Majority Group Members Research Articles

A majority group perspective on the association between perceived national identification of minority groups and minority helping

AbstractPrevious research has shown that majority group members are more willing to help minority group members of the same nation, particularly when the majority group members strongly identify with the national group. However, existing research has overlooked the extent to which the majority group's perception of how strongly minority groups identify with the national group (i.e., the perceived national identification of minority groups) explains minority helping (i.e., the majority group's intentions to help minority groups). To fill this void, we conducted a correlational survey among 980 Javanese, the ethnic majority in Indonesia. The results revealed that the perceived national identification of non‐Javanese minorities positively corresponded with the majority group's national identification. More perceived national identification of the minority groups and the majority group's national identification significantly correlated with more positive attitudes, liking, and helping intentions toward the minority groups. Finally, the perceptions that the non‐Javanese rejected the majority group's aspiration to exert control over them (i.e., the perceived denial of the need for power) negatively predicted the perceived national identification of the minority groups and minority helping. The perceived national identity of minority groups can influence minority helping; however, the perceived denial of the need for power may hinder it.

When Our History Meets Their History: Strategies Young People in Serbia Use to Coordinate Conflicting Group Narratives

ABSTRACTWhen a multiethnic state, such as the former Yugoslavia, dissolves in a violent ethnic‐based conflict, new generations grow up on one‐sided historical narratives. While there is plenty of evidence of how appropriating such narratives delegitimises outgroups, studies on how young people coordinate diverse group narratives are lacking. To address this issue, we explored promotive strategies young majority group members use in building a more inclusive historical understanding of two conflicting (majority and minority) narratives. The sample consisted of ten pairs of ethnic Serb high school seniors with a task to jointly build one common narrative of two one‐sided narratives adapted from post‐conflict textbooks of majority (Serb) and minority (Bosniak) ethnic groups. We used step‐by‐step dialogical analysis of semantic promoters in participants' interactions to capture how ingroup and outgroup perspectives are collaboratively positioned. Our results suggest that participants use various cognitive, affective, identity and value‐based strategies to coordinate conflicting perspectives. The identified promotive strategies can help in developing evidence‐based educational materials and teaching environments, especially in post‐conflict and divided societies.

The Aggrieved Entitlement Scale: A New Measure for an Old Problem.

Aggrieved entitlement (AE) refers to the defensiveness and hostility majority-group members feel toward the outgroup in response to a perceived threat of lost privileges. Over the last couple of years, AE has garnered a great deal of attention in the media as well as in the empirical literature because of its connection with extremism and violence against minority groups. Yet, to date, research quantifying and measuring the construct of AE is scant. In this paper, we aim to bridge this gap. Across two studies (N1 = 813; N2 = 1,100) we explore the factor structure of the Aggrieved Entitlement Scale (AES) and examine its concurrent and divergent validity with related demographic, attitudinal, and personality factors. We found that the AES was positively correlated with racist attitudes, fear-based xenophobia, authoritarianism, sexism, transphobia, and sexual entitlement. We further found that it was negatively correlated with feminist attitudes, honesty-humility, and compassionate love. In both samples, scores were higher among men (vs. women) and heterosexual (vs. sexual minority) individuals. Finally, in contrast to our expectations, racial and ethnic minority participants scored higher in AE than White participants. Results from this work offer initial support for the use of the AES and call for more research into the topic.

Selective cultural adoption: The roles of warmth, competence, morality and perceived indispensability in majority-group acculturation.

Psychological research has begun considering the dynamics involved in majority-group acculturation, which is the extent to which cultural majority groups adopt the culture of immigrants and minority groups. However, previous research has predominantly concentrated on reactions to 'immigrants' or 'minority groups' as a homogenous entity, overlooking the nuanced perceptions and varied valuations attributed to different groups. Recognizing the heterogeneity among immigrant and minority groups, the present work investigated the influence of several perceived characteristics of immigrant and minority groups on majority-group members' adoption of their cultures. Specifically, in three pre-registered studies-one correlational (Nparticipants = 201, Ntrials = 2814) and two within-subjects experimental (Nparticipants = 144 and 146, Ntrials = 720 and 730) designs with close to politically representative samples from the U.K. and U.S. -majority-group members were more willing to adopt immigrant and minority-group cultures that they perceived as warm, competent and moral because these perceptions made immigrants and minority groups seem indispensable to the identity and economy of the mainstream society. Our studies highlight the importance of considering the differentiated acculturation that majority-group members have to various groups within the same national context. We discuss the societal and cultural repercussions of this selective uptake of other cultures.

Enemy of My Enemy? An Examination of Potential Religious Group Threat Effects on Racial Attitudes

ABSTRACT Group threat theories postulate that when majority group members feel threatened by minority racial groups, they develop prejudice. However, it is possible that feeling threatened by those perceived as outgroups of racial minorities can lead to support for racial minorities. The threat offered by conservative Christians to progressives can lead those progressives to become more supportive of racial minorities, perceiving those minorities as allies. Data from the 2021 Baylor Religion Survey examined the predictive power of feeling threatened by Republicans, African Americans, conservative Christians, Muslims, atheists, and Buddhists on progressive racial attitudes. After basic social and demographic controls, feeling threatened by conservative Christians and political conservatives was associated with higher support for progressive racialized attitudes, while feeling threatened by Muslims and blacks was associated with lower support for progressive racial attitudes. This research extends theories about group threat theory by focusing on the symbolic threat tied to our current culture war.

When 'Can I help you?' hurts: Roma experiences of everyday microaggressions in retail outlets.

The concept of microaggressions alerts us how majority group members' everyday behaviour can impact minorities negatively. Recently, some researchers have questioned the criteria for identifying microaggressions and rejected the concept's utility. We maintain that attending to minorities' everyday experiences is important and illustrate this through a three-phase study with Roma in Hungary. First, we conducted interviews exploring their everyday interactional experiences (Phase 1, N = 17); second, Roma participants filmed (naturally occurring) interactions with majority group members (Phase 2, N = 10); third, we showed such filmed interactions to Roma focus groups and recorded their discussions (Phase 3, N = 28). Analysing these discussions, we focused on how the experience of surveillance when shopping (even when manifested in apparently helpful attention from shop assistants) impacted participants in ways that majority group members likely have little awareness of. Specifically, participants reported their need to (a) reflect on (and manage) their emotional reactions; (b) weigh a variety of strategic considerations as to how to respond; and (c) engage in in-the-moment interpretation as to the nature of the interaction. Such experiences negatively impact the use of public space and illustrate the value of adopting the minority's vantage point concerning the identification of microaggressive treatment.

Ethnic identity centrality across the adult lifespan: Aging, cohort, and period effects among majority and minority group members.

Ethnic identity is a major area of study across many disciplines including psychology, sociology, anthropology, and political science. Yet, little is known about changes in ethnic identity across the adult lifespan, and whether such changes are driven by normal aging processes (aging effects), unique societal influences linked with one's formative years (cohort effects), or social changes during a specific time frame (period effects). We address these key oversights by utilizing 13 annual waves of longitudinal panel data from a nationwide random sample of both ethnic majority (N = 49,660) and Indigenous ethnic minority (N = 8,325) group members in New Zealand to examine changes in ethnic identity centrality using cohort-sequential latent growth modeling. This approach helps to identify changes in mean levels of ethnic identity centrality over time and whether such changes are driven by aging, cohort, and/or period effects. Our data reveal that, among both ethnic majority and ethnic minority individuals, changes in ethnic identity centrality were informed by a combination of normative aging processes, societal circumstances that reflected the unique historical context in which people grew to maturity, and societal changes during the 13 annual assessments of our study. Collectively, these results demonstrate for the first time that ethnic identity centrality in adulthood is subject to lifelong changes. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Ethnic bias, economic achievement and trust between large ethnic groups: A study in Germany and the U.S

Evidence for ingroup bias is extensive, yet the distinct patterns of discrimination among dominant ethnic groups in the diverse societies of modern industrial nations such as the United States and Germany remain largely unexplored. Incentivized trust games in nationally-representative samples from both countries reveal biases of roughly equal size by non-Hispanic White Americans, Hispanic Americans, and African Americans against each outgroup. In Germany, the majority demonstrates twice as much bias against Turkish minorities compared to Eastern Europeans. Interestingly, both minority groups send similar amounts to ethnic Germans and members of their own groups. We examine the notion that outgroup discrimination by majority group members stems from stereotypes of minorities as economically unsuccessful, employing trust games with high-income counterparts. We find that majority senders’ bias against minority receivers declines when receivers are known to have high incomes, in line with that idea. Interestingly, some minority groups, especially Turkish descendants, display a negative propensity to transfer to rich members of their ingroup in comparison with outgroup members, relative to baseline. While we focus on differences in sending by ethnic pairing, we note that all participants send less to second movers identified as high income, and discuss possible explanations. We estimate that four-fifths of the observed ingroup bias is taste-based rather than due to expected trustworthiness differences. This estimation is robust to identifying the purely altruistic component of trust game sending toward each ethnic group, including one's own.

How ingroup norms of multiculturalism (and tolerance) affect intergroup solidarity: The role of ideology.

Multiculturalism and tolerance, as two sets of normative beliefs about how to deal with intergroup diversity, have been recognized as effective at reducing outgroup negativity among majority group members. However, whether majority group members' normative beliefs regarding them might motivate their solidarity-based collective actions and how their political ideology might qualify this influence remained unclear. To answer these questions, we conducted two pre-registered experimental studies (N = 626), both zooming in on the multiculturalism issues in the context of the relationships between native Dutch citizens and citizens with a Moroccan background within Dutch university campuses (Study 1) and broader Dutch society (Study 2). In both studies, we found an ingroup norm of tolerance (vs. control) undermined majority group members' engagement in collective actions in support of ethnic minorities. Additionally, ideological leftists were more sensitive to norms than rightists: Study 1 showed a facilitative effect of the multiculturalism norm (vs. control) on solidarity-based collective action intentions particularly among leftists, whilst Study 2 revealed a dampening effect of the tolerance norm (vs. control) on these intentions particularly among leftists.

“That’s just the way it is”: bullying and harassment in STEM academia

BackgroundThe under-representation of women and other minority group members in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) academia is a problem internationally and is attributed in part to hostile workplace cultures. We draw on the social identity perspective to examine the dynamic inter and intragroup processes entailed in these experiences. In this paper, we report a reflexive thematic analysis of 219 responses to a free-text question on bullying and harassment embedded in a national survey of 40 STEM departments from across the United Kingdom. Most were women (53%) at an early, pre-lectureship career stage.Main findingsOur analysis shows who is the perpetrator and who is the victim is not arbitrary, and neither is the form that it takes; majority group members draw on discourses that warrant the exclusion of minority group members (e.g., women are not smart; incompatibility with religious identity). In this ‘othering’, minority group members learn that one is not regarded as a bona fide STEM academic ingroup member and accordingly are constrained in being able to claim and act on that identity. Thus, it is not just the acts themselves that are problematic, but the ways in which being denied a shared STEM academic identity is consequential for a range of putative benefits and leads to a range of strategies that all confer costs.Conclusions/potential implicationsThe solution must rest with senior STEM academics and with institutions. First, we need to challenge discourses and practices that narrowly define the boundaries and content of STEM academic identity. Second, all members of a community need to perceive an alignment between the purported values of an organisation for diversity, inclusion, and respect and how that organisation responds when those principles are violated. Formal processes of remedy need to recognise the dynamics entailed in status differences and remove the onus of complaint from isolated, low status individuals. In addition, there is a need to recognise the ways in which perpetrators are embedded in networks of support both within and without the university; and the importance, therefore, of widening the scope of evidence gathering and intervention.

Attitudes towards immigration and unemployment risk cleavages: Untangling the economically rooted group conflict framework

Abstract How do increasing economic risk cleavages amongst natives shape growing negativity towards immigration? Group conflict theory suggests that tension between immigrant and native groups arises as a reaction to the actual or perceived loss of economic privilege by the majority group members. Yet, such an economically rooted formation of sentiments towards immigration is widely debated. This article aims to clarify and more precisely assess the economic threat mechanisms of inter-group conflict, remedying limitations in earlier work. Distinct from the economic threat effects due to immigration, here, I argue and show that being in a relatively worse-off position amongst natives is a separate channel increasing adverse reactions to immigration. To examine this relationship, I use high-quality longitudinal household panel data Socio-Economic Panel from Germany from 1999 to 2016. Results from the German case provide evidence suggesting that even when controlling for exposure to a higher risk of being substituted by immigrants and a higher risk of being fiscally burdened by foreigners, there is a robust effect of exposure to increasingly higher unemployment risks compared to other native workers in the host society raises adversity towards immigration. This effect is independent of geographic differences and actual exposure to the economic impact of immigrants. Overall, this article reconciles existing accounts of economically motivated group conflict. It brings forward a comprehensive theoretical framework and empirical evidence to the study of worsening reactions towards immigration in these past decades.

Overcoming origin-based preferences by selecting skilled immigrants? Preferences in immigrants’ national origin and social class in Quebec

ABSTRACT Although most liberal democracies have abandoned preferences for national origins in immigrant selection policies, large segments of the local populations continue to prefer immigrants that they perceive to be of similar cultural, religious, and ethnic backgrounds as them. What remains unknown is whether governments can count on the promotion of successful economic integration to ensure acceptance of the greater ethnocultural and religious diversity of immigrants that now settles in host-countries through what has been identified as building a middle-class nation. Relying on an original survey experiment of 2400 respondents in Quebec, we compare reactions to immigrants of different professional status and two national origins (France and Algeria) to investigate if certain types of economic immigration can reduce origin-based preferences. Our results show that origin-based preferences shared by majority group members can be attenuated, but not eliminated by selection based on social class. That said, expectations that immigrants will contribute to Quebec's economy translate into greater acceptance of immigrants of all national origins and social classes.

Minority Affirmations and the Boundaries of the Nation: Evidence From Québec

Cultural criteria, like language skills and values, are salient features of nationalism discourse, reflecting imagined boundaries that separate ingroup from outgroup member when thinking about the nation. Despite their salience, the relationship between cultural membership criteria and other civic (attainable) or ethnic (ascriptive) national boundaries, along with their implications for intergroup relations, is contested. Using surveys from N = 6448 majority group members in the Canadian province of Québec, we argue cultural boundaries are empirically distinct from civic and ethnic ones. Cultural and civic criteria are both prominent prerequisites for membership into the Québécois national community, but cultural criteria show markedly divergent relationships with outgroup attitudes. The results underline the importance of conceptualizing cultural boundaries as a distinct set of national membership criteria and question the construct validity of blended ethnocultural boundary measures or approaches that aggregate civic and cultural criteria together as equally “attainable” markers of national membership.

Supplemental Material for Ethnic Identity Centrality Across the Adult Lifespan: Aging, Cohort, and Period Effects Among Majority and Minority Group Members

Supplemental Material for Ethnic Identity Centrality Across the Adult Lifespan: Aging, Cohort, and Period Effects Among Majority and Minority Group Members

Toleration, discrimination, or acceptance? How majorities interpret and legitimize minority toleration depends on outgroup threat.

The notion of tolerance is widely embraced in plural contexts, but little is known about how majority members interpret the toleration of minorities. With four studies, we investigated majority group members' interpretations of a minority toleration situation (compared to full acceptance and discrimination situations) as a function of outgroup threat. Study 1 (N = 214) showed that higher perception of threat from Syrian refugees was associated with Turkish natives' stronger likelihood of interpreting a refugee toleration situation as 'acceptance'. Studies 2 (N = 161, threatening context: Syrian refugees-Turkish natives) and 3 (N = 206, non-threatening context: homosexuals-liberal heterosexual students) demonstrated that toleration was interpreted more as a form of acceptance in a high-threat context, whereas it was perceived more like discrimination in the non-threatening context. Experimental Study 4 (N = 150, pre-registered, Muslims-Christians in the UK) indicated that increasing outgroup threat led to higher legitimization of toleration, which, in turn, related to lower support of minority rights. It is concluded that outgroup threat affects how people interpret the way in which minorities are treated, which has implications for initiatives and policies that try to stimulate tolerance towards minority groups.

Sexual Consent Norms in a Sexually Diverse Sample.

Sexual consent has received increased attention in mainstream media, educational, and political settings since the rise of the #MeToo movement in 2017. However, long before #MeToo, sexual consent has been a core practice among people who engage in Bondage and Discipline, Dominance and Submission, Sadism, and Masochism (BDSM). This study examined sexual consent norms among a sexually diverse sample, including people who practice BDSM (n = 116), people who identify with another sexual minority group, such as swingers and sex workers (n = 114), and people who did not identify with a sexual minority group, termed sexual majority group members (n = 158). Explicit consent for both BDSM- and non-BDSM-related activities was rated as more common (descriptively normative) among people who were a member of the BDSM community compared to majority participants. Further, BDSM participants rated consent discussions as less sexually disruptive compared to majority participants. We found no significant group differences in the extent to which people thought sexual consent should be discussed. We also discuss findings from an open-ended question asking participants to recall a recent sexual experience with a new partner. This study demonstrates variability in consent norms between groups and points to the potential to shift sexual consent behaviors among majority participants.

Delineating the boundaries between genuine cultural change and cultural appropriation in majority-group acculturation

An emerging literature has begun to explore the acculturation of majority-group members within increasingly diverse societies. Given the inherent power asymmetries and ethnic hierarchies that usually favor majority groups, it becomes critical to examine their acculturation process through the lens of power dynamics. Central to this examination is determining when a majority group’s adoption of cultures from other groups (e.g., ethnocultural minorities who are indigenous or have a history of forced or voluntary migration) constitutes cultural appropriation versus genuine cultural change. In this paper, we argue that cultural appropriation becomes evident when majority-group members exploit cultural elements from less powerful ethnic groups against their will, often for material or symbolic gains, without providing proper credit or demonstrating a deeper understanding of the culture. By contrast, genuine cultural change is distinguishable from appropriation when it is characterized by deep cultural learning (as opposed to cultural engagement that remains superficial), concerns other groups as equal, and is consented to by the group whose culture is being adopted. Existing acculturation research suggests that the cultural adoption by majority-group members is typically driven more by self-reported egalitarian motives than by a desire for dominance, and that minority groups do not principally object to this adoption. Therefore, it is improbable that all aspects of majority-group members’ cultural adoption would constitute cultural appropriation. However, further research is needed to empirically differentiate cultural appropriation from genuine forms of cultural change within majority groups, particularly by investigating the perspectives of the groups whose cultures are being adopted.

Intercultural experience facilitates majority-group acculturation through ethnocultural empathy: Evidence from a mixed-methods investigation in Japan

The present two-phased sequential exploratory mixed-methods study investigated majority-group members’ acculturation through pre-tertiary Japanese teachers’ experiences with children of Kurdish asylum-seekers in school settings. In Study 1, we employed an interpretative phenomenological analysis to understand and make meaning of the personal experiences of nine Japanese pre-tertiary teachers from a majority-group acculturation perspective. The qualitative data suggested a link between the participants’ intercultural contact experience, ethnocultural empathy, and receptiveness to majority-group acculturation. Furthermore, the acculturative changes experienced by the majority-group members appeared to influence institutional changes. Subsequently, we tested these relationships in quantitative analysis with a sample of 110 Japanese school teachers in Study 2. We used a survey informed by the works of Wang et al.’s (2003) Ethnocultural Empathy scale and Kunst et al.’s (2023) Majority-Group Acculturation scale. The results confirmed the positive association between intercultural contact experience, ethnocultural empathy, and majority-group members’ acculturation. We conclude that promoting multiculturalism in school settings may have long-term benefits for both majority and minority group members within the Japanese context despite potential adversities involved in regular intercultural contact.

Multiple existential threats and attitudes towards Muslims in Finland and Italy during the COVID‐19 pandemic

AbstractWe are currently living in a time of several existential threats: the global pandemic COVID‐19, climate change, and the ‘refugee crisis’ caused by violent conflicts and humanitarian catastrophes in Syria, Afghanistan, and Ukraine. These threats do not only affect our well‐being but also our sense of control and security, as well as identities and worldviews having also intergroup consequences. In this study, we investigated the links between perceived existential threats (i.e. COVID‐19, climate change, and refugee crisis in 2015 that multiplied Muslim population in Europe), national and religious identities, and attitudes towards Muslims (i.e. Muslim refugees, Muslim minority, and Muslim converts) among Christian national majority group members in Finland and Italy in 2020. The results were analysed with multigroup structural equation modelling, and they demonstrated some key differences between how threats perceived from climate change and the refugee crisis in 2015 are translated into the reactions towards Muslims. While threats associated with the refugee crisis were detrimental to outgroup attitudes, climate change threats elicited more positive attitudes towards the outgroups studied. Our preliminary analyses suggested that COVID‐19, in turn, seems to elicit feelings of worldview defence through higher levels of national identification with no negative attitudinal ramifications. While Abrahamic identity as a believer was directly associated with more positive attitudes towards Muslims in Italy, it did not account for the link between existential threats and outgroup attitudes. The results are discussed in light of how different threats increase or decrease intergroup harmony.

Turnout Turnaround: Ethnic Minority Victories Mobilize White Voters

In Western democracies, like the United States, the United Kingdom, and Germany, the number of ethnic minority representatives has been steadily increasing. How is this trend shaping electoral behavior? Past work has focused on the effects of minority representation on ethnic minorities’ political engagement, with less attention to the electoral behavior of majority-group members. We argue that increased minorities’ representation can be experienced as a threat to a historically white-dominant political context. This, in turn, politically activates white constituents. Using data from four U.K. general elections and a regression discontinuity design, we find that the next election’s turnout in constituencies narrowly won by an ethnic minority candidate is 4.3 percentage points larger than in constituencies narrowly won by a white candidate. Consistent with our argument, this turnout difference is driven by majority-white constituencies. Our findings have implications for intergroup relations and party politics and help explain recent political dynamics.