Cries Of London Research Articles

Beyond Boundaries: Rethinking Music Circulation in Early Modern England ed. by Linda Phyllis Austern, Candace Bailey, and Amanda Eubanks Winkler

Reviewed by: Beyond Boundaries: Rethinking Music Circulation in Early Modern England ed. by Linda Phyllis Austern, Candace Bailey, and Amanda Eubanks Winkler Chelsey Belt Beyond Boundaries: Rethinking Music Circulation in Early Modern England. Edited by Linda Phyllis Austern, Candace Bailey, and Amanda Eubanks Winkler. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2017. [xiv, 317 p. ISBN 9780253024794 (hardback), $80; ISBN 9780253024824 (paperback), $18; ISBN 9780253024978 (e-book), $17.99.] Music examples, illustrations, selected bibliography, index. The boundaries called into question by these fifteen essays range from societal constructs (class, gender, religion, profession, genre) to concepts of media (aural/oral, manuscript, print) and space (home, stage, court, church, street). As a collection, the book provides a broad survey of ways in which music and musicians in England negotiated these boundaries circa 1550–1800. In their introduction, Linda Phyllis Austern, Candace Bailey, and Amanda Eubanks Winkler discuss how this project developed partly out of frustration with the application of anachronistic dichotomies, such as public/private and professional/amateur, in historical narratives of early modern English music. These and other categorical dichotomies become specific boundaries that the contributing scholars collaboratively blur. This volume draws another aspect of its unity from a metamethodology of systematically testing and adjusting scholarly definitions; in this vein, the editors devote part of their commentary to a series of themes—chiefly space (residential and theatrical), community (in acts of musicking), and the musical work (written/unwritten/oral/aural)— treated in various and complementary ways by the contributors. Essays appear in chronological order, which precludes thematic or boundary-specific grouping, but the editors' larger sense of purpose has produced a selection of chapters that complement each other interchangeably. Read selectively or in full, Beyond Boundaries equips scholars of sixteenth-through eighteenth-century English music to question their field's established categories. Perhaps more importantly, this work will encourage any scholar of Western early modernity to rethink the capabilities of binary language to adequately represent historical trends. In the first chapter, Katherine Steele Brokaw positions the music of Nicholas Udall's Ralph Roister Doister, a 1553 play in which choirboy-actors parody a variety of church music practices, as one playwright's plea for a "hybridized musical liturgy" (p. 14) while Mary Tudor, Queen of England, reestablished Catholicism at the state level. Jane Flynn's chapter 2 also addresses Catholic practice but from the perspective of clandestine Jesuit evangelism following Elisabeth I's return to public Protestantism. Brokaw considers the interaction of theatrical and sacred spaces, while Flynn highlights that of residential and sacred spaces. In both cases, music enables spatial transformation and reinforces politico-religious identity. In chapter 5, John Milsom discusses the "Cries of London" repertory as a dramatic genre that demands believable acting of its performers. Whereas such works are often characterized as learned parodies of street society, Milsom's assessment is that the essential art of the "Cries" lies in their facilitation of boundary crossing: "Noise becomes art; outdoors becomes indoors; social classes are traversed; and the genres of consort song and verse anthem, conventionally sites for serious thoughts, are quite literally dragged down to the level of the streets" (p. 76). [End Page 253] The fishwife and boatman cannot emerge from their polyphonic backdrops if the singer does not make an adequate transformation, and so their characters are represented rather than patronized. Beyond the categories that the works themselves juxtapose, Milsom uses the repertory to challenge the historiographic dichotomy of high and low culture. Several essays evaluate boundaries of gender. Flynn's study of music in recusant Catholic communities pays special attention to the participation of women. Chapter 6 contains Katherine R. Larson's analysis of a later musical-theater example: Richard Brome's The Northern Lasse (1629). While song plays a structural role in the drama, it also acts as "a powerful mechanism for spatial and sociocultural meditation" (p. 80) for the female protagonists, whose final "positioning" eludes boundaries of "spatial or social containment" (p. 93). In the final chapter, "Education, Entertainment, Embellishment: Music Publication in the Lady's Magazine," Bonny H. Miller considers the public packaging of music for female consumption in Georgian residential spaces. The diverse origins of repertoire disseminated by this periodical complicate assumptions of...

‘Come Buy, Come Buy’: Christina Rossetti's ‘Goblin Market’ and the Cries of London

Placing Christina Rossetti's ‘Goblin Market’ (1862) within the rich context of children's London guidebooks establishes a literary tradition in which readers are counseled to be wise urban consumers. During this period of rapid industrialization, exotic foods appeared on English tables amid public fears about food adulteration. Rossetti's poem and contemporary guidebooks transmit the anxiety surrounding food selection and consumption. From Aunt Busy-Bee's New London Cries (1852) to Aunt Louisa's London Alphabet (1872), London is depicted as an urban sounding board for commercial opportunities and moral choices. Removed from agrarian sites of production, urban readers are urged to select food according to the moral character of the vendor. In Rossetti's famous poem, Lizzie's and Laura's choices are immediately relevant to readers who hearkened to similar cries shouted daily in their neighborhoods. Rossetti herself would have heard them growing up in London, and these traditional cries bear semantic and met...

John Clare, the Popular Wood-cut and the Bible: A Venture into the History of Popular Culture

Although as a child, Clare often missed Sunday church, later in life, he attended church services and held a deep reverence for the King James Bible, the Book of Common Prayer, and the Church of England (aside from a fling with the Primitive Methodists) He not only read the Bible and the prayer-book but also numerous theological works and moral treatises. (1) Though these treatises were usually given to him by his Evangelical friends, he read them and derived pleasure and profit from at least some of them. But his love of the church is based in his childhood, his family, and his village-community. Reared by a church-going father, strengthened by a largely Anglican community and educated in a vestry-school, his was the culture of the village-church, deepened and strengthened by his own extensive reading and reflection. As Greg Crossan showed over a quarter of a century ago, (2) for example, Clare had many unusual religious ideas--he was, for example, widely tolerant of other faiths--but he still found solace in the simple faith in which he had been brought up. He was not that far removed from Cottager who went to Church most Sundays and came home to study his Bible. (3) It was a book that inspired Clare all his life -particularly the Psalms, the Book of Job, the Song of Solomon, and the New Testament. Christopher Hill makes a good point about the last when he says: 'Christ and his Apostles were Illiterate men ... Caiaphas, Pilate and Herod were Learned.' Such words encapsulated what I suspect Clare thought but never formulated so precisely. (4) And Clare himself says: There are more pages of true sublimity to be found in the common translation of the Bible than in all the books I ever met with--In the account of the creation Noah's Flood--in the relations of Ruth in the book of Job and all the Prophets major and minor (5) Part of the complexity that Kelsey Thornton identifies in Clare includes an essential simplicity, a simplicity that survived his childhood in his love of Bible stories and inspired him to the end of his writing life. (6) His love of art is as overlooked as his devotion to biblical stories. Consider the strength of feeling with which he recalls seeing, during his first visit to Wisbech, an exhibition of E. V. Rippingille's pictures. (They seem to have mattered much more to him than his disappointment at being turned down for a job as a lawyer's clerk with his uncle's employer). (7) Then, after his first success as a writer and upon visiting it was Rippingille himself who arranged entrance for him to visit the exhibitions at the Royal Academy (8) and perhaps the Society of British Artists. Consider also his visits to some of the studios of artists of the day and his knowledge of the work of others--Sir Thomas Lawrence, William Etty, T.G Wainewright, F. Howard, Sir Francis Chantry, F.W. Smith, (9) the Behnes brothers, (10) (William Behnes and Henry Behnes Burlowe), and others. To these, add his acquaintance with William Hilton and Peter De Wint, around whom he wrote his essay on landscape-painting. This aspect, of Clare's artistic interests has preoccupied literary critics, especially John Barrell and Timothy Brownlow, (11) who deduced that Clare's artistic interests ran along the main roads of contemporary academic art. I suggest that the strongest influence upon Clare's sensibility was rather the tradition of Hogarth, Bewick, Gillray, Cruikshank and, perhaps, Rowlandson, and the popular wood-cuts of his day, which appeared on street-ballads, chap-books, broadsides, nursery rhymes, Cries of London, books of magic, almanacs, and newspapers. The wood-cuts had the greatest impact and strongest appeal because Clare had encountered them in his childhood, and what he saw first in life always remained with him: All I can reccole[c]t of the old book of Pomfrets, which my father used to read to me, was that it was full of wooden cuts and one at. the beginning of every poem, the first of which was two childen holding up a great Letter these pictures lured me to make an end of the book for one day I made use of an opportunity to cut them out and burnt the rest to avoid detection (12) The first line of Clare's poem, Childhood is past it is a magic word. …

Thomas R. Nichols, ed. Others and Outcasts in Early Modern Europe: Picturing the Social Margins. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2007. xvi + 272 pp. index. illus. bibl. $99.95. ISBN: 978–0–7546–5557–2.

Thomas R. Nichols, ed. Others and Outcasts in Early Modern Europe: Picturing the Social Margins. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2007. xvi + 272 pp. index. illus. bibl. $99.95. ISBN: 978–0–7546–5557–2. - Volume 61 Issue 3

Images of the Outcast: The Urban Poor in the Cries of London by Sean Shesgreen

158 Amhurst’s career follows. The chapter also supplies a brief overview of political journalism from the seventeenth century, leading up to the founding of the Craftsman . In the second chapter, Mr. Varey traces changes in the Craftsman’s size, format, title, and publication schedule during its first few years. Also, to give some sense of the periodical’s influence in 1731 and consequently the rationale for Arnall’s response, he speculates on the journal’s circulation, employing Francklin’s accounts through 1729 and other later evidence. In all, by 1731, the Craftsman was comprised of four pages, contained one or two essays per issue, appeared weekly on Mondays, and enjoyed a circulation of probably 10,000 copies. The heart of this volume, the facsimile edition of Arnall’s The Case of Opposition Stated, is a point by point, ministerial response to the Craftsman of December 4, 1731: namely, to Amhurst’s five-year review of his patriotic efforts to defend ‘‘Truth’’ and ‘‘Liberty’’ and to combat ‘‘publick Corruption.’’ Arnall denounces the pretended virtue and sincerity of the Craftsman’s writers, and he indicts their ‘‘boasted patriotic Writings’’ as damaging to their country because theygenerate dissension at home, and, abroad,theycreate the impression of a weak, divided nation . Arnall insists that, contrary to the Craftsman’s claims, no citizen questions England’s current happiness, liberty, and world power except selfish men whose envy of wealth and authority drives them to incite the passions of the people. Just how much impact these charges and countercharges in the partisan press had on the popular consciousness is difficult to judge; perhaps only the lastpublication out of the press enjoyed a temporary advantage . In Mr.Varey’sopinion,thepaper wars became subdued in 1732, not as a result of the demolishing effects of Arnall ’s Case: the impact upon the Opposition press of Francklin’s arrest was the actual cause. James E. Tierney University of Missouri-St. Louis SEAN SHESGREEN.ImagesoftheOutcast: The Urban Poor in the Cries of London. New Brunswick: Rutgers, 2002. Pp. 320. $65; $30 (paper). ‘‘Cries’’ are images of urban street denizens—milkmaids, tinkers, beggars, criminals, and merchants—depicted in broadsides, ensembles, and books. Mr. Shesgreen has visited this world before in The Criers and Hawkers of London (1996), and here he retrieves the ‘‘Cries’’ from scholarly obscurity, presenting them as compelling cultural documents. Although ‘‘the legal status of itinerant peddlers was never high,’’the book’s title misleads; many were simply poor and excluded from society for economic rather than moral or legal reasons. Mr. Shesgreen asserts, ‘‘history exists inside as well as outside of pictures,’’yet aesthetic, cultural, and social concerns are a vast territory for a small volume. Adapted from Continental models, the first ‘‘Cries’’ appeared in London in the 1590s as multi-figure broadside prints, and were displaced a century later by ensembles, collections of single-sheet prints, each sheet portraying a single figure and sold as a set. Two Europeanartists created ensembles for the voracious English print market: Marcellus Laroon, a hack illustrator whose utilitarian series eventually included seventy-four images, and the aristocratic Jacob Amigoni, who offered only four highly personalizedfigures . Mr. Shesgreen elucidates the artists’ backgrounds and identifies possible influences of the marketplace; for instance, 159 the canny publisher Pierce Tempest commissioned and culled Laroon’s series for two tiers of wealthy buyers, while Amigoni ’s‘‘Cries’’beganasoilpaintings,two of which were given to his countryman, the famous castrato Farinelli (who is unflatteringly pictured in plate three of Hogarth ’s Marriage à la Mode.) Mr. Shesgreen instructively parallels the work of the two artists: Laroon focuses on ‘‘the sellers’attitudes, ‘actions’, costumes, and identities,’’whileAmigoni emphasizes the ‘‘hawkers’ personalities, declared in their faces’’ and their urban settings. Laroon created a visual encyclopedia of street types; Amigoni depicted an apple-seller, shoeblack, lamplighter , and chimney sweeper; all his hawker-children were ‘‘agents of sentimental refinement.’’ Yet Mr. Shesgreen’s contrasts between the two artists weaken his comparisons. Both produced popular art, but they could not have been more different in style, productivity, intent—a modern parallel might be in low-budget and art films. J. S. Müller imitated Amigoni’s pictorial approach, and further personalized...

The Art of Noise: The Cries of London and Dublin

The Art of Noise: The Cries of London and Dublin

Sean SHESGREEN, Images of the Outcast : The Urban Poor in the Cries of London

Sean SHESGREEN, Images of the Outcast : The Urban Poor in the Cries of London

From broadside to book: pen and pencil in the Cries of London

Words are everywhere in the London Cries, a genre of popular art devoted to depictions of the so-called ‘lower orders,’ whose portraits are enlivened by poetry or prose recording their shouts, naming their trades, or identifying their iniquities.1 In likenesses of hawkers, Merry Andrews, beggars, strumpets, lunatics, mechanic preachers, and other habitues or laborers of the London streets, they appear inside these formal designs and out, above them and below, where they evoke the age-old link between work and song, which eases travail and dispels sorrow.2 They take the shape of titles, verses, words in cartouches, chants in banderoles, and big blocks of explanatory prose, all using words to rekindle, frame, or vie with pictures.3 Every Cries (spelled with a capital ‘C’ and italicized to distinguish such depictions of vendors from their yells) is a literary picture, not just because it tells a story, but because it marries word and image, elements that are hard to unite, especially in the West, where letter and picture do not always cornmunicate.4 But word and image do mingle in Cries, a hybrid organizing systematic encounters between different modes of discourse. Though rife with shifts, ruptures, and fissures, the Cries's blend of the verbal and visual is its characteristic feature. It illuminates the genre across its history, revealing its development, shaping its direction, and intensifying its appeal in a way not explained by its decorative charms, sometimes meager.

The First London Cries for Children

The First London Cries for Children

Addenda to Stewart, "The Taylors of Ongar: The New Cries of London"

Addenda to Stewart, "The Taylors of Ongar: The New Cries of London"

A-Ronne; Cries of London

A-Ronne; Cries of London

Ballets, Madrigals and Anthems; The Cries of London; Music for Viols

Ballets, Madrigals and Anthems; The Cries of London; Music for Viols

A History of the Cries of London. Ancient and Modern

Charles Hindley (d.1893) wrote and edited many books on British popular literature and culture, including Curiosities of Street Literature (1871), Tavern Anecdotes and Sayings (1875) and The History of the Catnach Press (1886, also reissued in this series). This 1881 study traces the distinctive 'cries' of street traders in London from the time of Chaucer to the Victorian period and maintains Hindley's characteristic focus on people rather than mere facts. His use of nearly two hundred woodcuts, including many by Bewick, and his discussion of them at the beginning of the text, testifies to his enthusiasm for the printing press. Using evidence from 'broadsides, books or engravings', music and drama, Hindley vividly portrays the sights and sounds of the streets of London from many different periods, describing the vendors to be found in particular locations, and merchandise from cherries to ballad-sheets, shellfish to lavender, and scissors to ink.

Street Cries of London and Music in Honour of Queen Elizabeth I

Street Cries of London and Music in Honour of Queen Elizabeth I

Richard Dering. The Cries of London. Penn State Music Series, No. 5. Ed. by Denis Stevens. University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1964. Score $3.; parts $0.75 the set.

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The Cries of London

The Cries of London

The Cries of London

The Cries of London

Orlando Gibbons: The Cries of London

Orlando Gibbons: The Cries of London

REVIEWS OF RECORDS

Journal Article REVIEWS OF RECORDS Get access THE CRIES OF LONDON. Fantasias by Weelkes , Dering , Ravenscroftand others. The Deller Consort; London Chamber Players; Ambrosian Singers, dir. Alfred Deller. 12″ LP. Vanguard BG-563. ERNEST BRENNECKE ERNEST BRENNECKE Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The Musical Quarterly, Volume XLIII, Issue 4, October 1957, Pages 563–566, https://doi.org/10.1093/mq/XLIII.4.563 Published: 01 October 1957

Cries of London

Cries of London