Loss Of Sovereignty Research Articles

Pragmatism and Ideology in Russian-German Energy Relations

For a long time, cooperation between Russia and Germany in the energy sector was based on bilateral interests and economic pragmatism, but recently in its relations with Russia the Federal Republic of Germany has been demonstrating ideologisation and loss of sovereignty in the important sphere of energy supply. This article investigated the history of bilateral energy relations, their characteristics, the political consequences of their disruption, and the results of the German energy policy. The results of the study include quantitative data on the volume of energy co-operation between the two states in the energy sector, as well as the status and dynamics of the German energy sector over the last 30 years. The main conclusions of the study are: 1) the thesis of Germany’s declining opportunities on the world stage because of its shrinking economic power has been proved.2) The assumption of the importance of low-cost energy supplies from Russia for Germany has been confirmed. 3) The vulnerability of the German political system to external influence through destructive political forces has been revealed. The final conclusion was that ideology has taken priority over pragmatism in German energy and foreign policy towards Russia in recent years.

Myth of Sovereignty in the Era of Hyper-Globalisation

Globalisation has made it necessary to review modernity’s paradigms. One such paradigm that may no longer be an accurate descriptor (if it ever was) of international society is that of the sovereign nation-state. Through an exploration of both the western nation-state and the space collectively referred to as ‘postcolony’, two different experiences of globalisation are exhibited, each with different power manifestations. For the former, globalisation has challenged both internal and external legitimacy, which as in turn led to perceptions of a loss of sovereignty. However, the loss of sovereignty does not imply the loss of power; sovereign power has morphed into biopower, with power remaining within that space. In contrast, the postcolony’s historical relationship with sovereignty is one of negation- the denial of it. Globalisation thus threatens not the specific manifestation of power in sovereignty, but rather the continued subordination to western sovereignty. This has occurred due to a continuation of the ‘state of exception’ and socioeconomic hegemony. The piece does not, however, claim to be a definitive analysis of power, sovereign or otherwise, under globalisation. Such an inquiry would be a much greater project that went beyond the two broad categories west/postcolony, looking at specific national contexts: ‘realities’ rather than ‘reality’, accounting for the heterogeneity of both the forms and experiences of colonialism. It is a map of the terrain, and like any map is pitched at the level of generalisation.

State survival vs leaders’ survival: how ethnic conflicts affect a state’s international alignment behavior?

ABSTRACT This article examines the underlying factors contributing to a more strategic and rational alignment behaviour exhibited by certain post-Soviet states compared to others in the region and beyond, despite the high stakes of domestic politics. Specifically, it focuses on Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Moldova, suggesting their consistent, state-centric foreign policies arise from facing protracted ethnic conflicts threatening their territorial integrity. The notion of differential survival risks is proposed to explain this phenomenon. Consequently, resolving these conflicts becomes the paramount concern for these states’ leadership to avoid substantial territorial losses or even loss of sovereignty, relegating domestic issues to a secondary status.

Regime of military occupation, human rights, elections and referendums: case of Ukraine

From 2014 until today, parts of the Donetsk, Kherson, Luhansk and Zaporizhia regions of Ukraine are under international legal regime of military occupation. To realize one of its intentions - to change the territorial status quo by force of arms - Russia uses such tools as elections and referendums in the temporarily occupied parts of Ukraine. The article characterizes the legal regime of the military occupation, focuses attention on ensuring the rights and freedoms of citizens and the legal regime on the temporarily occupied territory of Ukraine, emphasizes that the elections and referendums held by Russia have nothing to do with direct forms of democracy. These are legally invalid measures organized by the occupation administrations as an attempt to illegally annex Ukrainian territories by the Russian Federation. Their results do not have any legal consequences and cannot be accepted and recognized by the international community. Also focusing on the regime of military occupation, the authors of the article emphasize that occupation does not mean the loss of sovereignty of the occupied territory. Territorial supremacy of the state is directly related to state sovereignty and is one of its constituent elements. The occupation is characterized by the preservation of power structures and the continuation of resistance and military operations against the occupying state.
 The decisions of the UN International Court of Justice and the International Military Tribunal (Nuremberg) are analyzed. It is emphasized that the methods used by the Russian Federation to achieve the goal of including the territories of Ukraine, in which the Russian Federation held «referendums» and elections, were aggressive, the decisive factor was the military power of the Russian Federation, which came into force and met the resistance of sovereign independent Ukraine and the Ukrainian people. It is emphasized that Russia commits war crimes and uses «means of terrorism», one of which is the financing of so-called elections and referendums in the territories of Ukraine temporarily occupied by Russia. Ukraine carries out armed resistance to the inclusion of the territories of Ukraine in which the Russian Federation held «referendums» («referendums» in the Kherson, Zaporizhzhya, Donetsk and Luhansk regions), reacts negatively to manifestations of territorial sovereignty on the part of the Russian Federation, and Ukraine also demonstrates by its behavior, that the referendums held by the Russian Federation in the Kherson, Zaporizhzhya, Donetsk, and Luhansk regions are unconstitutional, and their results and the acceptance of the territories of Ukraine into the Russian Federation do not have legal force.

From Frying Pan to Fire: Protest, War and the Forging of a Belarusian Nation

Abstract The mass street protests after Belarus’s 2020 presidential election failed to oust dictator Alyaksandr Lukashenka. They nonetheless represented a political and national awakening of Belarusian society, with a level of popular engagement in politics unseen in Belarus during the preceding three decades. Eighteen months after the election crisis, Belarusians were plunged into a new crisis as their state provided a supporting role in Russia’s large-scale invasion of Ukraine. This article identifies the main causes of the 2020 protests and their relationship to Belarusian national identity. It assesses the state of the national awakening three years after the 2020 election in the context of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and Belarus’s role in that war; asking whether Belarus is still sovereign and whether loss of sovereignty is fatal for Belarusian national identity. It argues that Lukashenka’s position remains highly precarious and that the national awakening hangs in the balance.

한국 대중가요가 노래해온 죽음에 관한 탐색적 연구 - 1920년대부터 1950년대까지를 중심으로

This study analyzes how the meaning of death has changed in early Korean popular songs. As a representation of social change and popular sentiment, such songs have constantly changed the meaning of death throughout history. The view of death and the way it is sung has also changed at different points in the 100-year history of Korean popular songs, which began as a praise of death. The nihilism of the loss of sovereignty during the emergence of popular song was expressed in songs of personal mourning, martyrdom for the emperor during the period of increased militarism, and mourning for those who died for their country during the period from liberation to the Korean War.
 As we learn about the future from the past, a retrospective of the history of popular songs about death at a time when the coronavirus pandemic is forcing us to reflect on death more seriously will be an opportunity to observe not only the changes in public interest in death, but also the cross-section of death as perceived by society.

Does the prospect of further sovereignty loss fuel Euroscepticism? A population-based survey experiment

ABSTRACT Whether further European integration is desirable is an ongoing question in public opinion research: both extant research and the outcome of various EU-related referendums show that many citizens hold negative views on proposals that lead to further loss of national sovereignty. An important issue thus arises: does the prospect of such additional sovereignty loss increase negativity towards the EU? This study attempts to answer this question using a pre-registered original survey experiment conducted among members of a nationally-representative high-quality Dutch panel. Our focus is on how exposure to proposed abolishment of EU member states’ right of veto affects EU attitudes. In addition, we analyse whether the exposure effect is shaped by 1) citizens’ prior populist attitudes and 2) the Eurosceptic character of the medium. Concerning the former, informed by recent in-depth qualitative research, we hypothesise that populist attitudes aggravate the extent to which exposure to potential loss of national sovereignty leads to more negative EU attitudes. Concerning the latter, we hypothesise that exposure via a Eurosceptic medium might either aggravate or abate the extent to which the newspaper message leads to more negative EU attitudes. We discuss our findings and provide suggestions for further research.

Symptomatic Elegies: Ideology and Melancholy in Dennis Lee and Eli Mandel

The CanLit boom of the 1960s and 1970s involved the canonization of a cultural identity preoccupied with a perceived loss of political sovereignty to the United States and, more generally, to the dynamics of capitalist modernity. This article proposes that this emerging identity promoted an ideology that made the loss of sovereignty appear inevitable and concealed the possibility of political resistance. The article takes as case studies Dennis Lee’s Civil Elegies and Eli Mandel’s “On the 25th Anniversary of the Liberation of Auschwitz Memorial Services, Toronto, January 25th, 1970 YMHA Bloor and Spadina.” Bringing together diverse fields of Canadian Studies (literature, history, and philosophy) and drawing from contemporary political and historical theory, this article explores how these poems, despite their differences in form and subject matter, partake in the same melancholic fantasy of powerlessness – a fantasy akin to the one that would come to hold sway over the global zeitgeist in the late twentieth century and beyond.

Using crises to leverage change and build resilience: Legacies and learnings from shocks

Abstract Background The economic crisis of 2008 and the Covid-19 pandemic acted as profound shocks on health systems around the world. During the financial crisis, Ireland was one of five European countries to receive a bailout from the Troika. The loss of sovereignty in governance and six austerity budgets created a huge challenge for the Irish health system and its ability to be resilient in the face of long-lasting shock. These constraints on resources and a shift in governance meant that Ireland's health infrastructure was weak going into the Covid-19 pandemic. Furthermore, the depletion of workforce numbers and low morale also presented challenges. Methods Semi-structured interviews were conducted with seven senior stakeholders as part of the wider RESTORE research project, following ethical approval from the research Institution. Nvivo software was used to conduct thematic analysis independently by three researchers. Results The financial crisis deeply impacted the Irish health system throughout the years of austerity. Due to these legacy issues, the system was in a relatively weak position when faced with the Covid-19 pandemic. Furthermore, a lack of long-term planning was evident during the recovery period and the system was unable to reverse many of the negative impacts brought on during austerity. However, the system proved adaptive and innovative in response to Covid-19, and the pandemic proved to be a catalyst for positive change, providing opportunities for long-term reform, alongside an immediate response to the crisis. This was facilitated by increased funding and a devolution in decision-making structures. Conclusions The findings raise the question of whether health systems are entering a state of permacrisis and if so what can be done to promote resilience and prepare for future shocks. Furthermore, it asks whether health systems should put resources into acute shocks or everyday crises and explores the relationship between these two foci and resilience.

Literary View towards Unresolved Territorial Conflicts in Northeast Asia: Focusing on Inherent Community Memory between South Korea and Japan and Collective Perception of South Korean

Purpose: This article is to explore to understand the realistic background of the territorial conflicts, it has limitations in the understanding and resolution of the territorial conflicts at a more fundamental level regarding the humanities approach. In this respect, it is important to analyze the unresolved territorial conflicts based on the literary view from a humanistic approach based on a political and cultural perspective rather than a confrontation based on the logic of power.
 Method: The humanities approach is especially literature, contains the conflict generation and resolution process at the human level. The literary works representing each country, especially novels and tales, uniquely demonstrate the origin and development of the conflicts through their own plots. Based on which, it will be possible to understand how the territorial disputes will develop by country at the cultural level.
 Results: This article has not suggested a fundamental resolution for the territorial conflicts of Northeast Asia, and especially the historical issues of Dokdo between South Korea and Japan. However, it is important to take a humanistic approach focusing on the literary works as ideological, economic, cultural, and nationalist conflicts. This is because the memory of intersecting harms and damages as ideological, economic, cultural, and nationalistic confrontations are repeated with a focus on the Korean Peninsula and Manchuria are the factors that continue the conflict.
 Conclusion: As the historical contexts are different, the cultural and psychological tendencies are also unique, and the territorial disputes develop through the combination of such factors. In order to analyze the collective psychology and conflict of the South Koreans who experienced the loss of sovereignty and division due to Japan’s forced annexation, and the territorial and historical issues surrounding the Island of Dokdo, which has been an obstacle to the normalization of the South Korea-Japan relations to this day, the culture of the time literature works dealing with modern and contemporary history that reflect the culture and language have been considered.

Criminal legal protection of state sovereignty of Ukraine in the information sphere

Criminal legal protection of state sovereignty of Ukraine in the information sphere

White Settler-colonialism and Epistemic Violence in “Post-apartheid South Africa”: An Azanian Philosophical Analysis

This article is a critical attempt to problematise the notions of European Modernity and Rationality. It is fundamentally an Afrikan philosophical critique of epistemic violence that comes with European Modernity and Rationality. It argues that European Modernity triumphed in “South Africa” following unjust conquest of the Indigenous people since 1652, which was characterised by loss of sovereignty and epistemicide. This resulted in the violent imposition of the law and jurisprudence of White settlers, which are antithetical to Afrikan law and jurisprudence. This epistemicidal nature of White settler colonialism manifests itself through the legal technicalisation of issues of historical injustice.

Fixed monetary regimes – debates and arguments

The paper examines the main arguments defending and rejecting fixed exchange rate regimes. It argues that, contrary to what is claimed and in line with practice, these types of regimes have more advantages than disadvantages. They make trade and international coordination significantly more efficient and predictable. Many of the arguments about the loss of degrees of freedom in monetary and macroeconomic policy-making, and the loss of sovereignty, need to be relativised. This is done in this first part of the paper. In the second part, to be published in the next issue, we present different institutional forms that can overcome the problems surrounding fixed exchange rates in different ways, namely currency boards and dollarization, capital controls, and different models of clearing unions.

AN INTERACTIVE STUDY ON THE BRITISH AND GERMAN SEMI-COLONIAL STRATEGY AND THE CHANGE OF TRADITIONAL CHINESE SOVEREIGNTY-BASED ON THE COMPARISON BETWEEN SHANGHAI AND QINGDAO

The emergence of “Concessions” is not a simple historical problem. Based on the sovereignty declining theory, this paper attempts to explore the emergence of “Concessions” and the mechanism and process of sovereignty change. Unlike the ceded territory, Chinese “Concessions” in modern times are a special sovereign space. It means China shares its sovereignty with the western states. “Concessions” breaks the “supremacy” and “exclusiveness” of sovereignty. As “Concessions” with different legal statuses, Shanghai and Qingdao are not only part of the global colonial strategy between Britain and Germany, but also the watershed of Chinese sovereignty change. By comparing the changes in Chinese sovereignty in Shanghai and Qingdao, this paper finds out the mechanism and process of Chinese sovereignty weakening in the different Concessions. At the same time, the maintenance of sovereignty is related to whether China can form a centralized system. Before 1949, China could not form a centralized system, which was the main reason for the capacity of the state. The emergence and development of “Concessions” is also a manifestation of the Chinese vulnerable capacity to external interference and loss of sovereignty. This political phenomenon has affected the change of the Chinese state form.

Formation of state policy in the sphere of digital platforms and ecosystems

Problem setting. The scientific work is devoted to the study of directions and measures of regulation of digital platforms and digital ecosystems. The functioning of digital platforms and ecosystems has its advantages, but citizens, businesses and the state face risks of information security, inequality of relations, loss of sovereignty. That is why in countries with a developed digital economy, the issue of state regulation of platforms and ecosystems is among the priorities. For Ukraine, which is significantly lagging behind in the application of breakthrough innovations, it is important to study world experience in order to develop its own state policy. analysis of recent researches and publications. The issues of regulation of digital platforms and ecosystems are discussed in the scientific literature. In the studies of scientists, in particular, B. Chew, M. Jacobides, B. Kyra, J. Wu, a wide range of aspects are considered, such as the complexity of developing regulatory solutions in the digital economy due to constant innovations, the specifics of protecting competition, data, and human rights in digital ecosystems, the need for regular rethinking and updating of state influence approaches, the need for big data analytics by regulators to identify patterns of behavior of subjects, the feasibility of building a national digital ecosystem of state regulation. The question of the specifics of the development and implementation of an effective state policy in the field of digital ecosystems for emerging economies remains unexplored. Purpose of the research is to substantiate theoretical provisions, analyze legislation and develop practical recommendations for the formation of a state policy for the regulation of digital platforms and ecosystems in Ukraine. article’s main body. To solve the problems of the ecosystem economy, the European Union adopted a number of regulatory documents regulating the activities of digital platforms, in particular the Law on Digital Markets and the Law on Digital Services. The regulatory requirements of the EU for digital platforms are aimed at reducing the risks of monopolization, unfair competition, security of data and operations, misuse of information. Similar requirements can and should be introduced in developing countries. It is important for all countries to ensure the security and stability of a single digital ecosystem. To measure progress in achieving the EU’s digital development goals by 2030, the EU has introduced monitoring measures. On the basis of monitoring, it is expedient for each country to form state supervision over the functioning of digital ecosystems. The systematic approach to the formation of state policy is as follows. The strategic goal of regulating digital platforms and ecosystems must be aligned with national goals. The chosen goal should be decomposed by levels and directions for systematic processing and implementation of strategic decisions. Policy tasks should be defined taking into account the goals, identified weaknesses, risks and threats. conclusions and prospects for the development. States should respond to the potential and existing dangers of the ecosystem economy through the implementation of a policy for the regulation of digital platforms and ecosystems and its systematic updating. In conditions of insufficient funding and in the case of technological lag, emerging countries can implement effective low-cost public policy by implementing regulatory requirements for digital platforms, state supervision in the field of ecosystem economy, development of regulatory measures taking into account a systemic approach. The perspective of further research is the systematic analysis of risks in digital ecosystems and the development of regulatory measures for their management.

Friend Zone Forever? The Essence of and Justifications for the EU's Decision‐Making Autonomy

AbstractThe expansion of the European Union's (EU) regulatory sphere creates conflicts of sovereignty between the EU and its member states, and third countries that lack a possibility to participate in the making of those laws and policies. The conflict is epitomised in the concept of the Union's decision‐making autonomy. Albeit stringently applied, the concept is ambiguous and undefined. This article endeavours to unfold its meaning, use and significance and examine whether its rigid nature is justified in light of the Union's aims to expand its regulatory sphere. The article argues that the ultimate rationale of decision‐making autonomy is to ensure the effectiveness of the EU legal order and to compensate for the member states' loss of sovereignty, investment and risk‐taking. Insofar as non‐member states do not demonstrate similar commitment to the EU, exclusion from decision‐making is justified to retain the privilege and attractiveness of membership.

From a Sovereign State to a Union Territory: A History of the Constitutional Erosion in Kashmir

The unilateral abrogation of Article 370 on August 5, 2019, by the Government of India signalled the culmination of the constitutional erosion in Jammu & Kashmir (J&K). This move, now endorsed by the Indian Supreme Court, prompts a retrospective glance at the State’s gradual loss of sovereignty since its signing of the Instrument of Accession with the Dominion of India in 1947. Unlike other States, J&K retained sovereignty, delegating legislative power exclusively for defence, external affairs, and communication to the Indian Dominion legislature. This article endeavours to delineate J&K’s distinct status, meticulously tracing the erosion of its semi-autonomous position post the dissolution of its Constituent Assembly in 1957. Through a critical analysis of the Instrument of Accession, Article 370’s role in codifying the terms of accession, pivotal judgments from the Supreme Court and the J&K High Court, and other pertinent documents, it sheds light on the gradual dismantling of J&K’s unique constitutional position within India’s framework.

Актуальные социогуманитарные проблемы укрепления субъектности России

In the context of the growing conflict with the “collective West”, it is necessary to create adequate mechanisms for governing the country, focused on consolidating the state, soci­ety and business, on strengthening its subjectness to ensure life and development. Philo­sophical foundations are proposed to justify the increase in the role of subjectness and the basic characteristics of subjectness are considered. The analysis of the current state of Russia’s subjectness allows us to conclude that it has a poorly organized subjectness, which has been formed over the past thirty years of the cult of money and admiration for the “collective West”. The centuries-old history of Russia gives grounds for the asser­tion that it has a civilizational code that saves it in situations that threaten the loss of sovereignty. Conventionally, this code can be called the code of “mobilization subject­ness”. The topical socio-humanitarian problems of strengthening the subjectness of Russia are considered, among which an important place is occupied by the problem of improving the mechanisms of public participation at all levels from local to federal. The expediency of forming a new direction in ensuring the security of social systems – “subjectness secu­rity” is substantiated. The basic philosophical and methodological foundations of this work are related to post-non-classical scientific rationality and post-non-classical cybernetics of self-developing poly-subject (reflexive-active) environments – third-order cybernetics. In the context of the problem of subjectness, this approach allows, when assembling sub­jects, to rely on the harmony of hierarchies, networks and environments, creating condi­tions for their convergence, and not opposition. The basis for these processes is a system of ontologies of self-developing poly-subject (reflexive-active) environments, which al­lows overcoming the limitations of the network approach (non-classical scientific rational­ity) and proceeding to the formation of an integral macrosubject.

Introduction to “Place and Space”

This essay introduces a section of “Grounded in Place: Dialogues between First Nations Artists from Australia, Taiwan, and Aotearoa,” a special issue of Pacific Arts. “Place and Space” includes texts and images by artists Leah King-Smith (Australia), Anchi Lin (Ciwas Tahos, 林安琪) (Taiwan) and Ngahuia Harrison (Aotearoa New Zealand). The contributions of these three practitioners—all involved in lens-based and digital media—speak to loss of sovereignty and ways forward through contemporary art. Their reflections on recent projects prove their practices to be forms of claiming personal and culturally political territory in the face of centuries of exclusion and prejudice in colonial contexts.

The Domestic Political Economy of the WTO Crisis: Lessons for Preserving Multilateralism

A major contributor to the crisis at the World Trade Organization is the decline in support for multilateralism in the United States. Three key problems with the organization’s design precipitated the decline. First, incomplete rules related to trade remedies are interpreted by the organization’s Appellate Body in ways that conflict with a narrow set of sensitive US domestic priorities. Second, existing organization rules do not sufficiently account for non-market economies, such as China. Third, remediation of these problems is infeasible due to consensus-based decision-making in the World Trade Organization. These problems represent more fundamental challenges induced by increased economic integration—loss of sovereignty and erosion of democracy. To alleviate these problems in multilateral agreements we suggest: (1) a narrow solution that carves out a special process for handling trade remedy disputes; (2) a broad solution that relaxes the requirement of consensus for the organization’s reform, adopting some form of supermajority voting or a sunset clause; (3) the reform of domestic consensus-building institutions within the US that directly address the political-economy sources of voter discontent.