Lone Voice Research Articles

Bonhoeffer’s Theology of Resistance in the Context of Global Justice

Dietrich Bonhoeffer, the German philosopher and theologian whole lived during the Nazi Germany era, was a “lone voice in the wilderness” whose work on the theology of sociality advocated for a community which he calls the “visible community” and was “beyond all earthly ties”. In the Nazi Germany context, it ran counter current to the German nationalist propaganda of the volk which had aggressively made its way into all aspects of the German society including the church. Bonhoeffer’s theology of sociality opens up the possibility of Christianity as not merely a religious institution but a movement towards inclusivity. The study of Bonhoeffer’s theology of sociality becomes significant in formulating a new concept of community for contemporary times. The foundation of communities formed along earthly ties whether be it religious, political, cultural, social and in our context caste or ethnic almost always inevitably turn into oppressive powers. This radical demand of renunciation of earthly ties, yet the call to live for the sake of the ‘neighbour’ and to bear the ‘cost of discipleship’ is counter-intuitive to contemporary individualistic and consumerist impulses, which therefore opens up the question of how one is to live in the modern world in the face of modern powers. This opens up the possibility of exploring the relationship between the individual and the community and the ethical responsibility that this community must fulfil towards the oppressed and the suffering. In the context of global justice, an understanding of Bonhoeffer’s theology of sociality offers the articulation of an inclusive community that does not discriminate or oppress.

Complicating the Lone Voice Through Rewriting in Role

Rewriting in role emerged out of the necessity to make sense of multiple versions of the same event and create a coherent narrative. It became, however, a vital experimental method that challenges the authoritative voice, aligns with critical pedagogy, and invites the reader into a dynamic discourse. This methodological innovation is akin to performative ethnography, factionalization, writing as inquiry, and others; rewriting in role is a deliberate and transparent process of rewriting existing data through fictional characters. It generated an entertaining, juicy, and embodied rendering of events to stage and analyze research, not as inert knowing but as active questioning.

White Ethnicity in the Urban Crisis: Newark’s Italian Americans

Abstract Scholars have largely understood the urban crisis, including racial violence, as a matter of Black versus white, with white ethnics in possession of a largely inconsequential ethnicity. An examination of two community leaders from Newark’s North Ward reveals competing Italian American perceptions of the urban crisis. Anthony Imperiale, the race-baiting demagogue and politician, has been portrayed by the media and by scholars as the lone voice of the North Ward. Stephen Adubato argued that urban white working-class ethnics like Italian American Newarkers were reacting to economic hardship at a time when they believed the government was advantaging African Americans. Rather than foster a white identity and anti-black sentiment, Adubato aimed to promote stronger Italian American ethnicity as a basis for making claims on resources. A consideration of the two men, using newspaper accounts and archival sources, illustrates that Newark’s Italian Americans as a distinct ethnic group had diverse if at times overlapping interpretations of their experience of the urban crisis rooted in identification by race on the one hand and ethnicity on the other. The attitudes toward and relations with African Americans represented by both men were grounded in real and imagined socioeconomic, political, and cultural realms within the specific racial context of the era and the challenges of the urban crisis which extended to the Italian American community.

A “Brilliant Talk” and a “Stirring Appeal”: How Women of Grand Rapids, Michigan, Built an Audience for the Ballets Russes in 1917

A “Brilliant Talk” and a “Stirring Appeal”: How Women of Grand Rapids, Michigan, Built an Audience for the Ballets Russes in 1917

Edmund Burke, the French Revolution and the Battle for the Soul of the Whig Party*

AbstractEdmund Burke split dramatically with Charles James Fox and his Whig connection after the outbreak of the French Revolution. In his Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs (1791), Burke contended that he had not abandoned his party's principles and that it was the Foxite Whigs who had morphed into a new party. The article demonstrates that while Burke believed that the French Revolution rendered old party battles irrelevant to an extent, he did not lose his confidence in the creed of his party as he understood it, nor in the idea of party as such, as the remaining years of his life demonstrate. Key members of the party stayed attached to the doctrine of party loyalty Burke had formulated, which meant that he was for some years a lone voice of dissent within the Whig camp. Eventually, however, many of the ‘Old Whigs’ became convinced of Burke's interpretation of events in France and their threat to Britain, and joined William Pitt the Younger in a coalition government in 1794, leaving Fox and a small rump in opposition. Several Whigs and Liberals in the 19th century rehabilitated Burke's reputation, but they regretted his split with Fox and many believed that he had become insane in the 1790s. However, this article concludes by suggesting that the position he took on the French Revolution in opposition to Fox and the Foxites may have helped rather than hindered the survival of Burkean Whiggism in the first decades of the 19th century.

The Analyst’s Vision of the Patient and the Dialectic of Interpretation

Often neglected in analytic discourse is the fact that the analyst inevitably forms a vision of the patient. Loewald was a lone voice in illuminating the fact that the analyst could not treat the patient without a vision of who she could become. The thesis of this paper is that inherent in the analyst’s vision of the patient is a dialectic of discovery and creation. Because the analyst’s vision is inherently limited by the phase of the analysis, it will be disrupted by the evolution of the analytic material. The analyst’s vision will be transformed initiating a dialectical process between the development of the analytic process and the analyst’s vision. This vision is always predicated on what has been seen in the analysis and who the patient may yet become. Because this vision guides the interpretive process the dialectic of vision is the dialectic of interpretation,

Gay Byrne: The ‘Conservative Catholic’ Who Changed Ireland

Gay Byrne: The ‘Conservative Catholic’ Who Changed Ireland Mary Kenny When Parnell died, he was described as ‘the uncrowned King of Ireland’. Something similar might be said – was said – about the broadcaster Gay Byrne, when he died in November 2019, aged eighty-five. Gay (‘Gaybo’ as he was popularly known) was not only the most famous television and radio presence in Ireland.At his death, tributes poured in from all sides emphasising the width of his impact on Irish society. For thirty-four years Gay Byrne had been the hugely influential host of the longest-running TV show in Europe, ‘The Late Late Show’. He had also hosted a radio programme on the national airwaves for twenty-seven years, ‘The Gay Byrne Hour’, which had also had a meaningful country-wide impact. This earned him the title of ‘the Great Window-Opener’by academic Finola Doyle O’Neill1 – he ‘opened the windows’ on Irish society, and allowed what had been previously ‘brushed under the carpet’ to be spoken. Commentators even took to dividing Irish social mores into a ‘before Gaybo’ and an ‘after Gaybo’ era: as London’s Daily Telegraph reported, ‘he brought debates on abortion, AIDS, contraception, death, divorce and suicide into the nation’s homes’.2 It would be oft repeated that he lifted the stone which hid the squalid secrets of the past. Although a lifelong observant Catholic, he was, nonetheless, credited with breaking the dominant power of the Catholic Church in Ireland. He ‘pushed the boundaries of what was acceptable in a Catholic country’, according to the obituary in The Times.3 ‘Anyone writing the social history of the country will have to consider Gay Byrne as one of the key figures in modern Ireland’, a letter-writer wrote in the Irish Times.4 Ed Walsh, another contributor, wrote that Gay was ‘A lone voice when Ireland was under the control of the Catholic Church. He … made such a difference, when people started to think for themselves’.5 ‘He bridged the chasm between the curtain-squinting, God-fearing, inward-looking Ireland of the past’, wrote the columnist Jennifer O’Connell, ‘and the more Studies • volume 110 • number 438 175 compassionate, courageous and forgiving one that was emerging’.6 It was even claimed by the feminist Carol Hunt that Gay was a steward of the Irish feminist movement. We forget, wrote Hunt, ‘just how oppressive, misogynistic and church-dominated this country was in 1962’. Gay helped to transform Ireland ‘from near theocracy to liberal secular state’.7 Gay didn’t invent Irish feminism, but he facilitated its réclame. He invited feminists onto his show (including myself, as a founder member of the Irish Women’s Liberation Movement), because he knew it would make good TV. Yet he was essentially quite an old-fashioned type of Irishman, who liked the idea of the mother being at the heart of a home, as his own mother had been. My contemporary in the movement, the late June Levine, who worked as a researcher for Gay, was critical of his alpha-male, domineering attitudes, which she compared to that of a Christian Brother – ‘merciless, unreasonable and relentless on anyone who fell short’.8 Nell McCafferty thought Gay’s attitude to women ‘patronising’: he had a spot on his radio show where he would telephone housewives, opening with the greeting ‘How’re ya, Missus?’ Nell’s mother in Derry was longing for such a call – so she could answer it with a withering ‘F*** off!’9 But June Levine was onto something when she mentioned the Christian Brother influence, for Gabriel Mary Byrne was indeed a grateful product of a Christian Brothers education at Dublin’s renowned Synge Street. He told the Dublin Hot Press, in 1986, that ‘I have great admiration for the Christian Brothers because without them none of us would have got an education of any kind’. Some of the Brothers were ‘brutal’ and some were ‘bonkers’, and the surroundings were ‘horrible’ – overcrowded classrooms, tenement buildings. And yet, he reflected, there were Brothers who were enlightened educators.10 Early days Gay was born in 1934, the youngest of six children (of whom five survived) into a Dublin family...

Great Grievance: Benjamin Franklin and Anti-Convict Sentiment

Abstract Perhaps the best known argument that the early American colonies despised convict labour was the Rattlesnake newspaper article penned by Benjamin Franklin. And yet, was there actually a wide-spread anti-convict sentiment? Or was Franklin a lone voice railing against perceived British insults? Framed around the claims made by Franklin, this article is an investigation of primary evidence from the colonies of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, in an attempt to better contextualize Franklins writing against colonial law and other colonial writers and correct the prevailing historical narrative that there was an anti-convict movement.

One Small Step for Ethnography, One Giant Leap for Banking and Insurance

In this presentation we argue that in many regulated industries such as banking, finance, and insurance, a post qualitative vs. quantitative world is not yet a reality. In such an environment, advanced analytics could be likened to being in its teenage years, while behavioral research is still in its infancy. Big data primarily drives our metrics, but in such a highly digitized and individualized culture, we know that ethnography is the missing piece of the puzzle. This means that as social scientists we must be the loudest (and sometimes lone) voice calling to leverage employees who are trained in these skill sets and incorporate these methods into our work. Slow and steady wins the race and our wins look different when compared with companies that already have been convinced of the value and don't have to do as much work to incorporate them into existing analysis. We have found that becoming EPIC members has been a turning point for our own growth mindset. Our industries are still primarily relationship‐based, and for those analysts new to regulated industries, EPIC is the ideal community to help propel the legitimization of a permanent place for qualitative methods in our data‐driven, highly regulated industry.

Padre Harry Martin Brown (1889–1983) and the British West Indies Regiment (BWIR), ‘Under Empire,’ During the First World War

ABSTRACT The First World War was a catalyst for the beginning of incredible social change within British Society and within its Empire. Part of that Empire included the British West Indies and the British West Indies Regiment (BWIR) was formed to promote British War aims during the First World War. West Indies soldiers were not well respected by the British authorities simply because of their race and they suffered much neglect in the cold and wet of France. Padre Harry Martin Brown, a Baptist chaplain, became a committed and determined advocate for his soldiers bringing attention to their plight and eventually to the Prime Minister himself. Brown became a lone voice for a brave but powerless soldier community from within the forces of the British Empire.

Principled Conservatism: The CARES Act and the Lone Voice

The Coronavirus Aid, Relief and Economic Security (CARES) Act was the largest spending bill passed by Congress and enacted into law in American history. This Article concludes that despite all of the criticism he has endured, Congressman Massie's lone voice calling for a vote for over $2 trillion in government spending will be remembered years from now as a beacon and clarion call for fiscal and principled conservatives. The Article also examines two prior historical instances which involved a lone voice in the United States House of Representatives: Congresswoman Jeannette Rankin's lone vote against a declaration of war with Japan in 1941 and Congresswoman Barbara Lee's lone vote against the war in Afghanistan in 2001. Both the lone votes of Congresswoman Ranking and Congresswoman Lee illustrate that taking a principled, highly unpopular stance at the risk to one's political career in the United States House of Representatives can result in a positive, long-term legacy. This Article predicts Congressman Massie's lone voice will be viewed in the same lens in the future.

Reflections on Freeman Dyson, Coronavirus, and Pseudoscience . . . While Listening to Bach's Toccata and Fugue in D Minor

Reflections on Freeman Dyson, Coronavirus, and Pseudoscience . . . While Listening to Bach's Toccata and Fugue in D Minor Peter V. Paul, Editor This is a summer editorial, which joins all others with strange but meaningful titles composed during previous summers. Yes, I have been listening periodically to Bach's Toccata and Fugue in D Minor while composing this editorial. (Of course, I have to listen to this a number of times since the version I have is only about 10 minutes long.) It is a great, complicated piece that fits the mood for composing an editorial that ranges from a discussion of Freeman Dyson to issues related to the coronavirus to—horrors—some of the dangers of pseudoscience. Actually, these constructs are or can be interrelated. Let's begin with Freeman Dyson, who died on February 28 at the age of 96. Reviews of his life are available online from, among other sources, The Guardian (Radford, 2020) and the New York Times ("Freeman Dyson, Math Genius," 2020). Dyson's scholarly career provides an excellent backdrop for combating and minimizing the negative effects of the pseudoscience that seems to have proliferated as a result of the current coronavirus pandemic. Well, insane proponents of pseudoscience have always been with us, and the corona-virus is not departing anytime soon. Dyson was a resident at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton for more than 60 years. It might come as a surprise, but he did not earn a PhD degree via a program of study at a university, though he received several honorary degrees as well as a fellowship in the Royal Society. He was nonetheless often referred to as "Dr. Dyson." There is little doubt that he deserved these honors. As is noted in his New York Times obituary, one of his papers, written during his graduate student days at Cornell University, "deepened the understanding of how light interacts with matter to produce the palpable world. The theory the paper advanced, called quantum electrodynamics, or QED, ranks among the great achievements of modern science" ("Freeman Dyson, Math Genius," 2020). My interest in Dyson stems from my understanding of his popular works (e.g., Dyson, 1997) or, at least, of someone's interpretation of Dyson's scholarly products. Clearly, his serious stuff is beyond my ken. What grabbed me most was Dyson's approach to doing science and his fearless demeanor. Here was a person who cherished and invited controversy—consider his unbelievable, but well-reasoned, skepticism toward accepted scientific views on climate change (see, e.g., Lemonick, 2009). Dyson preferred to be wrong rather than vague, and desired to be outlandish and acknowledged rather than timid and ignored. It is nearly impossible to disregard his ideas and comments. More important, Dyson was slow—slower than a moving turtle—in [End Page 303] accepting a consensus, even if there appeared to be an overwhelming amount of evidence proffered by many members of the scientific community. Like Dyson, sometimes I would like to take a screwdriver (or an ice pick, in Dyson's case) and jab persistently at a consensus forming like ice hardening on a near-frozen lake during the winter (Paul, 2011). The point: Never stop questioning or researching an issue even if you are a lone voice in the wild. Nothing is sacrosanct or even final; ideas need to be refined continually. In fact, there may be no absolute final truth—or, perhaps, there can never be a final resolution to deep problems in life. I recall reading a quip about a philosopher who remarked that God could put the "absolute truth" in his clenched left hand and the "relentless pursuit of the truth" in his right fist. The philosopher continued by asserting that his left hand would be permanently clenched and perhaps unusable or impaired. However, he said that the joy from opening the right fist and embarking on that adventure would endure until the end of his days. The relentless pursuit of knowledge and wisdom means engaging in the process of refinement. According to my understanding of Dyson, refinement requires the application of an objective methodology and a keen, imaginative, inquiring mind. In essence, the mind needs...

Head above the parapet: How minority subordinates influence group outcomes and the consequences they face for doing so.

Research on power often treats the recipients of powerholders' decisions (i.e., subordinates) as an undifferentiated group, overlooking how their responses to powerholders' decisions might vary and how those responses might affect powerholders' later decisions. In this article, we examine the role of lone dissenting subordinates (individuals whose feedback differs from that expressed by other group members) in shaping powerholders' allocation decisions, and explore the consequences those subordinates face for their dissent. In 3 experimental studies, we show that even as a lone voice, the feedback of a dissenting subordinate influences powerholders' decisions. Powerholders make more self-interested allocations when a lone subordinate provides consistently positive feedback, even when others provide mostly negative feedback. However, powerholders regulate their allocations when a lone subordinate provides candid feedback that points out the self-interested nature of their allocations, even when others provide consistently positive feedback. We further show that lone dissenting subordinates' influence is stronger when they share a salient group membership with the powerholder (e.g., their school or political affiliation). Finally, we find that powerholders reward lone subordinates who provide them with positive feedback, but only punish lone candid subordinates if they do not share a salient group membership with them. Overall, our results suggest that subordinates who risk putting their head above the parapet can improve outcomes for their group members, and can avoid being punished for doing so, as long as they share a salient group membership with the powerholder. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

Hosea: A Textual Commentary

Hosea: A Textual Commentary

WWHD

“I appear as one girl, one person,” Malala Yousafzai said after accepting the Nobel Peace Prize in 2014. But “I am not a lone voice, I am … those 66 million girls who are deprived of education. And today I am not raising my voice, it is the voice of those 66 million girls.” Yousafzai is arguably the most famous Muslim woman in the world. Born and raised in northwest Pakistan, Taliban militants attempted to kill her in 2012 because she believed girls should have access to a quality education. Since recovering, Yousafzai has become a symbol in the global fight against misogyny. Time magazine listed her as one of the world’s most influential people in 2014, 2015, and 2016.1 U.S. Foreign Policy and Muslim Women’s Human Rights is not about Yousafzai, but it explores the political and cultural networks that buttress her fame. During the last quarter of the twentieth century, Muslim women’s human rights went from the periphery to the center of U.S. foreign policy, and Kelly Shannon’s book explains why. She is interested in the activists who grabbed ahold of the issue after 1979 and the policymakers who engaged their demands earnestly during the 1990s. The relationship between these two groups organizes Shannon’s story, which presents “women as both objects and creators of U.S. foreign policy” while suggesting that “American cultural attitudes toward Muslim women” were “absorbed fully into U.S. policy, effectively dissolving the boundary between hard and soft power” (8). It is a capacious, provocative argument, and Shannon’s conclusions transcend the particularities of her case study. Women did not just have a seat at the table after the Cold War; they changed the conversation about American power, inventing the world that eventually recognized Yousafzai as a hero.

Radical Resistance: Constructions of a Transnational Self in Angela Davis's and Cynthia McKinney’s Memoirs

Author(s): Linke, Gabriele | Abstract: To achieve a better understanding of the dynamic transnationalism at work in African American politics since the 1960s, this study compares the life narratives by Angela Davis and Cynthia McKinney, two transnationally active radical Black intellectuals known for their fierce opposition to mainstream US politics. Davis’s An Autobiography was first published in 1974, McKinney’s memoir Ain’t Nothing Like Freedom in 2013, which means that the texts were conceived at different points in African American, US and world history. Despite the temporal distance between the two autobiographical texts, they show some fundamental similarities in the construction of the self as both authors on the one hand evoke the history of slavery and slave resistance as their political ‘pedigree’ while on the other hand they emphasize their transnational perspective. They foreground political struggle and intellectual analysis rather than elaborating the details of personal life. Major differences arise from their different positions with regard to the political establishment. While Davis presents her life story as representative of the fight for Black liberation and Civil Rights, former Congresswoman McKinney describes herself as an uncompromising outsider and lone voice of resistance to mainstream US politics. As she targets government lies, she supports the credibility of her own stories by the excessive use of documents from photographs through hate mails to Congressional records, making her own activism transparent. Her outlook with regard to peace, justice, and the role of the Unites States in the world is, however, less optimistic than Angela Davis’s after her release from prison in 1974.

Head Above the Parapet: How Minority Subordinates Influence Group Outcomes and the Consequences They Face for Doing so

Research on power often treats the recipients of powerholders’ decisions (i.e., subordinates) as an undifferentiated group, overlooking how their responses to powerholders’ decisions might vary and how those responses might affect powerholders’ later decisions. In this paper, we examine the role of lone dissenting subordinates (individuals whose feedback differs from that expressed by other group members) in shaping powerholders’ allocation decisions, and explore the consequences those subordinates face for their dissent. In three experimental studies, we show that even as a lone voice, the feedback of a dissenting subordinate influences powerholders’ decisions. Powerholders make more self-interested allocations when a lone subordinate provides consistently positive feedback, even when others provide mostly negative feedback. However, powerholders regulate their allocations when a lone subordinate provides candid feedback that points out the self-interested nature of their allocations, even when others provide consistently positive feedback. We further show that lone dissenting subordinates’ influence is stronger when they share a salient group membership with the powerholder (e.g., their school or political affiliation). Finally, we find that powerholders reward lone subordinates who provide them with positive feedback, but only punish lone candid subordinates if they do not share a salient group membership with them. Overall, our results suggest that subordinates who risk putting their head above the parapet can improve outcomes for their group members, and can avoid being punished for doing so, as long as they share a salient group membership with the powerholder.

Making a Difference: Fifty Years of Indigenous Programs at Monash University, 1964–2014

Making a Difference: Fifty Years of Indigenous Programs at Monash University, 1964–2014

Southern Religion and Christian Diversity in the Twentieth Century by Wayne Flynt

Reviewed by: Southern Religion and Christian Diversity in the Twentieth Century by Wayne Flynt Ted Mashburn Southern Religion and Christian Diversity in the Twentieth Century. By Wayne Flynt. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2016. xii, 386 pp. $33. ISBN 978-0-8173-1908-3. Who better to write a book on southern evangelical religion than Dr. J. Wayne Flynt? This award-winning Distinguished Professor Emeritus at Auburn University, Baptist minister, and Sunday school teacher extraordinaire has devoted most of his professional life to this study. Now, readers have the opportunity to see wisdom, wit, and a wealth of information bundled together in a collection of some fifteen essays, written over the span of nearly fifty years. The overarching theme that binds these essays together is this: southern religion, past and present, was and is diverse. Any attempt, therefore, to characterize it in neat, homogeneous categories simply will not work. Not only that, one of Professor Flynt’s notable achievements in the book is the attention he gives to the people in the pews, the practitioners of religion. Literally, we encounter religion, not from the seats of ecclesial authority, but as Flynt puts it, “bottom up rather than top down” (p. 8). Through interviews, letters, and oral histories, we get at the religion of the common folk, a perspective that is both enlightening and refreshing. Along this stimulating journey, we encounter some remarkable people. What about the Reverend Dr. Ruby Kile? Born in 1929 and short on education but long on spiritual experiences, this traveling evangelist became pastor of a small church with only eight white members, which by 1984 mushroomed to some 700 members, eighty percent of whom were black. All of this took place around Birmingham, a segregated city, in spite of repeated threats from the Ku Klux Klan against this white, female minister. Or, we could mention the Reverend Charles R. Bell Jr., who was pastor of Parker Memorial Baptist Church (Anniston, AL) from 1932–1944. Educated in southern and northern institutions, Bell took a six-month leave of absence four years into his ministry and toured the world with stops in India, where he spent time with Gandhi, and in Japan, where he attended training sessions for social ministries. Upon his [End Page 281] return, Bell shattered conventional southern stereotypes when he became a leading advocate of cooperative farms, ran camps for black children, supported conscientious objectors, and spoke in favor of racial equality, going so far as to entertain African Americans at a Christmas party in his home. All of this took place in a Baptist enclave in rural Alabama in the 1930’s! Or, what about the Reverend Sidney J. Catts? This Alabama-born lawyer turned Baptist minister was elected governor of Florida, having been a resident there for only five years, and with “no money, contacts, or name recognition” (p. 157). Racist and vehemently anti-Catholic, Catts spoke directly to the fears of his southern, white, Protestant constituents, warning of a combined plot among Catholics and African Americans to take over Florida. Flynt credits Catts with “discovering what many Florida politicians would learn: bad history can make good politics” (p. 159). Finally, we might consider Frank W. Barnett. This internationally-educated lawyer cum minister purchased the state Baptist paper (The Alabama Baptist) and became its owner/editor from 1901–1919. In this capacity, not only did he advocate strongly for the prohibition of alcohol, recognized by many as the “gateway drug” to other social ills, but he also lashed out at big business, monopolies, and child labor in editorials that could have come directly from the Marx-Engels playbook. Even more social problems were on Barnett’s radar: convict labor, race relations, public health, conservation, and education. His was not the lone voice on these matters, as Flynt points out, all of which serves to correct the prevailing twentieth-century scholarly opinion that southern religion rejected the social gospel. Flynt’s book is chock full of information, some of which might come as a pleasant surprise to readers. At the hands of the Methodists in the South, over forty-five settlement houses, staffed by some 300 “consecrated” deaconesses, ran kindergartens, taught literacy classes, developed...

Climatologists, Theologians, and Prophets: Toward an Ecotheology of Critical Hope

Climatologists, Theologians, and Prophets: Toward an Ecotheology of Critical Hope