Lower-class Negro Research Articles

Reception, Identity, and the Global Village

Reception, Identity, and the Global Village

Variations in the intelligence test performance of referred boys of differing racial and socioeconomic backgrounds as a function of feedback or monetary reinforcement

One hundred fifty-six elementary school males referred to school psychologists were characterized as lower-class whites, lower-class Negroes, or middle-class whites. Each of these groups was tested with the verbal scale of the WISC under either standardized conditions, feedback concerning correct answers, or contingent monetary reinforcement for correct answers. Middle-class whites and lower-class Negroes did not differ across treatments. However, lower-class whites tested under feedback or monetary conditions performed significantly better than lower-class whites tested under standardized conditions. Implications for testing procedures or the interpretation of test scores were evident.

SOCIAL-CLASS DIFFERENCES AND TASK VARIABLES IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF MULTIPLICATIVE CLASSIFICATION

OVERTON, WILLIS F.; WAGNER, JANIS; and DOLINSKY, HARRIET. Social-Class Differences and Task Variables in the Development of Multiplicative Classification. CHILD DEVELOPMENT, 1971, 42, 1951-1958. Lower-class Negro and middle-class white children at 4-5, 6-7, and 8-9 years of age were administered 2 forms of a matrix-completion task. 1 form contained 3-dimensional objects; the second form contained 2-dimensional pictorial representations of the same objects. The study was conducted to explore the role of this task variable, socioeconomic class, and age in the development of multiplicative classificatory skills. Although no diferences were found for the 2 matrix forms, the results indicated significant age and age by social class efects. Lower-class and middle-class groups performed equally at ages 4-5 years and 6-7 years. At age 8-9 years, however, the lower-class group performed more poorly than the middle-class group. There was no improvement for the lower-class group between ages 6-7 and 8-9. These results are discussed in terms of the development and activation of cognitive structures.

COMPARISON OF IMITATION AND COMPREHENSION SCORES BETWEEN TWO LOWER-CLASS GROUPS AND THE EFFECTS OF TWO WARM-UP CONDITIONS ON IMITATION OF THE SAME GROUPS

HALL, VERNON C., and TURNER, RALPH R. Comparison of Imitation and Comprehension Scores between Two Lower-Class Groups and the Effects of Two Warm-up Conditions on Imitation of the Same Groups. CHILD DEVELOPMENT, 1971, 42, 1735-1750. A test devised and used by Osser, Wang, and Zaid (1969) designed to measure speech imitation and comprehension abilities was administered to 16 lower-class Negro (NLC) and 16 lowcer-class white (WLC) kindergarten boys. Half of the subjects in the present study received feedback during wcarm-up designed to define exact imitation. The WLC and NLC groups were not significantly different in any of the three general measures of deviation from standard English. The NLC subjects did give significantly more examples of 3 of 5 known Negro dialect deciations. The wcarm-up had no effect on imitation, nor was there any ecidence found which indicated that accurate imitation necessarily resulted in accurate coinprehension. The WLC subjects did perform better (p < .10) on the comprehension task.

Anomia and Militancy Among Urban Negroes: A Study of Neighborhood and Individual Effects

HISTORIANS AND SOCIAL scientists have usually concurred that one of the results of industrialization and urbanization is an increasing alienation of the individual from the community and society. Within the discipline of sociology a great deal of recent theory and research on alienation may be traced to Merton's meansends paradigm (Merton, 1963:161-194). Merton attributes one form of alienation, anomie, to a .. . breakdown in the cultural brought about by the incapacity of certain groups to reach the culturally prescribed goals by means of the available access routes. Although the Mertonian version of anomie is fundamentally a sociological rather than a psychological concept, suggesting strains within a social system, most researchers have focused upon anomic attitudes of individuals, implying that such attitudes mirror stresses and strains within the total society (Srole, 1956:709-716; Merton, 1964:213-242). Several studies of urban areas confirm that residents of lower-class neighborhoods manifest a high degree of anomia, reflecting in turn the perceived castelike hopelessness of slum life, particularly within lower-class Negro neighborhoods (Bullough, 1967:471-478; Killian and Grigg, 1962:661-665). Recent changes within the social structure, however, have presumably loosened the severity of the social controls which once forced the lower-class Negro to walk a straight and narrow path in areas of life which formerly were open territory only to whites. Within the past twenty years the emergence of these changes has been evident through a wide range of trends: Supreme Court decisions, the growth of civil rights and black power movements, the development of massive programs such as the War on Poverty and Model Cities. Increasingly it might be expected that many Negroes will manifest a more militant stance in seeking the goals which have been legitimated by the movements of the fifties and sixties. Among Negroes not strongly affected by the events of this period, however, the anomic attitudes which have been historically evident may still prevail. But among those who have been at least marginally touched by these trends, a recognition of this new goal-directed orientation toward civil rights should be manifest. A large proportion of the Negro population of the United States resides in poverty-stricken urban areas. If the neighborhood concept is to have utility in sociology, it is essential to gain a better understanding of the function of these local areas in the generation and maintenance of norms and attitudes. When the neighborhood is considered from the classical ecological perspective, its social context is usually viewed as a product of a competition for life-space, an interplay of forces principally within the economic realm. Beyond the recognition that the ecology of the city reflects a social class distribution, it has frequently been noted that inner-city neighborhoods undergo an invasion and succession of vari-

Two Variables Associated with Differential Productive Cultural Involvement Among Lower-Class Negro and Caucasian Young Men

Two Variables Associated with Differential Productive Cultural Involvement Among Lower-Class Negro and Caucasian Young Men

A Comparison of Lower Class Negro and White Children on Three Standardized Tests

In recent years two large segments of the American culture have attracted the growing attention and concern of social scientists. These are the Negro and the economically deprived regardless of race. Mitchell (1962), McKinley (1964), and Grossack (1963), among others, have studied 'the Negro ghetto child and have pointed out shortcomings in his social and academic attainments in comparison with the white, middle-class suburban child. While interesting, analyses of these differences serve little purpose in helping either group in its educative endeavor, since the groups are educated in far different settings.

The Generality of Color-Form Preference as a Function of Materials and Task Requirements among Lower-Class Negro Children

The Generality of Color-Form Preference as a Function of Materials and Task Requirements among Lower-Class Negro Children

THE DRINKING MAN Lower‐class Negro Drinking Patterns and Alcoholism in an Urban Setting

CriminologyVolume 8, Issue 3 p. 263-278 THE DRINKING MAN Lower-class Negro Drinking Patterns and Alcoholism in an Urban Setting Harvey Alan Siegal, Harvey Alan SiegalSearch for more papers by this author Harvey Alan Siegal, Harvey Alan SiegalSearch for more papers by this author First published: November 1970 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-9125.1970.tb00745.x AUTHOR'S NOTE: The author wishes to thank Professors Arnold Birenbaum, Robert M. Martinson, and Edward Sagarin for their valuable comments and suggestions regarding earlier drafts of this paper. The valuable assistance of Mrs. Nina Creque, an employee at The Martin Luther KingHealth Center in the collection of data, is gratefully acknowledged. HARVEY ALAN SIEGAL is presently completing his doctoral work in sociology at Yale University, having received his M.A. from The City College of New York in the same field. Hismain interests lie in the sociology of social deviance, criminology, and the sociology of alcoholism and other addictions. AboutPDF ToolsExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Volume8, Issue3November 1970Pages 263-278 RelatedInformation

Marriage and Family Differences Among Lower-class Negro and East Indian Women in Trinidad

Marriage and Family Differences Among Lower-class Negro and East Indian Women in Trinidad

Matriarchy and Lower Class Negro Male Delinquency

Despite fairly wide speculation, the issue of matriarchy and delinquency among lower-class Negro males has failed to generate significant empirical research. In an attempt to fill this gap, the factors of absent father, sex of main wage earner, main decision-making and most influential adult were investigated for the households of 921 Negro males, ages 13-15, who resided in a lower-class Negro high-delinquent area. Even though some significant differences were found for the total sample, not a single variable proved to be a major factor (as measured by Goodman and Kruskal's Tau-b). The suggestion is made that the factor of matriarchy may be only one of numerous “original causes” which “push” a lower-class Negro male into delinquency, thus accounting for the small association for matriarchy and delinquency.

Matriarchy and Lower Class Negro Male Delinquency

Matriarchy and Lower Class Negro Male Delinquency

The Lower-class Negro Family in the United States and Great Britain: Some Comparisons

The Lower-class Negro Family in the United States and Great Britain: Some Comparisons

Relative Occupational Anticipations and Aspirations of Delinquents and Nondelinquents

This study examines the levels of occupational aspirations and anticipations of a group of delinquent and nondelinquent boys in relation to their fathers' occupation. The two groups were controlled in respect to sex (only boys), age (only seventeen- year-olds), race (only whites and Negroes), and social class. The delinquent sample comprised sixty-one boys confined to a mid western training school. The control was made up of seventy boys from upper working-class and lower middle-class neighbor hoods in the Chicago area. The study findings include the following: (1) Almost three of every four nondelinquents anticipate higher occupations than those of their fathers; (2) Negro delinquents hope to obtain occupations above the level of their fathers; and (3) Negro boys appear to be most motivated to rise above the occupational levels of their fathers. However, so far as relative goal discrepan cy is concerned, the lower-class Negro in the sample study reflects the lowest degree of confidence.

A Note on Father Absence and Masculine Development in Lower-Class Negro and White Boys

The relation of father absence and sociocultural background to masculine development was explored. Subjects were 6-year-old lower-class Negro and white boys. In terms of projective sex-role orientation (Brown's IT scale), white father-present boys were the most masculine; there was no significant difference between white father-absent and Negro father-present boys; and the Negro father-absent boys were the least masculine. No significant differences relating to either direct sex-role preference or teacher's ratings of masculinity on a multidimensional scale were found. The results suggested that underlying sex-role orientation is more influenced by father availability and family background than are more manifest aspects of masculinity.

Negro group dynamics.

IN RECENT YEARS the American community has awakened to the sociologic problems produced by its geographically limited, impoverished minority groups. In response we are now investing substantial amounts of money and energy in a variety of programs designed to enrich the cultural, educational, and economic environment of the urban "ghetto-dweller."^1,2 Generally the lower-class Negro receives the benefits of these programs, and the middle-class Negro is employed to implement them. This means that few whites are involved in the programs or with the people they serve. Thus, when the trained professional, such as the psychiatrist, is asked to serve in an advisory or consultative capacity, he finds himself in unfamiliar surroundings. It is rare for him to have worked with the poor people themselves; he seldom treats them in his private practice, and in public hospitals and clinics he usually must delegate their

Role Models for Lower Class Negro Boys

Much has been written about ways in which lower class Negro students can be motivated to seek middle class goals. Providing middle class role models for these students is one technique that is usually recommended, but seldom discussed analytically. The popular practice of providing only Negro adult role models to Negro children is challenged as being an activity that impedes the movement of lower class Negroes into the mainstream of American life.

The Effects of Feedback and Positive Reinforcement on the Wepman Auditory Discrimination Test Scores of Lower-Class Negro and White Children

Twenty-four Negro and 21 white lower-class children, 8 to 9 years old, received the Wepman Auditory Discrimination Test in two forms. The experimental group of 10 whites and 12 Negroes received special feedback and reinforcement, while the control group of 11 whites and 12 Negroes simply received a second trial. The special instructions and feedback improved the discrimination scores of the Negro experimental subjects only. No change was observed in the control group subjects who received an unadorned second trial.

A Comparison of Information Processing Abilities of Middle and Lower Class Negro Kindergarten Boys

Fifty middle class and 50 lower class Negro kindergarten boys were administered a battery of eight instruments designed to assess specific information processing abilities. An analysis of 19 variables produced five reasonably meaningful components, with a general language ability component the most significant. When class groups were compared, this component discriminated most significantly between the groups. Implications for educational definition, diagnosis, and program planning are discussed.

Social Change and Curriculum Innovation

As the three of us talked one evening, the principal and the two curriculum assistants, we discussed the results of the recently completed survey of our teachers. Most of them had been hand-picked and we knew they were outstanding human beings, teachers with heart. Since most of our students were lower socioeconomic class Negroes, we had insisted on hiring only those with compassion and deep understanding. Their personal and emotional qualifications were in order. What about their educational qualifications? A curriculum survey showed clearly that the majority of the teachers had better academic qualifications than found in the average school. They held many advanced degrees and had travelled extensively. Further, they were experienced in our school setting.