Lord Baltimore Research Articles

Archaeoacoustic measurement and simulation of the Jesuit Chapel at St. Mary’s City, Maryland

St. Mary’s City, Maryland was the original capital of Maryland, founded as a colony with protections for Catholics by Lord Baltimore. As a result of the colony’s religious toleration, the city built a permanent Jesuit chapel, the earliest brick structure in Maryland, in 1667. The chapel was one of the earliest brick worship spaces in America, and the only permanent Catholic worship space in the English-speaking world. When Protestants later took control of the state and moved the capital away, the chapel was closed by the governor, and the Jesuits recycled its materials into other structures. As part of archaeological excavation and heritage preservation efforts at St. Mary’s City, the Jesuit Chapel was rebuilt according to historic building practices and materials in the 2000s. The reconstructed chapel was known for its pleasant acoustics by many in the area, and impulse responses were measured in the rebuilt space. The measurements were used to calibrate a geometric acoustic model of the space, which is used as a starting basis for the acoustics of the original 1667 chapel. Some discussion is given to the role of physical versus virtual reconstruction in heritage acoustics and archaeoacoustic projects.

Implementation of Baltimore City's COVID-19 Isolation Hotel.

In May 2020, Baltimore City, Maryland, implemented the Lord Baltimore Triage, Respite, and Isolation Center (LBTC), a multiagency COVID-19 isolation and quarantine site tailored for people experiencing homelessness. In the first year, 2020 individuals were served, 78% completed isolation at LBTC, and 6% were transferred to a hospital. Successful isolation can mitigate outbreaks in shelters and residential recovery programs, and planning for sustainable isolation services integrated within these settings is critical as the COVID-19 pandemic continues. (Am J Public Health. 2022;112(6):876-880. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2022.306778).

William Penn's Holy Experiment: Quaker Truth in Pennsylvania, 1682–1781

William Penn's Holy Experiment: Quaker Truth in Pennsylvania, 1682–1781

Tureckie fantazje: seks, przemoc i turystyka w XVIII wieku

Sophia Watson’s Memoirs of the Seraglio (1768) was a libel pamphlet against Frederick Calvert lord Baltimore published during the media turmoil caused by a rape case filed by Sarah Woodcock, an abducted London milliner. Watson, one of the sex slaves kept by this millionaire aristocrat, wrapped her story in Ottoman imagery, evoking a number of contemporary associations related to the 18th-century vogue for the Oriental. Britain’s relations with Turkey were shaped by the early diplomatic recognition of London’s presence, by economic exchange — though in the 18th century it stagnated — and by a growing cultural interest sparkled by the letters of Mary Wortley Montagu, the wife of a former British ambassador. Her letters, published after her death in 1762, served to inform the educated public about women’s “own” space inOttoman society, namely the harem, which ignited particular curiosity and speculation among male travellers. Watson’s libel fed on the cliches of male domination, and referred to her own experience among Baltimore’s sexual slaves kept in his London house. It run parallel to the court case against the aristocrat, which was made public by the press. The heir to the Maryland colony and one of the richest Englishmen of his time, Baltimore was a sex tourist with a particular taste for the Oriental. His own reflections on Turkey, penned down in his Grand-Tour-like report published in 1767, project — despite the author’s silence about his behaviour in Istambul — a sense of fascination with images of the harem and male domination stimulated by his health condition and weakness for opium. His sexual inclinations situate him in an Orient-inspired libertine Enlightenment community.

A Biography of a Map in Motion: Augustine Herrman's Chesapeake by Christian J. Koot

Reviewed by: A Biography of a Map in Motion: Augustine Herrman's Chesapeake by Christian J. Koot Keith D. Pluymers A Biography of a Map in Motion: Augustine Herrman's Chesapeake. By Christian J. Koot (New York: New York University Press, 2018. Pp. [xiv], 283. $35.00, ISBN 978-1-4798-3729-8.) Over the course of the 1660s, Augustine Herrman, a merchant and cartographer who navigated the borderlands of English and Dutch mid-Atlantic colonies, created a distinct, precise manuscript map of the Chesapeake region. In his wide-ranging and accessible A Biography of a Map in Motion: Augustine Herrman's Chesapeake, Christian J. Koot traces the histories of Herrman and his map as both moved in and between empires and around the Atlantic world, illuminating how these peregrinations transformed the man and the object. Koot uses Herrman's map, Virginia and Maryland as it is Planted and Inhabited (1673), to draw out two Atlantic worlds: the colonial, which had relatively porous boundaries and ample opportunities for interimperial trade, movement, and intellectual exchange; and the imperial, which emphasized metropolitan primacy, sovereignty, and clearly delineated authority. Three chapters framed around the details of Herrman's life as a colonial merchant and mapmaker, but offering extended discussions of mercantile life, material culture, and local politics, argue for the existence of a flexible, mobile colonial community. Herrman—who was born in Bohemia, lived in the Dutch Republic, worked as a merchant in New Amsterdam, developed trade networks across the Dutch and English mid-Atlantic colonies, and ultimately settled as a planter in Maryland—was, Koot argues, a truly colonial individual whose skills and networks were valued by English and Dutch colonial authorities. Herrman moved consistently and easily across the waterways of the Chesapeake and as far afield as the Caribbean. While Herrman stood out for his commercial success and his cartographic prowess, he typified, as Koot suggests, "colonists in the Mid-Atlantic [who] belonged to one larger cross-national community" (p. 51). Even open hostilities and the English seizure of New Netherland "did not reorient the mapmaker's imagining of the larger Mid-Atlantic as an interconnected unit" (p. 133). These dense and overlapping mercantile networks and relationships with Native peoples enabled Herrman to create "a unique map that captures a distinctive colonial geography" while displaying Dutch cartographic traditions [End Page 141] and ways of seeing (p. 55). In its manuscript form, the map conveyed colonial attitudes, knowledges, and uses, including ones at odds with imperial policy. Koot convincingly teases out these details about a manuscript map of which there are no surviving copies—a testament to his subtle, skillful visual analysis against the grain of the extant printed maps and to his deep engagement with technical histories of cartography. It is one of the book's great strengths that Koot provides such analysis without burdening nonspecialist readers or deadening his light, flowing prose. Koot's reconstruction of the absent manuscript informs his reading of the surviving prints. In peeling back engraver William Faithorne's transformations of Herrman's manuscript, Koot reveals how Faithorne and Lord Baltimore sought to transform a colonial manuscript into a metropolitan print that "spoke to the imperial uses to which the landscape could be put" and that cemented Baltimore's own interests in North America (p. 140). The new map also required a transformation of Herrman, from a planter, merchant, and mapmaker moving easily across physical and political geographies into "Augustine Herrman Bohemian." "Augustine Herrman Bohemian," Koot argues, was "a metropolitan figure" who evoked renowned Bohemian engraver Wenceslaus Hollar while simultaneously lending the image authority through a text that celebrated "an actual individual and his skill in capturing the colonies" (pp. 166, 170). But conflicting interpretations did not end the moment the printers put ink to engraved copper. The careful visual and textual rhetoric of the printed map enraged at least one anonymous Maryland colonist, who wrote that the presence of Lord Baltimore's coat of arms on the map was evidence of broader Catholic plots to usurp royal authority. People and objects in motion have long been one of the defining characteristics of Atlantic history. One of the chief virtues of A Biography of a Map...

The manor houses of the 1st Lord Baltimore in an English Atlantic World

SUMMARY: While much is known about the colonial activities of Sir George Calvert, 1st Lord Baltimore in Newfoundland and Maryland during the 1620s and early 1630s, less is known about his efforts to develop a settlement in one of the plantation schemes that was implemented in Ireland. At the time, he contemporaneously managed his various estates in England, Ireland and Newfoundland, which included the patronage of elite residences in Kiplin Hall in North Yorkshire; Clohamon, Co. Wexford, in Ireland; and Ferryland on the Avalon Peninsula in Newfoundland. This article will trace the development of these manor houses in their differing geographical and cultural contexts. Differences in the form and layout of these buildings reflected the challenges and opportunities posed in developing settlements in the various regions, and offers insights into the commonalities and divergences experienced in the English colonization of the Atlantic world in the early 17th century.

Loyal Protestants and Dangerous Papists: Maryland and the Politics of Religion in the English Atlantic, 1630–1690 by Antoinette Sutto

Reviewed by: Loyal Protestants and Dangerous Papists: Maryland and the Politics of Religion in the English Atlantic, 1630–1690 by Antoinette Sutto John Krugler Loyal Protestants and Dangerous Papists: Maryland and the Politics of Religion in the English Atlantic, 1630–1690. By Antoinette Sutto. [Early American Histories.] (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press. 2015. Pp. xii, 259. $39.50. ISBN 978-0-8139-3747-2.). Dr. Antoinette Sutto offers an English Atlantic history of seventeenth-century Maryland. She surveys the complicated relations between Maryland politics and religion and the English state. Sutto uses religion as a means “to integrate the disjointed events” of the seventeenth century. This is the story of the long, awkward negotiations between the needs of the expanding English state, early modern confessional politics, and the peculiarities of the little Maryland colony. The Calverts, who imposed no religious tests to vote and did not establish a state church, made a “profoundly political and profoundly controversial move.” This overturned an entire edifice of English assumptions about loyalty, law, royal power, and political order (pp. 2, 3, 6–7). The Calvert charter created an anomaly within the emerging seventeenth-century English empire. The charter was less problematic than the Catholic religion of [End Page 157] the proprietors. Charles Calvert, the third Lord Baltimore was too far out of step with developments transpiring in England since the Restoration of Charles II in 1660. His allegiance to Catholicism and his lack of political wisdom led to the loss of many of his charter rights. Catholic-dominated, Protestant-inhabited Maryland did not fit the prevailing norms of the empire. In the end, the English government restored the family’s proprietary rights only after they abandoned their religion. Loyalist Protestants & Dangerous Papists does not celebrate Maryland’s religious toleration/freedom. Rather, it was a concept that entangled Maryland in a long argument about religion, loyalty, and the state. Sutto assumes that this toleration in the early 1600s was not a principled withdrawal from a long and bloody confessional struggle but an expedient move designed to further other motives (primarily family fortunes). Protestants, “increasingly brittle,” saw Catholics as papists and servants of the Pope; their first loyalty was not to the crown. Their ultimate goal was the destruction of Protestantism. The papists, greedy, wicked, and deluded, put the interests of their religion first. They threatened the English government and the established church (pp. 27-28). In England, Protestants feared James II’s Catholicism and his strong ties to European powers; in Maryland, Protestants feared possible proprietary alliances with hostile Indian nations. To what degree were papists “Dangerous” and to whom? How much credibility should the malicious and paranoid fears of “Loyal Protestants” be given? From the 1630s to the 1690s, but increasingly after 1670, Maryland Protestants took up their poisoned pens to attack the proprietors, their religion, and their charter. After noting that anti-Catholicism was a powerful destabilizing force, Sutto offers a compendium of the rumors and innuendos circulated by the Baltimores’ confessional and political enemies. She does not verify the veracity of rumors that thrived on a lack of information and the need to see evil human agents at work. These rumors do not merely describe events; they also create them. The overthrow of the Catholic Calvert “regime” (the term most frequently used for Maryland government) was less the fault of what the leaders did, and more from what they did not do. The third Lord Baltimore does not seem to fit the role of a dangerous papist. Selfish, inept, and insensitive to the needs of the increasing numbers of Protestants in Maryland, he played his cards badly. Charles seemed oblivious to the changes swirling around him. He stood on his charter privileges when that was dangerous position. This, more than other factors, opened the proprietorship to attack. Charles Calvert lacked the political skills his father had demonstrated. Charles’ interventions in Maryland politics fueled the already high tensions within his colony and frustrated imperial leaders. Most likely, the loss of his colony came as a surprise to the third and last Catholic Lord Baltimore. [End Page 158] John Krugler Marquette University (Emeritus) Copyright © 2017 The Catholic University of America Press

Law and Catholicism in Colonial Maryland

Montesquieu famously concluded in The Spirit of the Laws that each form of government has an animating principle—a set of "human passions that set it in motion"—and that each form can be corrupted if its animating principle is undermined. Maryland is a compelling case study of Montesquieu's theory: founded in 1632 by Lord Baltimore as a haven for Catholics, a mere two decades later that animating principle was dead. This article explores why. More specifically, the article examines the birth, death, and resurrection of Maryland's animating principle by identifying with as much precision as possible the impact of the law itself on regime change in colonial Maryland.

PRAWNE GWARANCJE REALIZACJI ZASADY ROZDZIAŁU KOŚCIOŁA OD PAŃSTWA W XVII-WIECZNYM MARYLANDZIE

LEGAL GUARANTEES OF REALIZATION OF THE IDEA OF THE SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE IN THE 17TH CENTURY MARYLANDSummary The paper is devoted to an analysis of church – state relations in the seventeenth century Maryland, an English colony founded in America in 1634 a Catholic, by Cecil Calvert, Lord Baltimore. As far as the paper concernes in seventeenth century Maryland there was not only religious toleration but also the separation of church and state. Although formally Charter of Maryland introduced Anglican establishment in the colony, lords Baltimore sought to realize the idea of the separation of church and state from the very beginning of the history of Maryland till the overthrow of Charles Calvert in 1689. Under the lords Baltimore the separation of church and state in Maryland was in practice guaranteed by several legislative acts enacted by Maryland General Assembly and sanctioned by Lord Baltimore, particularly An Act ordaining certain Laws for the Government of this Province from 1639, An Act for Church liberties from 1640 and An Act Concerning Religion from 1649.

Passage of Religious Freedom Act Necessary to Fulfill Maryland's National Leadership Role

Three hundred sixty-four years ago this month, two tiny sailing ships arrived near what is now St. Mary's City with the first settlers in Maryland. The Ark and the Dove were sent to the New World by Cecil Calvert. Lord Baltimore had founded his small colony as a haven for those persecuted in England because of their religious beliefs.On numerous occasions since then - from passage of the Act of Toleration in 1649 to the achievement of full civil liberties for Jews in 1825 to landmark Supreme Court decisions involving the state in the 1960s - Maryland has been a beacon of religious liberty in the United States.Passage of the Religious Freedom Act (currently before the General Assembly as House Bill 1041 and Senate Bill 515) would prevent state and local governments from adopting any measure that would infringe upon an individual's religious beliefs, unless such actions were essential (and the least-restrictive means) to furthering a compelling state interest.

Papist Devils: Catholics in British America, 1574–1783 by Robert Emmett Curran (review)

Reviewed by: Papist Devils: Catholics in British America, 1574–1783 by Robert Emmett Curran Jennifer E. Schaaf Papist Devils: Catholics in British America, 1574–1783. By Robert Emmett Curran. Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America Press, 2014. 320pp. $29.95. In Papist Devils, Robert Emmett Curran offers a concise history of the Catholic experience in the British Atlantic world. Curran begins his inquiry in 1574 on the eve of Catholic colonizing projects in North America and the West Indies. He establishes that the shifting fortunes of Catholics in the Mother Country created a ripple effect that directly impinged on the prospects of their colonial cousins across the Atlantic. Though most Catholics chose to remain in Britain and endure penal legislation and persecution as best they could, a very few intrepid figures saw emigration to colonial outposts as a means of achieving economic prosperity and spiritual sanctuary simultaneously. Other, less fortunate, Catholics made their way across the Atlantic under terms of indentured servitude, fleeing poverty or facing expulsion from the lands of their birth. Though Curran briefly describes the circumstances endured by Catholic colonists as remote from one another as Nova Scotia and the Leeward Islands, more than half the text describes the experiences of [End Page 92] Maryland Catholics. Curran deftly traces the demographic and financial realities that complicated Lord Baltimore’s motivating ambitions. Catholic Marylanders found themselves in the minority from the outset, and contended with Protestants’ resentment of their attempts to maintain power and safeguard Catholic spiritual prerogatives. Curran lucidly and adroitly unspools the tangled skein of shifting political, religious, and financial alliances that forced Catholics in Maryland and throughout the Atlantic world to navigate local antagonisms and distant geo-political machinations that converged in unexpected and often volatile ways. Provincial officials such as William Claiborne cynically exploited anti-Catholic sentiment in England to advance their economic and political agendas in Maryland. The colony’s Catholic elite employed various means of combating such intrigues, from casting their political lot with apparent sympathizers to implementing innovative legislation to protect religious freedom. Elsewhere in the Atlantic world, Catholics lacking political resources resorted to more drastic means of self-preservation. Some Catholic servants relegated to the most brutal locales in the West Indies, for example, allied with slaves to form maroon communities beyond the reach of merciless overseers. And Acadians struggled to maintain their religious and ethnic identity in the aftermath of being ruthlessly routed from their settlement. While Curran’s achievement is considerable, his work is not without its occasional flaws. A more careful and nuanced consideration of Catholic women would have greatly improved the volume. Curran observes that laywomen provided spiritual succor in their households and in underserved communities prior to the establishment of Catholic religious and social institutions. And he rightly asserts that such efforts earned them the esteem of their co-religionists. But he goes on to make the unsupportable claim that Catholic women enjoyed a higher status within their faith community than their Protestant counterparts. To make his case, Curran cites Catholic men’s willingness to appoint wives as executrixes of wills and to allow women’s participation in the management of family farms and businesses. In so doing, he ignores an extensive historiography that reveals women throughout the southern colonies exercised unprecedented legal and financial prerogatives in the early phases of settlement when seasoning frequently left them widowed and without male protectors. As men’s life expectancy rose, women’s legal and financial autonomy concomitantly fell. Curran touches only lightly on the unique circumstances of black and enslaved Catholics. He recounts how Maryland’s tobacco economy came to rely on slave labor. And he concedes that Catholics were among [End Page 93] Maryland’s most prominent slaveholders. Curran points out that Maryland Catholics followed the Jesuit directive to baptize and properly catechize slaves. And he speculates that various elements of Catholic worship may have dovetailed with West African religious practices and made conversion more palatable. This mild depiction raises more questions than it answers. Curran does not address whether enslaved and marginal Africans experienced Catholic evangelization as coercive. Nor does he explore whether slaves capitulated to their owners’ religious admonitions as a practical strategy...

“Over Shoes Over Boots”: Lord Baltimore's Final Days in Ferryland, Newfoundland

AbstractIn 1629 Sir George Calvert, the first Lord Baltimore, was at a crossroads in his life. He departed his fledgling colony in Ferryland, Newfoundland for the warmer climes of Virginia, entertaining the possibility of a new colonial venture in the Chesapeake. Although Sir George would not live to see the arrival of his settlers in Maryland in 1634, the colony was very much the culmination of his efforts and experiences. This paper examines a previously unpublished letter from George Calvert to his close friend Sir Thomas Wentworth on the eve of his departure from Newfoundland. The document contains important insights on Calvert's first New World venture and illustrates how Ferryland and the subsequent grant of the proprietary Province of Avalon were inexorably linked, both by family and design, to Maryland.

Lord Baltimore, the Society of Jesus, and Caroline Absolutism in Maryland, 1630–1645

An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content.

Ritual and Practice in the Maryland Catholic Community, 1634-1776

Maryland is referred to as the cradle of Catholicity in this country. Founded by the Catholic Lord Baltimore in 1634, the colony distinguished itself from other British colonies with the promise of religious freedom and the separation of church and state. These policies enabled the Catholics who immigrated to Maryland to lay the foundations that the Catholic Church in the U.S. was built upon. While the political, social, and economic influences that shaped the develop ment of the Maryland Catholic community have been the subject of much study, what has been most visibly absent from many of these works is an examination of the com munity's religious practices. The fragmentary nature of surviving records has only allowed historians to reconstruct a partial and incomplete picture, leaving many ques tions unanswered as a result. That is until recently. The efforts of a diverse group of scholars, with backgrounds in U.S. church and social history, liturgy, and musicology, have identified new avenues of research that may finally allow us to recreate the con ditions that Catholics worshipped under during the colonial period.1 Related studies published on the English Catholic community, religion in England, and the Society of Jesus have also proved invaluable, providing a framework for identifying patterns of

PETER E. POPE. Fish into Wine: The Newfoundland Plantation in the Seventeenth Century. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Va. 2004. Pp. xxvi, 463. Cloth $59.95, paper $24.95

In this excellent book, Peter E. Pope examines the early English settlement at Newfoundland, a colony that many contemporaries dismissed as a failed, peripheral outpost (an opinion later echoed by historians). As Pope points out, however, Europe's trade to the North Atlantic outstripped its exchange with the Gulf of Mexico for much of the seventeenth century. Rather than an isolated outpost, Newfoundland “was a central node in an international network” of commerce and migration (p. 80). A welcome corrective to our focus on those North American colonies whose inhabitants constructed states, founded churches, and left extensive paper trails, Pope offers a distinct model of colonization and a different perspective on success and failure in the Atlantic world. Initially colonized for England by West Country fishermen, Newfoundland soon attracted the attention of the same gentry projectors and mercenary adventurers who participated in other colonial ventures. Sir George Calvert secured a charter from James I in 1621 and invested considerable capital in constructing wharves, warehouses, and fishing stations before relocating to his newly acquired proprietary of Maryland. With no proprietor, no government, and a largely transient population of fishermen, Newfoundland in 1630 looked like a failed experiment, but Pope argues that these conditions facilitated a successful “vernacular” or informal settlement on a smaller scale. For example, Lord Baltimore's departure opened the door for middling merchants to enter the Newfoundland trade, most notably Sir David Kirke. Kirke and his partners secured a commercial monopoly rather than a proprietary charter and reaped the benefits of Calvert's earlier investment.

Encapsulation, cold storage, and growth of Hibiscus moscheutos nodal segments

Nodal segments of Hibiscusmoscheutos (hardy hibiscus) were excised from proliferating axillary shoot cultures and encapsulated in high density sodium alginate hardened by 50 mM CaCl2. Nodal segments 4 mm long grew as well as and were easier to encapsulate than 8 mm long nodal segments. Although nodal segments grew regardless of the concentration of sodium alginate, 2.75% was determined to produce the highest quality encapsulated nodal segments beads (sufficient alginate coating and ease of use) because of the viscosity produced by the 2.75% sodium alginate solution. When encapsulated segments were stored at 5°C they did not grow in light or darkness. During the first month on fresh proliferation medium under normal incubation conditions following 5°C storage in the dark for up to 24 weeks, root number and root and shoot elongation were inhibited linearly as storage time increased. All encapsulated nodal segments survived 24 weeks of 5°C storage in two separate experiments. In fact, 80% of encapsulated hardy hibiscus nodal segments survived refrigerated storage for 1½ years (78 weeks) and after 3 months on proliferation medium, the nodal segments produced nearly the same length axillary shoots with the same number of axillary nodes per shoot as compared to encapsulated segments either not stored at 5°C or stored for 24 weeks at 5°C. Growth from encapsulated and cold-stored ‘Lord Baltimore’ nodal segments was more vigorous than from ‘Southern Belle’ nodal segments.

Edward Dominic Fenwick Papers 1803-1832: Founding American Dominican Friar and Bishop (review)

Reviewed by: Edward Dominic Fenwick Papers 1803-1832: Founding American Dominican Friar and Bishop M. Edmund Hussey Edward Dominic Fenwick Papers 1803-1832: Founding American Dominican Friar and Bishop. Edited and annotated by Luke Tancrell O.P. (New York: The Dominican Province of St. Joseph. Distributed by Dominican Publications, 487 Michigan Avenue, N.E., Washington, DC 20017-1585. 2005. Pp. 428. $60.00.) Although the outline of Edward Dominic Fenwick's life is quite clear, yet his quiet and unassuming character has left him a somewhat elusive person. He was born at his family's estate in rural Maryland, the son of Ignatius Fenwick, a gentleman-farmer, and Sarah Taney, both members of that relatively small but extremely influential group of Anglo-American Catholics descended from the settlers of Lord Baltimore's predominantly Catholic colony. Edward studied at the English Dominican College in Bornheim, Belgium, and was ordained a priest in 1793. After teaching in Belgium and England for eleven years, he returned to America in 1804 to establish the Dominican Order in this country. In 1806 Bishop Carroll sent Fenwick to Kentucky, where the need for priests was great and where Fenwick's family inheritance enabled him to establish St. Rose Priory. In 1816 Fenwick moved from the now well established St. Rose Priory in Kentucky to Somerset, Ohio, where he established his Ohio base. In 1819 Bishop Benedict Flaget of Bardstown, Kentucky, wrote to Rome that the State of Ohio had three permanent congregations and from 250 to 300 Catholic families scattered throughout the State and that two Dominican priests, Rev. Mr. Fenwick and his nephew, Rev. Mr. Nicholas Young, were serving them. Bishop Flaget went on to recommend that Ohio be made a separate diocese with its own bishop. On June 19, 1821, documents establishing the diocese of Cincinnati and appointing Edward D. Fenwick its first bishop were issued in Rome. Eleven years later, during his annual visitation of his diocese, Fenwick fell victim to the cholera epidemic and died in a hotel room in Wooster, Ohio. By the time John Martin Henni arrived from nearby Canton to give his bishop the last sacraments, he found him already buried because of the great fear of contagion. In 1920 Vincent F. O'Daniel, O.P., in the as yet only biography of Fenwick, quite ably added many details to this brief outline. Now Luke Tancrell, O.P., has collected all of Fenwick's extant papers in a substantial work that will allow Fenwick to become better appreciated and will enable historians to write more [End Page 132] comprehensive studies of the Church in the Midwest and of the Dominican Order in the United States. The papers which Tancrell has collected are mostly letters, including reports about his diocese and religious order to members of the Roman Curia, appeals for aid to members of the European royalty and nobility, and many letters to other American bishops concerning pastoral questions and an exchange of news about their dioceses. The papers also contain other documents, including pastoral letters, land deeds, promissory notes, and Fenwick's Last Will and Testament. Following the Table of Contents, Tancrell provides a brief synopsis of each paper. Introductory essays provide valuable commentary. The footnotes are clear and informative. Unfortunately, constraints of space required that documents written in other languages are given here only in Tancrell's English translation. This work should become an important resource for American Catholic historians. M. Edmund Hussey Hilliard, Ohio Copyright © 2006 The Catholic University of America Press

Roman Catholic Lawyers in the United States of America

My agenda here is Roman Catholics in the American legal profession, from George Higgins's Jerry Kennedy to Judge Samuel Alito's joining the four other Catholics to make a majority on the federal Supreme Court. (I thought, as I said this in Washington, just before the Senate confirmation hearings in January 2006, that some in attendance may not have thought about this, and may have wanted to leap to their feet and phone their senators.)Begin with ethnographic narrowing: When I talk about Catholic lawyers in the U.S., I mean to talk about descendants of the late immigrants—that is, people whose ancestors came here between the end of the Civil War and the end of World War I, when Congress stifled European immigration. I am talking, closer to home, about the twenty-five or thirty American law schools that were set up to provide vertical mobility to the children and grandchildren of the late immigrants. There were, to be sure, Catholic lawyers in this country before the late immigrants and the Catholic law schools. Roger Taney was a Catholic, although we don't brag about him much. Lord Baltimore no doubt had a few Catholic lawyers in tow when the Carrolls and the Calverts came to Maryland in 1734. But the immigrants and the Catholic law schools have provided most of the numbers; they are at the heart of the lawyers I am thinking about here. “A people within a people,” as David Gregory puts it.

:Fish into Wine: The Newfoundland Plantation in the Seventeenth Century

Combining innovative archaeological analysis with historical research, Peter E. Pope examines the way of life that developed in seventeenth-century Newfoundland, where settlement was sustained by seasonal migration to North America's oldest industry, the cod fishery. The unregulated English settlements that grew up around the exchange of fish for wine served the fishery by catering to nascent consumer demand. The English Shore became a hub of transatlantic trade, linking Newfoundland with the Chesapeake and New England, England, southern Europe, and the Atlantic islands. Pope gives special attention to Ferryland, the proprietary colony founded by Sir George Calvert, Lord Baltimore, in 1621, but later taken over by the London merchant Sir David Kirke and his remarkable family. The saga of the Kirkes provides a narrative line connecting social and economic developments on the English Shore with metropolitan merchants, proprietary rivalries, and French competition. Employing a rich variety of evidence to place the fisheries in the context of transatlantic commerce, Pope makes Newfoundland a fresh point of view for understanding the demographic, economic, and cultural history of the expanding North Atlantic world.

The Catholic Presence in American Culture

Religion as Poetry By Andrew Greeley Transaction Publishers, 1995 A number of recent books-historical, sociological, literary-critical-dealing with different aspects of American Catholicism demonstrate how rich and neglected that whole area of study is and open it up for further reflection and investigation. American Catholicism is a neglected area of our cultural history: in part because Catholics have constituted and still remain a minority culture frequently subjected to classist condescension and religious prejudice from the WASP establishment, and in part because only since World War II have Catholics had much impact beyond local urban politics. Until fairly recently (with some notable but usually isolated exceptions) Catholics had not achieved the educational, economic, and cultural status to command attention or acknowledgment from the establishment, still reluctant and suspicious, still predominantly (or at least nominally) Protestant, but increasingly secular and uneasy with religious expression of any kind. During the colonial period and the years of the early republic, Catholics were hard to find, except in Maryland (settled by a charter from Charles I to the Catholic Lord Baltimore) and, to a lesser extent, in the more tolerant religious atmosphere of Quaker Pennsylvania. However, beginning in the mid nineteenth century, with the first great wave of immigrants that brought the Irish to the East Coast and the Germans to the Midwest, the numbers quickly become impressive. Even as early as 1850 Catholicism became the largest religious group in the country and expanded again at the turn of the century with the second great wave of immigration, mostly Irish (again) and Italian. At present Catholics comprise between 25 and 30% of the total American population, concentrated in the East, Midwest, and Southwest, and the numbers continue to grow slowly but steadily. Charles R. Morris's American Catholic recounts the persistence, consolidation, and energetic emergence of the Church and its followers into American history and culture. Morris's is in some ways a journalist book, but it is journalism of the highest quality: informed, incisive, admirably balanced. By his own account Morris