Maintenance Of White Supremacy Research Articles

Compliance and Control: The Hidden Curriculum of Social-Emotional Learning

In this paper, we seek to critically address the enactment and impact of social-emotional learning (SEL) curriculum and implementation in early childhood and elementary (PK-5th) classrooms. Specifically, we argue that SEL, as frequently operationalized, is a dehumanizing process that seeks to assimilate non-dominant children into dominant ways of being while concurrently seeking to enforce compliance and normalize children to oppressive structures. SEL is often seen as a “nice” form of classroom management, perfect for a field dominated by “nice” white women who see their work as apolitical and neutral rather than political and rooted in the maintenance of white supremacy (Galman et al., 2010). As such, it makes sense that PK-5 contexts, deeply rooted in a “Just be Kind” sense of morality as opposed to one rooted in justice and student empowerment (Turner, 2019), turn to SEL programs as “fixers” of student behavior. But SEL programs are often anything but “nice.” Despite presenting as humanizing and kind, the focus on compliance makes it inherently dehumanizing.

“From All Sides”: Black-Asian Reddit Communities Identify and Expand Experiences of the Multiracial Microaggression Taxonomy

The purpose of this paper is to examine the identity narratives of online Black-Asian communities concerning their multiracial microaggression experiences. As we are investigating an under-explored population, we utilize a purposive sampling method to narrow forum engagement by Black-Asian users on the popular social media network, Reddit. Our research is guided by multiracial critical theory (MultiCrit) which highlights monoracism as a ubiquitous element of the monoracial paradigm of race. In our research, we employ a content analysis using Black-Asian microaggression narratives to test the existing multiracial microaggression taxonomy. Our findings demonstrate that Black-Asian subreddit communities identified all of the existing multiracial microaggression categories: (1) exclusion or isolation; (2) exotification and objectification; (3) assumption of monoracial or mistaken identity; (4) denial of multiraciality; (5) pathologizing of identity and experiences; and (6) microaggressions based on racial stereotypes. Our analysis also found an emerging microaggression category entitled (7) white-mixed superiority. These multiracial microaggressions drew on monoracist ideologies and the monoracial paradigm of race, which exclude Black-Asian people and aid the maintenance of white supremacy in the United States. As such, we suggest further inquiry and expansion of the multiracial microaggression taxonomy to include how racism, particularly the monoracial paradigm of race, influences non-white multiracial identities.

“Loving Couples and Families:” Assimilation as Honorary Whiteness and the Making of the Vietnamese Refugee Family

Integration studies of Vietnamese refugees and their children begin with the problem of assimilation based on cultural and racial difference and ultimately lead these groups to achieve upward mobility against great odds. While scholars have offered alternatives to linear models of assimilation which assume a prescribed path to determine when migrants become integrated, the ideologies and norms which underlie the so-called problem of assimilation remain largely unexamined. Building from a feminist and Foucauldian analysis of power, this article examines state-sponsored knowledge production, such as semi-annual government surveys of Vietnamese refugees as representations which reproduce and reinforce logics of heteronormativity and white supremacy. I contextualize the production of these social science surveys as legibility projects in the geopolitical context of international (Cold War) and domestic (state attempts to dismantle black power movements through civil rights) maintenance of white supremacy. By examining self-sufficiency surveys of Vietnamese refugees conducted upon arrival to the US from the 1970s–1980s and 1990s studies of the second generation, I argue that the family is an instrumental yet overlooked dimension of the racialization of Vietnamese as new immigrants which is rooted in heteronormative, Orientalist, and anti-black notions of family.

Searching for Black Confederates: The Civil War's Most Persistent Myth by Kevin M. Levin

Reviewed by: Searching for Black Confederates: The Civil War's Most Persistent Myth by Kevin M. Levin James G. Mendez Searching for Black Confederates: The Civil War's Most Persistent Myth. Kevin M. Levin. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 2019. ISBN 978-1-4696-5326-6. 240 pp., cloth, $30.00. Whether African Americans fought as soldiers in the Confederate army is a popular topic today, one being discussed among history buffs, Civil War round-table participants, and academics alike. Kevin M. Levin's book, Searching for Black Confederates: The Civil War's Most Persistent Myth, provides a definitive and convincing argument on the existence of black Confederates. He provides a [End Page 421] very well-researched case that African Americans did not serve as soldiers in the Confederate army. Yes, they were camp slaves, and, yes, they were laborers, but they were not soldiers. Levin meticulously and methodically lays out his argument and explains why black men were not Confederate soldiers and how they actually functioned in the Confederate army. He then explains how the myth of black Confederate soldiers began, its relationship to the Lost Cause narrative, and how the storyline of African Americans fighting as soldiers in the Confederate army has continued more than 150 years after the war's end. Context is very important to Levin's book. He argues that to understand how the legend of the black Confederate was created and perpetuated, one must understand the context of the explanations and what else was happening at the same time in American society. First, the maintenance of white supremacy, preeminent in Southern culture, is the underlying theme before, during, and long after the war, but especially in the Jim Crow era. Immediately after the war ended, Confederates articulated the Lost Cause narrative to help them grasp the reality of losing the war and having their slavery-based society vanish forever. A central part of the narrative is that the war was over not slavery but instead states' rights and Confederate efforts to stop an invasion of their land. To help perpetuate this storyline, it had to be argued that black people actually supported the war, fought alongside their masters, and then remained loyal to them long after the war ended. Henceforth, they were soldiers in the war. Looking at the period right after the war, Levin pays particular attention to the story of Andrew and Silas Chandler, central figures representing the relationship between master and slave and whose famous photograph (on the cover of the book) has been used through the decades to verify the existence of black Confederate soldiers. Supporters explain that the two went to war as master and slave and that throughout the war slaves like Silas remained loyal to the cause and their benevolent masters. Silas remained a faithful slave and former soldier, and proof of that relationship helps counter the emancipation narrative—thereby making it appear Confederates treated their slaves admirably. According to Levin, what the supporters forget or ignore is that camp slaves like Silas might have remained loyal because they had relatives at home who would have been treated cruelly if they did not help their masters and return home. Even more important, explains Levin, were the thousands of runaways who at their first chance ran toward Union lines, never to be seen again. Levin argues one need only study the debate among Confederate leaders—from the war's start to its end—about whether slaves should be allowed to become soldiers. The records show that these leaders believed making black men soldiers undercut the main reason for the war. The war was being fought to protect slavery and white men's supremacy over black men. However, today's advocates of the black Confederate [End Page 422] soldier theory ignore this well documented discussion among the Confederate leadership, including President Jefferson Davis. They also neglect the fact that in all the primary-source records about this argument, "not a single office or soldiers suggested that slaves were already serving as soldiers in the Confederate army" (39). Levin also argues how former Confederates' need to reestablish white supremacy after the Reconstruction era meant a need to explain...

Race and ethnicity II: White women and the possessive geographies of white supremacy

In this second report on research about race and ethnicity in geography, I build from growing scholarly interest in the geographies of white supremacy to consider white women’s central role in the production and maintenance of white supremacy in the United States. I discuss some of the conceptual approaches and critical interventions of Black and antiracist feminist scholarship in theorizing white supremacy. After reviewing key themes and theoretical insights about gender and white supremacy, I expand on the notion of possessive geographies as a means of examining discourses and rationalizations of ownership and white propertied power. I emphasize the importance of engaging with Black and antiracist feminist scholarship that has long provided the tools necessary for understanding white women and the possessive geographies of white supremacy.

Civil Rights, World War II, and U.S. Public Opinion

Scholars of American politics often assume World War II liberalized white racial attitudes. This conjecture is generally premised on the existence of an ideological tension between a war against Nazism and the maintenance of white supremacy at home, particularly the Southern system of Jim Crow. A possible relationship between the war and civil rights was also suggested by a range of contemporaneous voices, including academics like Gunnar Myrdal and activists like Walter White and A. Philip Randolph. However, while intuitively plausible, this relationship is generally not well verified empirically. A common flaw is the lack of attention to public opinion polls from the 1940s. Using the best available survey evidence, I argue the war's impact on white racial attitudes is more limited than is often claimed. First, I demonstrate that for whites in the mass public, while there is some evidence of liberalization on issues of racial prejudice, this generally does not extend to policies addressing racial inequities. White opposition to federal anti-lynching legislation actually seems to have increased during the war. Second, there is some evidence of racial moderation among white veterans, relative to their counterparts who did not serve. White veterans were more supportive of anti-lynching legislation in the immediate postwar period, and they offered stronger support for black voting rights in the early 1960s. However, they were not distinguishable on many other issues, including measures of racial prejudice and attitudes toward segregation.

The New Career of Jim Crow

The New Career of Jim Crow Stephen Robinson (bio) Stephanie Cole and Natalie J. Ring, eds. The Folly of Jim Crow: Rethinking the Segregated South. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2012. xi + 216 pp. Notes and index. $30.00. Robert Cassanello. To Render Invisible: Jim Crow and Public Life in New South Jacksonville. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2013. xv + 188 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $74.95 (cloth); $18.95 (paper). Stephen A. Berrey. The Jim Crow Routine: Everyday Performances of Race, Civil Rights, and Segregation in Mississippi. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2015. xiii + 331 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $29.95 (paper); $28.99 (e-book). Audrey Thomas McCluskey. A Forgotten Sisterhood: Pioneering Black Women Educators and Activists in the Jim Crow South. Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2015. x +181 pp. Notes, chronology, bibliography, and index. $40.00 (cloth); $39.99 (e-book). William E. O’Brien. Landscapes of Exclusion: State Parks and Jim Crow in the American South. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2016. xv + 191 pp. Notes and index. $39.95. Ruth Thompson-Miller, Joe R. Feagin and Leslie H. Picca. Jim Crow’s Legacy: The Lasting Impact of Segregation. Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2015. xvi + 262 pp. Notes and index. $85.00 (cloth); $28.00 (paper); $27.99 (e-book). The scholarship on the Jim Crow South has had a long career. Dating back to C. Vann Woodward’s path breaking book, The Strange Career of Jim Crow (1955), historians have sought to understand when and why de jure segregation was rolled out across the South. Woodward argued that it was the loss of restraining forces by the 1890s—Southern liberalism, radicalism, and Northern intervention—that enabled white Southern lawmakers to find a new way of enforcing strict racial hierarchies. The flexibility and experimentation in race [End Page 457] relations evident in the 1880s gave way to a more rigid system in the 1890s. Path breaking though this book was, it did not take into account earlier forms of segregation, nor did it contain any serious analysis of African Americans’ agency—a lacuna that was filled in part by Howard Rabinowitz’s insightful Race Relations in the Urban South (1978). Over the last fifteen years or so, scholars have sought to extend the contours of the debate. The essays collected in Jumpin’ Jim Crow: Southern Politics from Civil War to Civil Rights (2000), edited by Jane Dailey, Glenda Gilmore, and Bryant Simon, fundamentally reshaped our approach to the Jim Crow South. Rather than interpreting this period from the 1870s to the 1970s through a white lens—and thereby implying that the maintenance of white supremacy was the fixed component—these scholars instead argued that it was black resistance to Jim Crow that was continuous. It was white resistance to black political activism (and, later, to desegregation) that was in a constant state of flux. The books under review in this essay build on the work of Dailey et al. Each explores the fruitful scholarly path of black resistance, and a white counter-resistance that was ever changing. Jim Crow, it seems, had many careers, and was forced to change as a result of the persistence of African Americans’ resistance to it. The Folly of Jim Crow: Rethinking the Segregated South, edited by Stephanie Cole and Natalie J. Ring, is a collection of essays that emerged from a 2010 conference on the segregation era. This collection reveals that Jim Crow from the very beginning was not a fixed entity. As a result, the contributors argue that the old debate over timing is ultimately a folly. Indeed, the essays in The Folly of Jim Crow expand on this essential point. A particular strength of this work—and one that informs to some extent the scholarship that follows—is that it takes the long perspective on Jim Crow. As with scholarship on the modern Civil Rights Movement or, more recently, the Reconstruction era, the chapters in this collection do not simply focus on the early years of Jim Crow, or the period of legal desegregation. Instead, they reframe the story: back into Reconstruction and forward into the post–1960s era. As a result...

Racial Salience and the Consequences of Making White People Uncomfortable: Intra‐Racial Discrimination, Racial Screening, and the Maintenance of White Supremacy

AbstractMost sociological research on racial discrimination has had an “inter‐racial” focus. That is, researchers have been principally concerned with the disparate treatment that people of color receive relative to Whites in different social contexts. However, recent theoretical work emerging from legal studies suggests that an alternative conception of “intra‐racial” discrimination exists that extends beyond colorism. This theory of intra‐racial discrimination stipulates that many organizations in the “post‐racial” era desire some measure of racial diversity. Yet, in their efforts to achieve this racial diversity they screen people of color based on their degree of racial salience. Whether a given person of color is hired, promoted, or in the case of college admissions, accepted, is a function of whether or not Whites within the organization consider them racially palatable, or not overly concerned with race. This creates an incentive for people of color to work their identity to allay any concerns among Whites that they may be too racially salient. In this paper I critically review this work and attempt to further buttress its claims by highlighting how this process has clear historical precedent. I conclude by showing how the audit method can be used to empirically examine this practice contemporarily.

‘I'll Give You Something to Cry About’: The Intraracial Violence of Uplift Feminism in the Carnegie Poor White Study Volume, The Mother and Daughter of the Poor Family

ABSTRACT Feminist literary critics and historians have examined the role of a triad of social locations that are also recognisable as psychological conditions, structures of feeling and motivations for action: guilt, innocence and culpability. Feminist literary critics and historians have examined this triad guilt/innocence/culpability in cultural representations of white femininity in the post-apartheid era, because they are trying to write white women into the history of apartheid not simply as zombified non-actors. The attention to white women as perpetrators of anti-black and other forms of racialised violence has been critical for excavating the many forms of domination that constituted apartheid in the period prior to 1994 and in the political project of re-making a post-apartheid society. Thus, they wish to place white women into the history of apartheid as perpetrators of anti-black violence. I am concerned with this, but also with white women as perpetrators of racialised anti-white violence, because intra-racial violence is so intimately connected to the creation of inter-racial violence and the maintenance of white supremacy. Thus, while white women's pursuit of status as caretakers and social guides for blacks has been unmasked as a feature of domination and white supremacy, white women's relationships to poor white women have not been critiqued with the same robustness. This article utilises Marie Elizabeth Rothmann's (1875–1975) volume for The Poor White Study on The Mother and Daughter of the Poor Family (1932) to consider this subject in the vignettes, oral histories and life histories collected for inclusion in the Poor White Study, and in order to urge greater attention to the Poor White Study as a data set for re-thinking guilt, innocence and culpability. I discuss the race, class and gender dynamics of the racialisation of poverty among poor whites, because poor whites were an essential racial formation in the manufacture of Afrikaner nationalism as a gendered national project, and because the institutions and practices of rehabilitation of poor whites participated in a colonial logic of demonisation. I argue that Marie Elizabeth Rothmann's report for the Poor White study provides a cartography of how the history of philanthropy and welfarism bound poor white women and upper-class white women together in a dynamic of intra-racial violence which profoundly illuminates theories about white female guilt and culpability.

S.J.P. Kruger and the Transvaal Hardliners on Race Policies and Practices in the Early 1870s

At the beginning of the 1870s, two distinctive approaches with regard to race relations among white settlers in the Transvaal, namely moderate and hardline, can be detected. Both operated within the realm of the white-supremacy mentality of that period. As the American historian J.W. Cell argues in his book on the origins of segregation in South Africa and the American South, white supremacy still represented the dominant mindset even after the turn of the century and that 'cooperation between Boer and Briton depended on the maintenance of white supremacy' at that stage.

Racism in a Racial Democracy: The Maintenance of White Supremacy in Brazil. By France Winddance Twine. (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1997. Pp. 175. Illustrations. Appendices. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $49.00.)

Racism in a Racial Democracy: The Maintenance of White Supremacy in Brazil. By France Winddance Twine. (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1997. Pp. 175. Illustrations. Appendices. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $49.00.) - Volume 55 Issue 4

Racism in a Racial Democracy: The Maintenance of White Supremacy in Brazil.

Racism in. Racial Democracy: The Maintenance of White Supremacy in Brazil. France Winddance Twine. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1998. xiii. 175pp. (Cloth US$49.00, Paper US$17.00)

France Winddance Twine, Racism in a Racial Democracy: The Maintenance of White Supremacy in Brazil (New Brunswick, NJ, and London: Rutgers University Press, 1997), pp. xiii+175, $49.00. $17.00 pb.

France Winddance Twine, Racism in a Racial Democracy: The Maintenance of White Supremacy in Brazil (New Brunswick, NJ, and London: Rutgers University Press, 1997), pp. xiii+175, 17.00 pb. - Volume 30 Issue 3

Racism in a racial democracy: the maintenance of white supremacy in Brazil

Racism in a racial democracy: the maintenance of white supremacy in Brazil