying figure in oppositional politics to his current role has inadvertently led to the muting of civil society actors (CSAs) and CSOs. This co-optation has significantly diminished the autonomy and influence of civil society in Malaysia’s political landscape. A comparative analysis of the socio-economic strategies employed by Anwar and his predecessor, Najib Razak, reveals that Anwar’s efforts towards wealth redistribution and empowerment of marginalized communities have been limited. This policy approach has disproportionately affected rural constituencies, potentially altering the dynamics of political support. Furthermore, the current administration under Anwar faces criticism for failing to fulfill its campaign promise of holding corrupt politicians accountable. This situation is exacerbated by the involvement of two prominent lawyers representing politicians across party lines, raising questions about conflicts of interest and the integrity of the judicial process. Drawing on Gramscian theory, this paper posits that legal professionals should be incorporated into the concept of the ‘integral state’ due to their capacity to interpret, manipulate, and shape laws in ways that often benefit the ruling elite. This theoretical expansion provides a more comprehensive framework for understanding the mechanisms of power consolidation in contemporary Malaysian politics.

The Influence of Political Memes on Political Marketing Strategy in Malaysia

Rapid development and quick-moving media not only change how people behave and communicate but also completely alter the marketing approach used to promote politics to maintain political power. The usage of memes in politics has also altered the agenda-setting of social groups that are concerned with Malaysian politics. This study aims to examine the impact of political memes on Malaysian youth, particularly on their decision to vote in general elections at the age as early as of 18. It also tries to examine the elements that make memes effective political marketing tools. Using a quantitative study involving 400 young people, it discovered that politics and memes had an impact on the younger generation. Further study is imperative to investigate on the young people preference that influenced their political decision making.

Malaysia’s Anwar, Anwar’s Malaysia

Paralleling dramatic shifts in Malaysian politics since the 1980s have been the twists and turns in the life of Anwar Ibrahim, who became prime minister after decades of striving in November 2022. From student firebrand to wily political strategist, Anwar has been both insider and outsider, balancing principles and ambition, from the streets to prison to parliament, and back around again. Throughout, he has done surely more than anyone else to coax Malaysia along new sociopolitical paths, helping to elevate both conservative Islamism and progressive political liberalism, in novel combinations. His critics are fierce; his fans at least as much so—but his legacy is undeniable.

Private Authority: INTERPOL Involvement in Malaysia's Political Case

This paper elaborates on the private authority which is focused on INTERPOL. Private authority is when nonstate actors create laws or norms that other important actors in international politics accept. There are three sources of authority which are market, moral and illicit authority. The aim of INTERPOL’s establishment is to combat international crimes and facilitates international police collaboration and communication. The writer would like to discuss about “does INTERPOL exacerbate or ameliorate interstate conflict?”. The thesis statement is INTERPOL ameliorate interstate conflict through the cooperation between its member states. INTERPOL usually acts as the middleman that provides information needed by the member states and also assists member states in arresting suspects. Through this paper, the writer will also state the case in which INTERPOL involve in Malaysia. This study will focus on the year 2006 until 2017. The year 2006 was chosen as it was the start of the Altantuya Shariibuu’s case and the year 2017 was chosen as it was the latest year the case of 1MDB was discussed. These two cases were high-profile political case in Malaysia as it is said to involve Najib Razak, the former prime minister of Malaysia. Malaysia was chosen because through these two cases we can see the active involvement of INTERPOL as the private authority that helps its member state in solving the crime by offering a hand. Keywords: international political economy, INTERPOL, Malaysia, member states, private authority

The Voters’ Choice and Hope in the 14th Malaysian General Election

The 14th Malaysian General Elections (GE14) result has proven to be a good platform for democracy after the opposition coalition party successfully topple the ruling coalition party since the first election. This paper discusses a survey conducted four days before the GE14 nomination day announcement to measure the voters’ views and interests. The main two objectives are (i) to measure the voters’ choice of candidates’ characteristics; (ii) to examine the issues that are concerned the voters; and (iii) to discuss voting inclination prior to GE14. The methodology used is a cross-sectional survey conducted from 24 April until 25 April 2018 using a Google survey and distributed through WhatsApp and Facebook. This survey received an overwhelming response and managed to gather 1331 respondents. The survey has 21 items in four sections – demography, candidate characteristics, issues, and opinions on Malaysian politics. The findings portray that candidate characteristics preference has slightly changed from party-based voting to candidate personality.

The Need to Study Political Psychology in Malaysia

This paper aims to describe political psychology and its significance in the context of Malaysian politics. Political studies in Malaysia primarily rely on political science, political sociology, and socio-political analysis. However, it is crucial to examine the political environment and issues in Malaysia from a psychological perspective. Political psychology provides insights into the thinking and behaviour of political leaders and enables an understanding of voters' behaviour. This interdisciplinary approach enriches our comprehension of politics from diverse angles. In the Malaysian context, studying political psychology will enhance our understanding of numerous variables related to political practices. The interaction between politics and psychology, particularly the impact of psychology on politics, is an intriguing subject to explore. A deeper comprehension of political psychology in Malaysia will enable leaders to better appreciate the aspirations of the people and work towards fulfilling their needs. The study of political psychology should aim to uncover the thought processes of political actors and voters alike.

Antara Kubu dan Lubuk: Transisi Politik Johor dalam Pilihan Raya Umum Ke-15

In analyzing the national trend of Malaysian politics, Johor politics have received special consideration for a long time. Johor’s political significance is also based on the state’s ethnic diversity, closely resembling the national demographic composition. The triumph of the National Front (BN) in the Johor State Elections in 2022 is a catalyst for the 15th General Election Malaysia (GE-15) to be held, which is thought to be favorable to UMNO-BN. However, in GE-15, held eight months later, UMNO-BN failed to continue its winning momentum in Johor. Based on this development, it is an intriguing occurrence to analyze the dynamics of Johor’s varied political trends. This study conducted qualitatively found that GE-15 in Johor shows a dynamic trend in the correlation between technical and sentimental factors that drive its trajectory. Overall, GE-15 in Johor is more overshadowed by national sentiment than local sentiment, which plays a less significant influence. Supported by sentimental factors, technical factors such as the split of the Malay vote in some urban and semi-urban areas gave The Alliance of Hope (PH) an advantage through the Chinese vote. BN and The National Alliance (PN) failed to dominate urban and semi-urban areas since the Malay vote was split into three factions. In rural areas, the tendency of BN voters to shift to PN voters continues to expand. Even though UMNO won the areas, GE-15 data indicates the party’s support is declining, and has become critical of UMNO. Based on the results of the GE-15 in Johor, this article argues that Johor no longer serves as UMNO’s bastion; instead, this status began to catch up with PH, which is the voter’s choice in most urban and semi-urban areas due to the vote division of the Malays.

Incumbency and patronage politics in Malaysia’s GE15

ABSTRACT Malaysia’s 15th general election (GE15) in November 2022 took place on the back of a tumultuous period in which the country experienced government alternation several times at federal and state levels from 2018. This article primarily addresses whether incumbency advantages were prevalent, and if so, how and when? Based on interviews and documentary data, the article concludes that, especially in a post-pandemic setting, incumbency mattered. However, Barisan Nasional (BN) experienced a form of ‘unrealised incumbency’. Without institutional reforms, trends in GE15 indicate that patronage and dependence on politicians for welfare gains seem to be a mainstay of Malaysian politics.

Malaysia in 2022

Malaysia held a general election in 2022 that was expected to resolve ongoing political instability. Instead, it produced a hung parliament, reflecting a deeply divided electorate and growing support for Islamist politics. Following a royal intervention, Anwar Ibrahim’s progressive coalition formed a unity government with the long-dominant UMNO and East Malaysian parties; this unprecedented arrangement faces evolving social, political, and economic challenges that will test its stability and the very nature of Malaysian politics.

SEMANTIC ANALYSIS OF ARABIC LOANWORDS IN MALAYSIAN POLITICAL DISCOURSE

Loanwords are words borrowed from one language and incorporated into another. They may originate from a wide range of languages and can be modified to adhere to the phonological and grammatical conventions of the receiving language. The Malay language consists of a vast number of words borrowed from various languages, including Arabic. Arabic loanwords have helped develop the Malay language by enriching and diversifying its vocabulary. While Arabic loanwords are used extensively within the Islamic religious context, they are also employed in other fields, including politics. In Malaysia, where Malay is the official language, the use of Arabic loanwords is common in the political sense. Some Arabic loanwords related to politics have become so integrated into Malay that the pronunciation no longer sounds foreign, while others maintain the sound characteristics of Arabic. This study analyzed the use of Arabic loanwords in the current Malaysian political discourse via mainstream media, specifically newspapers and political blogs, from 2022 to 2023. The Arabic loanwords were then comparatively analyzed in terms of their lexical meaning in the donor and receiving language, as well as their contextual meaning in Malaysian politics. The findings of this study suggest that the intermixing between Islam and politics in Malaysia may have fueled the pervasiveness and trendiness of the use of Arabic loanwords in lieu of equivalent native words and loanwords of English origin, and competing loanword equivalents which have been phonologically modified.

PRU-15: TIADANYA PARTI POLITIK YANG MENANG MAJORITI MUDAH 112 KERUSI PARLIMEN UNTUK MEMBENTUK KERAJAAN PERSEKUTUAN MALAYSIA

The year 2022 is an important year for democratic politics in Malaysia. This is because a General Election (GE) was held to elect representatives to form a stronger and more stable government after the country experienced political turmoil with the appointment of three Prime Ministers to the extent that foreign investors were confused by Malaysia's political position. After the GE was held, Malaysian politics was still at a standstill because no single political party coalition won the GE with a simple majority of 112 parliamentary seats, therefore, the purpose of writing this article is to analyze the results, which is the first time in Malaysian political history that there is no political party won the GE just like the previous 14 GEs. Based on data analysis of the 2022 GE results, observations in the field and analysis of secondary sources such as journal articles and conference papers, the findings show that Pakatan Harapan (PH) won 82 seats, Perikatan Nasional (PN) won 74 seats, Barisan Nasional (BN) 30 seats , Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) 23 seats, Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) 6 seats, Parti Warisan Sabah (WARISAN) 3 seats, Parti Bangsa Malaysia (PBM) 1 seat, Social Democratic Prosperity Party (KDM) 1 seat and Independent 2 seats. The results of this general election show that no single party managed to get a simple majority of 112 seats to dominate Parliament and the Federal Government. This result is due to BN's failure to win a simple majority due to the large shift of Malay votes to PN. This large shift in votes is a factor in the awareness of Malay voters to choose clean political parties and leaders who can be expected to fight for the rights of Malays and Muslims. As a result of the wisdom of His Majesty the Yang Dipertuan Agong's orders and advice, a Unity Government was formed from 148 members of Parliament which is a 2/3 majority of the 222 members of the Malaysian Parliament consisting of PH, BN, GPS, GRS, WARISAN, KDM, PBM and 2 Independent Members of Parliament. PN (74 members of Parliament) did not join the Unity Government and acted as the opposition. With that as well, Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim from PH has been appointed as the 10th Prime Minister. Therefore, political parties in this country do not have the best option as long as they need Malay-Muslim votes to control as many Parliament seats as possible and be able to form a strong and stable Government.

New Media, Incumbency and Malaysian Politics: The Defeat of the Barisan Nasional (BN) in GE14 (2018)

The Malaysian 14th General Election (GE14) has ended the political domination of Barisan Nasional (BN) of the last 61 years and resulted in a new discussion in Malaysian politics. The main purpose of this study is to explore the factors that caused BN to fail in the last election and to refine the incumbency theory posited by Hirano and Snyder Jr (2012) and Torcal (2014). We argue that various factors have contributed to the defeat of the BN government in the 14th GE, namely the 1MDB corruption scandal, the implementation of the progressive Good and Service Tax (GST), the rise of living costs, and the China-oriented foreign and economic policies, as well as the Mahathir factor. Our results also contribute to further developing incumbency theory. Instead of relying on traditional factor of incumbent defeat in election such as scandal and economic factors, the role of new media in spreading the news about the corruption scandal and the government’s economic underperformance have also contributed to a political shift in Malaysia.

The Role of The Socialist Club Influences The Students in The University

The rise of students with “Student power” in the 1960s and 1970s has coloured world politics. Many national leaders fell due to student movements, such as De Gaulle in France and Sukarno in Indonesia, as well as in Thailand and South Korea. The influence of students and their associations in the homeland also contributes to or colours Malaysian politics. The series of demonstrations that are organized, whether related to issues in the country or abroad, get the attention of the people and the government. An influential student association at that time was the University of Malaya Student Union (PMUM). Departing from the premises, movements, and actions of PMUM, especially during involvement in PMUM from 1972–1974 The actions of PMUM are often aimed at the interests of the Socialist Club and the struggle for socialism in the homeland. After a series of protests that irritated the government, the government finally passed the Universities and Colleges Act 1971 (AUKU 71), which binds the student movement. As a result, the students' movement was completely paralysed when AUKU 71 was amended by the University and University College Act 1975 (AUKU 75). The status of the student association was lowered to that of a high school association; for example, the Universiti Malaya Student Association (PMUM) was changed to the Student Representative Council (MPP). Since then, all student association activities must be approved by the Student Affairs Division (HEP). AUKU 75 achieves the government's desire to curb student movement, but the effect is not only on student associations but on students as a whole.

Parliamentary motions under a semi-authoritarian regime: evidence from Malaysia

ABSTRACT The proliferation of regime types in the post-Cold War era suggests that the foundation of authoritarianism is highly embedded within the power structure of the ruling elites. In the context of Malaysian politics, the dominant parties constitute the exclusive power bank that projects its desired mechanism of control over the institutions within the political structure. Theoretically, the existence of a parliament signifies the presence of institutionalized democratic procedures, albeit to a varying degree, in a political system. In reality, however, parliaments under semi-authoritarian regimes simply serve the interests of the power holders. Dominant parties strategically exercise their authority to maintain control over the authoritarian regime under the guise of parliamentary democracy. Drawing from Marina Ottaway’s framework on semi-authoritarianism, this article offers two major arguments. First, the parliamentary motion is an integral feature that contours Malaysia’s semi-authoritarian regime, which palpably had led to weak institutionalization. Secondly, strategic semi-authoritarian responses to key issues raised by the opposition have proved to be a success in restricting and subverting opposition-led mobilizations and their extra-parliamentary behaviour, thus further consolidating the semi-authoritarian structure.

Transformational leadership, job enrichment and recognition as predictors of job satisfaction in non-profit organizations

PurposeThis study aims to examine the influences of transformational leadership, job enrichment and recognition on employee job satisfaction in non-profit organizations.Design/methodology/approachAn empirical study was conducted on employees working in United Malays National Organization (UMNO). Data was collected from 226 employees via self-administered questionnaires. The convenience sampling method was applied for participant selection, and data was analysed using Pearson’s correlation and multiple regression analysis via statistical package for the social sciences.FindingsJob enrichment, transformational leadership and recognition were all found to have significant and positive relationships with job satisfaction.Practical implicationsThe findings imply that job satisfaction will improve if managers are motivated to promote job enrichment, transformational leadership and employee recognition programs. These steps will augment the organization’s effort to design and implement the best strategies for enhancing employees’ job satisfaction.Originality/valueThis study elaborates on transformational leadership, job enrichment and recognition in relation to job satisfaction. The insights it provides are novel due to the lack of research on the combination of these attributes. The study’s model was tested on UMNO, a non-profit organization in Malaysia that plays a significant role in Malaysian politics. Hence, this study provides a valuable addition to the literature on Malaysia. The study’s model was supported by transformational leadership theory and social exchange theory, making it another significant contribution to the body of literature.

Anti-Federal Sentiment in Sabah and its Impact on Malaysian Politics

The conflict between the federal government and the state of Sabah has occurred since 1963 stemming from the dissatisfaction of the people of Sabah towards the implementation of their autonomy rights as contained in the 1963 Malaysia Agreement (MA63). This dissatisfaction led to an anti-federal sentiment among the people of Sabah towards the federal government, which threatened the stability of the Federation of Malaysia. Hence, this study examines the factors leading to the emergence of anti-federal sentiment in Sabah and assesses the impact of such sentiment on Malaysian politics utilising the concept of federalism as an analytical tools. The primary source of this artile comprised interviews, whereas books, journals, official government reports, articles and news portals were used as its secondary sources. Findings revealed that the factors promoting the anti-federal sentiment among Sabahans are the dissatisfaction with the implementation of autonomy rights and MA63, the imbalance in infrastructure development, the socio-economic gap between Sabah and the states in the Peninsula, distribution of oil royalties and the presence of illegal immigrants. This anti-federal sentiment has createda strained relationship between the federal government and Sabah, the demand for self-government, the fading of patriotism, the threat to national harmony and unity, the rise of state nationalism and the decline of the people’s nationalism. Consequently, this sentiment threatens the stability of the federation and therefore requires an immediate solution to maintain national unity and sovereignty. Keywords: Federation of Malaysia; Malaysia Agreement 1963; Sabah; state nationalism; anti-federal

Malay, in the shadows

Abstract Wayang Kulit performance, the art of shadow puppetry, has long embodied and conveyed political and secular voice throughout South and Southeast Asia, significant for the maintenance of cultural heritage. Throughout Malaysia’s modern history, Wayang as a dominant medium of education has mediated shifts in language ideologies and socialization, to the extent where changes to the Wayang correlate highly with changes to the Malay language. In the 1980s, the Malaysian government sought to attack and hence curtail Wayang performance, and to obscure its lineage, claiming that the Wayang defiles Islam and Malaysia as an Islamic state. The government sought to discontinue the Wayang, or at least to alter it significantly, and to persecute its adherents. With its attempts to mobilize the economy through neoliberal politics and the adoption of new non-poetic language registers, the Malaysian government altered Malaysian vernacular, cultural practices, and ideologies. Yet, little scholarly work, particularly through an Anthropological lens, has discussed the correlations and influences to these shifts. This paper addresses the significance of Wayang Kulit to the Malay language, that is, its contiguity with standardized language and vernacular, its semiotic complexities during performance and in larger society, and its junctures with Malaysian politics. The study unearths changes in the Wayang, its stylizations, symbolisms and performativities, in the latter 20th century, where these changes have aligned with cultural and language shifts, yet which the government has legitimated as pro Islamic and neoliberal. The data set includes a multi year ethnography of the Wayang, and a corpus of discussions, documentations, and scripts of Wayang performances and narratives.

Patriarki, Politik Malaysia dan Pilihan Raya Umum

This article aims to analyse the situation of women as leaders and candidates in Malaysian politics, especially during the 14th General Election (GE14). The patriarchy practice is chosen as an analytical concept in reviewing how this system has impacted women who want to actively engage as leaders and representatives of the people in Malaysian politics. So far, Malaysia has recorded a disappointing world ranking for the number of female leaders, especially in the legislature, ranking 143rd out of 187 countries. This ranking position illustrates the country’s democratic setback in providing opportunities and space to half of Malaysians, namely women. There are three objectives of this article, which are (i) discussing women’s background and Malaysian politics, (ii) identifying the practices of the patriarchal system in Malaysian politics, and (iii) analysing the initiatives undertaken during GE14 that have challenged this patriarchal system. This article is written on a qualitative basis by analysing data obtained from secondary data, official documents, and observations during the GE14 period, including during the nomination of candidates as well as the month after GE14. This article found that the patriarchal system has clearly undermined and negated women’s potential as leaders in Malaysian politics and that it is strengthened through the cultural practices of political parties such as UMNO, PAS, PKR, DAP and BERSATU. In GE14, the practice of enhancing the hegemony of masculinity continued with a minimal number of female candidates, and female party members were still considered more suitable as party voters. However, there are efforts that have been carried out by various parties, especially the women’s wings of political parties, civil society, the media, and government agencies, that have challenged this system and have voiced the importance of women as leaders of the country.