Main Parties Research Articles

Old Wine in New Bottles? A Triple Nexus Approach to Linking Aid Cooperation to Peacebuilding on the Korean Peninsula

ABSTRACT This article examines the utility of the Triple (Humanitarian, Development, Peace) Nexus in linking aid cooperation to peacebuilding by conducting a case study on the Korean peninsula. Since the 1990s, humanitarian and development cooperation in North Korea has raised hopes that such cooperation could contribute to peacebuilding on the Korean Peninsula. However, these aid efforts have been marked by significant fluctuations due to heightened tensions on the Korean Peninsula. This study employs a qualitative methodology, including problem-centred expert interviews with former/current officials from the UN, and European aid agencies, who are considered relatively neutral, and the US and South Korean aid agencies, whose countries are main parties in the Korean conflict. Drawing on the interrelated theoretical insights of contact theory and strategic peacebuilding, the findings suggest that aid actors have different strategic advantages and disadvantages in operationalizing the Triple Nexus, according to their positionalities concerning the protracted Korean conflict context. We argue that for the Triple Nexus to represent more than a mere rebranding of contentious efforts to connect aid and peacebuilding, it requires, not only the recognition of potential comparative advantages of different sectors, but also the understanding of strategic advantages and disadvantages of actors with different positionalities.

In defence of democracy: parliamentary opposition and democratic resilience in Poland

ABSTRACT The 2023 electoral victory of Poland's liberal opposition halted democratic backsliding and exemplified democratic resilience. This study provides a novel empirical analysis of discursive strategies used by the main opposition party, Civic Platform/Civic Coalition, in parliamentary speeches on democracy from 2001 to 2020. Using a mixed-method approach with temporally sensitive word embeddings and discourse analysis, we highlight shifts in opposition discourse since 2015 – from radicalisation to a more moderate, focused response addressing key aspects of democratic breakdown – demonstrating an adaptive strategy of democratic resilience.

From Institutions to Families? The Changing Allocation of Responsibility for Cognitively Disabled Children in Dutch Postwar Long-Term Care Policies

Who is responsible for health care? Neoliberal policies since the 1970s seem to place this responsibility increasingly on the individual, in a process that is called responsibilization. The recent literature on neoliberalism, however, has questioned the preference of free-market liberalism for individual responsibility and shows how neoliberals often made common cause with communitarian conservatives on social policies. Melinda Cooper, for instance, has argued in her book Family Values that free-market liberals and social conservatives in the US both identified the family as a ‘wholesale alternative to the 20-century welfare state’. This article investigates whether this coalition of neoliberals and social conservatives, who agree on the importance of familial solidarity in addition to market freedom, has also played a role in the making of Dutch health care policies. By tracing how responsibility for long-term care has been allocated in the postwar Netherlands in the specific case of children with (cognitive) disabilities, the author will show how ‘the family’ has increasingly been embraced by policymakers as the main responsible party. This is remarkable because the Dutch postwar welfare state sought to loosen family ties in favour of individual arrangements. However, attempts by different stakeholders to deinstitutionalize Dutch health care during the 1990s unintentionally moved the state's responsibility for long-term care not so much onto individuals as onto families.

Women’s participation in Ethiopia’s 2021 elections: the role of political parties

This study examines the role of Ethiopia’s main political parties and the participation of women during the three stages of the 2021 election cycle – the pre-voting, voting and post-voting periods. Four political parties – Prosperity, Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice, National Movement of Amhara, and ENAT – were selected and their party manifestos and reports analysed. Interviews were conducted with 12 individuals representing political party leaders and women candidates. Reports of the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) and the media are also included. Data is thematically grouped and interpreted using a conceptual construct of political parties’ role in promoting women’s political representation as developed by UNDP and NDI. The findings revealed the paradoxes and inconsistencies of political parties’ ideologies and strategies which affect women’s participation in party politics and the subsequent election outcome. This paper recommends that, given the absence of a quota system to guarantee adequate women’s participation in elections, political party self-regulatory measures could offer an alternative option to increase the political participation of women in Ethiopia.

Reconstituting the ‘good woman’: Gendered visual politics on social media during 2021 state election in West Bengal, India

This paper explores the visual politics of gender in electoral politics in West Bengal (WB). We examine how women political candidates visually construct their non-verbal political performance on social media, and how such visuals relate to social mores and societal expectations surrounding femininity. Drawing on theories of the social construction of gender and visual political communication, we conducted a content analysis of 1,033 visual artefacts from eight individual women candidates and 205 from the Facebook and X (formerly Twitter) pages of the four main political parties taking part in the January-April 2021 electoral campaign for state-level elections in WB. We analysed how these candidates construct gendered relationships with the electorate through different cues on the platforms, such as sartorial choices (traditional or Western attire), use of culture-specific religious symbols (sindoor or vermillion, bindi – forehead marking worn by married Hindu women), and gendered/non-gendered political actions like cooking or serving food, giving speeches or meeting constituents in political processions. Our findings about the visually performed politics show a combination of cultural, political, and gender signifiers, which are mediated and remain connected to societal expectations, and historical narratives. The candidates’ negotiation of these aspects, in turn, underscores a reproduction of colonial legacies and, in the present day, an ongoing production of societal differences. This study contributes to the growing body of literature on visual politics of gender, particularly in Asian contexts. It sheds light on the nuanced ways women politicians use social media to construct their visual identities, and how the deployment of body politics into the relatively ‘new’ online sphere reifies ‘old’ social, political, cultural symbolisms, and norms regarding gender. In this way, this article highlights the importance of considering pre-digital forms of gendered identity construction and visual representation when analysing the contested terrain of digital visibilities.

Impact analysis of the four-party evolutionary game in renewable portfolio standard under dynamic parameters

Renewable portfolio standard has become the primary policy tool to improve the integration of renewable energy. The motivation of the parties involved and the formulation of the policy parameters are crucial for the rapid development of renewable energy industry. However, the role of large consumers has often been neglected as the main party for renewable energy consumption, and the policy parameters have been dominated by static parameters. This paper innovatively introduces large consumers into the evolutionary game, constructs a four-party revenue matrix and the replicated dynamic equations, analyzes the equilibrium conditions of the evolutionary game, and constructs the functions of the key dynamic parameters over time, then simulates the behavioral strategies of the game players under the dynamic parameters with a system dynamics model. The optimal strategy is regulators waive regulation, while power plants, large consumers and power sales companies fulfill their quotas. Dynamic fines, dynamic quotas, and dynamic consumption prices have a large impact on each player, while dynamic TGC prices have a limited impact on them. Reasonably high fines in the initial stage are effective in facilitating each player to its stable state more quickly than static fines. Even if the fine is reduced in the later stages, it will not affect their strategies. High quotas and low consumption prices will significantly accelerate the exit of regulators from regulation, while power sales companies and large consumers will quickly fulfill their quota tasks. Only power generators prefer low quotas and high consumption prices. These results provide some recommendations for the setting of policy parameters.

Partisan Politics in Greece from 1974 to the Economic Crisis and Beyond

Abstract This paper presents the main features of the Greek political landscape during the period 1974–2008 and examines whether the governing ideology of the country’s main political parties is correlated with specific fiscal and monetary policy patterns. The descriptive analysis reveals two key findings. First, the data indicates ideological differences in fiscal policy during the pre-1993 period, with PASOK governments exhibiting higher public spending and deficits, while the conservative New Democracy (ND) demonstrated greater fiscal restraint. Monetary policy during this period also appears to follow ideological differences. Second, in the post-1993 period, two trends emerged that do not seem to be ideologically driven. From 1994 to 2001, both major political parties in Greece focused on joining the Economic and Monetary Union, aligning their policies with the Maastricht Treaty. This resulted in a decrease in government expenditure and an increase in total revenue, even under the left-wing PASOK government that was in office during that period. However, after Greece joined the eurozone, external constraints such as the Stability and Growth Pact did not effectively enforce fiscal discipline. From 2001 onward, there was an increase in expansionary fiscal policies, even under the right-wing ND government, suggesting that government ideology had minimal influence on fiscal variables during this period. Greece provides an intriguing example of how partisan politics can intersect with international institutional and policy constraints. (JEL codes: H2 and H1)

The 2024 local elections in Turkey: a critical juncture for Turkish democracy?

ABSTRACT The 2024 local elections in Turkey have surprised many domestic and international observers alike as the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has faced its first nation-wide defeat since its meteoric rise in Turkish politics in 2002. The main opposition party, the Republican People’s Party (CHP), has come out as the leading party in the election and grabbed most of the metropolitan municipalities including all of the 5 most populous and industrious cities, i.e. İstanbul, Ankara, İzmir, Bursa, and Adana. The New Welfare Party (YRP), an ultra-conservative, Islamist party, has become the third party in the election, gaining seats and support in many parts of the country. This article argues that what the 2024 local elections could bring about for the Turkish democracy still hangs in balance as the AKP’s authoritarian policies seem to continue, whereas the opposition camp appears to gather major momentum and energy for the upcoming national elections in 2028-or even before.

Political Polarization Triggers Conservatives’ Misinformation Spread to Attain Ingroup Dominance

Conservatives are often blamed for spreading misinformation, but it is unclear whether certain situations trigger them and, if so, why. The authors examine situations that are politically polarized, meaning the topic and/or its framing conveys conflict, discord, or disagreement between the two main political parties (conservatives and liberals). The authors study whether conservatives react to polarized situations by spreading ingroup-skewed political misinformation that is objectively inaccurate but not necessarily understood to be false and whether liberals are less reactive. Using a multimethod approach, the authors conduct six studies, including analyses of statements by public figures and speeches by U.S. presidents, as well as controlled experiments. The results indicate that in polarized situations, conservatives’ need for ingroup dominance is elevated, so they convey more misinformation than liberals. In less polarized situations, conservatives’ need for ingroup dominance is tempered, reducing their misinformation conveyance. These findings suggest that misinformation should not be blamed solely on the individual trait of conservativism, as polarized situations exaggerate conservative motives and behaviors. While news media, social media, political figures, and others may be incentivized to emphasize political polarization to gain audiences and bolster engagement, the resulting misinformation harms truth, trust, and democracy. Possible remedies include improved fact-checking and media literacy education.

Competing narratives in the Swedish 1929 deposit insurance-debate

In early April 1929, eight Swedish savings banks were declared insolvent and closed due to economic crimes committed by some of their founders. After the crash, the Swedish parliament entered into a month-long debate over whether the state should cover some, all, or none of the losses of the 88,000 depositors of the failed banks. The two main parties, the Right Party, in government, and the Social Democrats, the largest party in parliament, developed competing narratives about the causes of the crash, the motives for state intervention, which depositors should be helped, and with how much public money. This paper provides the first account and analysis of this political debate, which ended with a decision for the state to provide an informal, partial, one-time deposit guarantee. The case is unique in Swedish banking history and demonstrates the importance of analysing policy makers’ narratives to understand state intervention in banking crises.

Thin but visible: the role of populist attitudes and their subdimensions in populist support within the 2021 Czech legislative election

ABSTRACT Are populist attitudes too thin to matter for populist support? Considering their interplay with thick nativist attitudes, we argue that both populist attitudes and their subdimensions play a key role in the propensity to vote for each of the main populist parties within the 2021 Czech legislative election. The results from our survey (N = 2009) show that populist attitudes and their subdimensions are notable predictors whose role is not fully conditioned by thick nativist attitudes. Furthermore, the unique effects of subdimensions tend to reflect the emphasis that populist parties place on the corresponding components of populist ideology in their communication.

Partisan Politics in Portugal

Abstract This paper reviews the literature on partisan politics in Portugal at the national and sub-national levels. Starting with a description of the institutional setting, main parties and electoral results, the paper then delves into how partisanship matters for the policies implemented by incumbent governments. The available evidence indicates clear differences in several policy areas, such as the labour market, welfare, health, education, and gender issues, with Portuguese left- and right-wing governments acting in line with their ideological agendas. Voter behaviour and the emergence of the populist far-right in the Portuguese parliament are also analysed. (JEL codes: D04, D7, H4, and H7)

Party Politics in Austria: From Proporz to Populism?

Abstract Party politics in Austria has two distinctive features: institutionalized power sharing between the two main parties, known as Proporz, and a longstanding tradition of far-right populism. I examine whether these two phenomena are connected: Does reduced political competition correlate with vote shares for the far right? The results do not support the hypothesis that populist parties are stronger in places with reduced political competition and with Proporz institutions. Instead, the results show that Austrian populism has very deep historical roots. Historical party preferences in the 1930s explain a substantial part of the variation in far-right populist vote shares across Austrian regions today. Populism may also have economic consequences. Descriptive evidence shows that economic growth was 2 percentage points lower in Austria when far-right populists were in the national government, whereas no partisan differences can be found for the two main parties.

«Народная партия горцев Кавказа»: идеология, деятельность и кризисы

The aim of the article is to consider the history of the creation, ideology and main stages of the activity of one of the main parties of North Caucasians in exile - the “People’s Party of the Cauca-sus Highlanders,” which functioned in Europe from 1926 until the start of World War II. The sources of this article were the documents from the archives of France and Russia, as well as arti-cles by the leaders of this party. The party’s head, a Turkish citizen and the grandson of Imam Shamil - Said, is given special focus, as is the role of Polish politician and military figure Tadeusz Schetzel. The author investigates party membership, ideology, and the attitudes of its ideologists (B. Bilatti, T. Elekhoti, B. Baitugan, etc.) toward the “Caucasian Confederation” concept. This ar-ticle aims to study the tools of the party’s activities (future war, League of Nations, etc.). There are four periods in the party’s activity: 1926–1930, 1931–1933, 1934–1936, 1937–1939. The au-thor investigates both internal and foreign issues in the party. The “People’s Party of the Caucasus Mountain People,” on the one hand, did not have significant success in the socio-political life of North Caucasian emigrants in Europe in the 1920s-1930s, did not gain authority and respect among compatriots, but, on the other hand, it was a very important experience in the highlanders’ political activities and a very deep stage in the development of their political self-awareness.

The Grand Finale

Abstract: The 2019 televised debate between the leaders of the two main Portuguese parties for the general elections in Portugal drew approximately 2.7 million viewers. Debates constitute a centrepiece of campaigns, allowing candidates to showcase their proposals. The importance of debates in election campaigns reflects their possible influence in changing voters’ perspectives. As the standards for judging candidates increasingly rely on non-political characteristics such as personality traits, we examine the effects of debates on voters’ judgments of the warmth and competence of candidates and their voting intentions. We employed a within subject’s pretest/postest design to monitor participants before and after the debate between the leaders of the two main parties in Portugal, António Costa (Socialist Party, PS) and Rui Rio (Social-Democrat Party, PSD) for the Portuguese 2019 legislative elections. A comprehensive statistical pipeline was implemented to isolate the effects of the debate. Evidence suggesting that the debate influenced the perceived warmth and competence of both candidates was found. This study contributes to the literature on debates and supports the claim that they may shift voters’ perceptions and attitudes.

Where has everyone gone? Depopulation and voting behaviour in Spain

AbstractIn many European countries, people increasingly leave rural or small municipalities to live and work in urban or metropolitan environments. Although previous work on the ‘left behind’ places has examined the relationship between the rural–urban divide and vote choice, less is known about how depopulation affects electoral behaviour. Is there a relationship between experiencing a loss in population and support for the different parties? We investigate this question by examining the Spanish case, a country where the topic of depopulation has become a salient issue in political competition. Using a newly compiled dataset, we also explore whether the relationship between depopulation and electoral returns is moderated by municipality size, local compositional changes, the loss of public services and changes in amenities. Our findings show that depopulated municipalities give higher support to the main Conservative party, mainly in small municipalities. Yet, municipalities on the brink of disappearance are more likely to give larger support to the far‐right. Results overall show that the effect of depopulation seems to be driven by compositional changes, and not as a result of losing public services or a deterioration of the vibrancy of the town. Our findings have important implications for our understanding of the relationship between internal migration and electoral behaviour.

Position, salience and rhetoric: the strategic tools employed by the main Scottish political parties in the post-devolution era

Position, salience and rhetoric: the strategic tools employed by the main Scottish political parties in the post-devolution era

From regional autonomy towards horizontal and vertical congruence coalition politics in Polish regions in the period 1998–2018

ABSTRACT In 1999 regional self-government was established in Poland and, subsequently, politics began to operate in a new multilevel setting. The question raised in this article is, how did Polish parties adapt to functioning in a multilevel system focusing on coalition politics? The analysis of documents – regional assemblies’ resolutions were used to track regional coalition formation in the period 1998–2018 – was supplemented by data gathered from the author’s interviews with regional politicians. The tendency to avoid cross-cutting coalitions was evident from the first two elections when regional politics was rather autonomous. Vertically and horizontally congruent coalitions gradually became standard when advantageous conditions occurred after 2006. The particular features of the party system leading to the avoidance of cross-cutting coalitions were the role of socio-political cleavage, that is a ‘post-communist divide’ and, later, rising polarization within a bipolar party system. Cross-cutting coalitions were occasionally acceptable but never those requiring cooperation between a majority party forming the government and the main opposition party at the central level. Recent studies indicate the rise of divergent coalitions in Europe, but in Polish regions, the contrary tendency has been observed.

Combating Corruption in Nigeria: A Case Study of Public Prosecution under Buhari’s Administration (2015-2023)

The menace of corruption in Nigeria has lingered on for years, the conscious awareness towards this malady has gained prominence over the years, to the extent that the main opposition party, All Progressive Congress (APC), ascended to power in the 2015 General Elections, emerging victorious at the polls with anti-corruption campaign, echoed by the change mantra. This study dissected the much-anticipated fight against corruption in the eight years of Muhammadu Buhari’s APC led administration; it unravels that the principle The menace of corruption in Nigeria has lingered on for years, the conscious awareness towards this malady has gained prominence over the years, to the extent that the main opposition party, All Progressive Congress (APC), ascended to power in the 2015 General Elections, emerging victorious at the polls with anti-corruption campaign, echoed by the change mantra. This study dissected the much-anticipated fight against corruption in the eight years of Muhammadu Buhari’s APC led administration; it unravels that the principle of rotation of power with its patron-client network and identity politics are enablers of corruption in Nigeria. Similarly, it is posited that plea bargain constitutes a huge hindrance to the successful eradication of corruption in Nigeria, just as the poor reward system for career public office holders constitutes a challenge to the fight against corruption in Nigeria. The study concluded that the Buhari administration’s fight against corruption, although had Nigerians filled with hopes from inception, could not achieve much in the end with the anti-corruption Caesar (Ibrahim Magu) removed in what appears as a power play. We recommend the establishment of institutional mechanisms to prevent corruption, review of reward system for public officers, creation of credit system to facilitate citizens’ immediate access to meeting their needs, prosecution of civil/public servants who are complicit in corrupt practices, and compensation of whistleblowers, among other measures.

Religion, Morality, and Democracy in Ghana

Abstract Many Ghanaians express concern about what they regard as a serious decline in morality and integrity, at both elite and popular levels. The decline is believed to fuel corruption, undermine national development, and diminish faith in democracy as the best available system of government. The paper argues that a close relationship between Ghana’s largest church, the Church of Pentecost (CoP), and the country’s two main political parties, the New Patriotic Party and the National Democratic Congress, threatens Ghana’s secular constitution and the country’s three decades of democracy in two ways. First, the CoP wants undemocratically to impose a framework to control Ghanaians’ moral behaviour according to the church’s values and beliefs. Second, the CoP’s influence on Ghana’s two main political parties seeks to prioritise power and control over all Ghanaians regardless of their religious affiliation and of the country’s commitment to democratic norms and institutions.