Local Political Parties Research Articles

Golkar Sidoarjo DPD's Strategy for PIP Scholarship Distribution Campaign

Background: Effective political communication strategies are crucial for enhancing public engagement. Specific Background: This study explores the qualitative communication strategies used by a local political party during the Indonesia Smart Program (PIP) scholarship distribution, contrasting it with quantitative approaches that focus on numerical data. Knowledge Gap: Existing literature lacks insights on how qualitative methods, particularly direct interviews, can inform community engagement and program visibility. Aims: The research aims to analyze DPD Golkar Sidoarjo's communication strategies using primary interviews and secondary campaign materials. Results: Findings show that the party successfully utilized various media to increase visibility and transparency of the PIP, leading to significant community involvement through initiatives like KIPK. Novelty: This study highlights how qualitative approaches can deepen understanding of political communication's impact on community perceptions. Implications: The increased public trust in DPD Golkar Sidoarjo indicates the effectiveness of strategic political communication in influencing electoral outcomes, revealing valuable insights into political engagement dynamics. Highlights : Emphasizes the significance of qualitative insights for understanding community perceptions. Highlights the effective use of media in enhancing program visibility and transparency. Demonstrates the link between strategic communication and increased public trust and electoral support. Keywords: political communication, qualitative research, Indonesia Smart Program, community engagement, DPD Golkar Sidoarjo

COVID-19 vaccination in low and middle-income countries: Creating a sustainable roadmap for promoting public health intervention.

The Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic is a global public health threat ravaging the health systems. In low and middle-income countries (LMICs), COVID-19 and several other challenges concurrently worsen the health outcome indicators. Interestingly, vaccines have been identified as the most reliable and cost-effective public health intervention, and the governments in LMICs have instituted an array of plans to ensure every eligible person gets vaccinated. However, there is still considerable apathy around the use of the available COVID-19 vaccines in LMICs which is impeding the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. In this paper, we explore the multiple interrelated factors behind low COVID-19 vaccination coverage in LMICs. It is therefore recommended that the governments in LMICs embrace multicomponent and wide-ranging strategies. This should involve utilising community-based approaches such as community pharmacy-led vaccination to promote community access to COVID-19 vaccines and to revive trust in national health authorities by offering population-specific, target-driven, transparent, and timely communication to the community who they serve about the safety and efficacy of the COVID-19 vaccine. Communication strategies should be tailored to reflect diverse political orientations as this can enhance vaccine acceptance. Additionally, local political parties and representative should be engaged in broad alliances to facilitate community mobilisation and support for vaccination campaigns. Also, relevant Nongovernmental Organisations and Community-based Organisations should institute programs at the grassroots that incorporate the gatekeepers to the community aimed at influencing population behaviour regarding COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy. Besides, the public health department in the ministry of health in LMICs should create more awareness, through social and mass media, particularly in the rural, semi-urban, and slum communities about the pivotal role of vaccination. Thus, we opined that these strategies will help LMICs achieve the COVID-19 vaccination target and further reposition the healthcare systems, and promote other public health interventions now and in the future.

Women’s campaigning, petitioning, and grassroots activism, 1945–1997

ABSTRACT Petitioning provided a flexible repertoire for women’s political activity in the decades after 1945. Petitioning was a popular, widespread practice: aside from voting, signing a petition was one of the few political activities that engaged a majority of women. Building on a long tradition of British women as active petitioners, petitioning was used by a variety of different groups—local action groups, voluntary associations, political parties, pressure groups, and radical social movements, including those associated with the Women’s Liberation Movement. Connecting formal and informal politics, petitioning was a relatively cheap, accessible form of political activity that enabled activism. In particular, the practices associated with name-signing created informal, temporary political spaces for women. Petitioning also provided a mechanism for representation and making representative claims to authority on behalf of women. The media-friendly spectacle of presenting petitions to authority was useful for attracting publicity as a range of activists, including conservative moral campaigners like Mary Whitehouse realised. The flexibility of petitioning explain its popularity as a form of political participation for women, particularly in facilitating local, informal activity.

Implementation of Financial Aid for Local Political Parties in Banda Aceh City

<p><em>This study examined the </em><em>allocation</em><em> of financial aid funds from the Banda Aceh Regional Government Budget (APBK) to Local Political Parties X and Y in Banda Aceh. This study conducted empirical juridical research and presented the findings of field research using two analytical frameworks: Legal Effectiveness theory and Siyasah Maliyah Fiqh theory.</em><em> It focused on local political parties since they represent a unique kind of democracy in the Aceh region</em><em>.</em><em> From the standpoint of legal effectiveness theory, the findings of this study suggest that the supporting facilities in the form of financial aid and legal factors are adequate and suitable. Nevertheless, barriers remain present within law enforcement, society, and culture. From the accumulated results of the components of the theory of legal effectiveness, a fiqh siyasah maliyah perspective is obtained. Thus, it can be concluded that the principles of ownership and management are still hampered by transparency, accountability, and openness of information to the community. The principle of abuse and corruption is already working well, but the accuracy of targeting financial funds must be improved The people's benefit has not been completely realized as a result of the aid use not being targeted.. The principle of amar ma'ruf nahyi mungkar has also not been fully implemented because it is hampered by a crisis of public trust, the party's understanding of regulations, and the infrastructure supporting transparency and accountability.</em></p>

Transformation of Ethnonationalist Ideology among Former the Free Aceh Movement Combatants After the MoU Helsinki Peace Agreement in Bireuen Regency

Bireuen Regency is one of the vital base areas for the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). This movement was established in 1976 and was led by Hasan Tiro. Throughout the movement, the Bireuen district became the birthplace of influential GAM fighter figures during the Aceh conflict. While actively fighting for Indonesian independence, GAM carried the ideology of Acehnese ethnonationalism. However, after the signing of the MoU on the Helsinki peace agreement on December 15, 2005, former GAM combatants transformed into a local political party in Aceh and participated in national elections. This study is interesting to examine because this transformation aligns with the acceptance of the ideology of Indonesian nationalism. Therefore, this study aims to analyze the factors that led to the transformation of ethnonationalist ideology among former GAM combatants after the Helsinki MoU in Bireuen Regency. Using qualitative methods based on interviews, the results of this study show that four factors caused the transformation of GAM ideology: peace factors, profit orientation, comfort, compulsion, and disappointment.

Constructing climate change: Exploring how cities frame climate change in the Arctic

ABSTRACT Framing climate policy actions to be acceptable by various stakeholders in cities poses a critical task for urban governance. Despite the proliferation of studies on urban climate change governance in the past decades, framing as a mechanism for agenda-setting in local policymaking has received little attention. This paper draws on the literature on climate change discourse to analyze the content of framing and its reasoning in the two municipalities located in the Arctic: Murmansk (Russia) and Tromsø (Norway). Using qualitative research methods, including semi-structured interviews, document reviews, and discourse analysis, the paper finds that climate change is absent in the political discourse in Murmansk. At the same time, Tromsø authorities recognize climate change as a global and a local problem and incorporate it into local policies. It also identifies three factors that explain the (non)framing of climate change by the municipal authorities: (1) local authority to frame climate issues, (2) local political party branches’ climate preferences, and (3) prior experiences with weather extremes and scientific knowledge. Given that cities in the Arctic are on the front lines of climate change, learning from their framing experiences, other cities across the globe can seize the opportunities for their efforts to address climatic impacts.

Urgensi Media Komunikasi Internal dan Eksternal Pada Partai Lokal di Aceh Besar

This research is aimed at describing how the understanding and application of internal and external media organizational communication ethics of Acehnese local political parties ahead of the 2024 general election. The character, style and pattern of communication within political party organizations have undergone significant changes. This is due to globalization, the information technology revolution has provided hardware or media hardware and software which can be in the form of values, methods, culture adapted by organizational communication actors. So that the members of the organization become more free, democratic and egalitarian. Currently there are almost no political, business and other organizations that can exist without the use of digital media. It is even predicted that in the future it will become more massive and integrative on high-tech or high-tech devices. However, organizational communication through media without being based on ethics can damage all communication arrangements, both internal and external. The method used in this research is a literature study. The results of the study show that the understanding and application of organizational communication ethics through Aceh's local political parties both internally and externally is still weak. So that literacy is needed regarding ethics, organizational communication ethics including media literacy which is one of the supporting tools to help educate the management and members of organizations including the public in political life.

Prospects and Dynamics of Special Autonomy Post Aceh Government Law No. 11 of 2006 in Aceh

After the birth of the Aceh Government Law a year ago, the prospect of Special Autonomy in implementing and implementing all government system tools in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam requires high energy. On the other hand, we read that the Unitary State system is in accordance with scientific theory. This research uses qualitative methods to see how individual candidates can survive amidst the onslaught of local and national political parties in Aceh. From the research results, it was found that the existence of individual candidates had caused political tensions in Aceh after the formation of local political parties.The State is also usually called unitary, the form of government is a single structure. It is not composed of several countries like a federation. This means that as a unitary State, there is only one State. Thus, in a unitary state there is only one government, namely the central government which has the highest power or authority in all areas of government.

Local party members’ views are associated, but not completely congruent, with local constituency opinion

Do local political party members reflect the views of voters in their constituencies? Since candidate selection by local party members is the most common form of candidate selection in the United Kingdom, it is important to understand local party members’ views, and how those views relate to views in the local area. We investigate the degree to which individual members’ views match local opinion by combining the results of a large-scale survey of party members in the United Kingdom with estimates of local opinion created using multilevel regression and post-stratification. We find that individual party members’ views are moderately to strongly associated with local opinion on both left-right and liberty-authority dimensions. Even so, party members are not entirely congruent with opinion in the local area, having opinions which are either to the left or right of voters in their local area, and which are uniformly more liberal than party supporters.

Close actions speak louder than distant words? The effect of local parties on voter turnout in Swedish local elections 1994–2018

ABSTRACT Does the presence of local political parties increase turnout in municipal elections? A handful of previous studies have found that local parties indeed have this effect. Against that backdrop, we examine the impact of the rapid growth in the number of local parties on voter turnout in Swedish local elections. We test the so-called “best of both worlds” hypothesis, which predicts that the presence of local parties – alongside lists of local branches of national party organizations – increases choice for the voters, and thereby increases voter turnout. Our empirical tests employ data from seven Swedish local elections between 1994 and 2018. Ultimately, and contrary to findings from other settings, our results suggest that the presence of local parties does not contribute to higher voter turnout in Sweden. We maintain that this most likely is due to Sweden being a tough test for this hypothesis since Sweden has some unique institutional characteristics, such as concurrent elections and high baseline turnout in local elections.

Inequalities in out-of-home care rates in England: Does local party politics matter?

BackgroundInequalities in the proportion of children experiencing abuse and neglect or a children's social care intervention have become a research focus in the last decade. One almost unexplored factor of growth in rates of children in out-of-home care is local party politics. ObjectiveWe assessed whether growth in rates of out-of-home care in England varied by local authority party political control. MethodsWe collated administrative data on the 152 local authorities in England between 2015 and 2021. We used Bayesian parallel process latent growth models to assess whether growth in rates of children in care in English local authorities has been equal across Labour, Conservative, No Overall Control, and no political majority councils before and after adjusting for trends in child poverty, household income from employment, and expenditure on preventative services. ResultsPrior to adjusting for trends in child poverty, average household income, and expenditure, we find little evidence for differences in trends; once adjusted, we find that trends in Labour authorities were lower (−1.125 children looked after per 10,000 per year) than in Conservative authorities. Had growth in family and local authority economic factors remained constant, our findings suggested out-of-home care rates would have, on average, been stable or decreasing in Labour local authorities but would have continued to rise elsewhere. ConclusionsThe contribution of local party politics to growing rates of out-of-home care remains under-theorised and under-researched, but there are potentially substantial differences along party lines that are masked by unequal exposure to changes in poverty.

TINJAUAN YURIDIS ORGANISASI SAYAP PARTAI POLITIK LOKAL DI ACEH

The existence of local political party wing organisations in Aceh has not yet received legal legitimacy. This creates legal uncertainty and injustice for local political parties in balancing national political parties so that special rules regarding local political party wing organisations must receive attention from the government. Further review through normative juridical studies by analysing aspects of legal certainty of the rights of local political parties in Aceh in the formation of party wing organisations and their driving factors. The formation of local political party wing organisations in Aceh in terms of statutory rules there is a legal vacuum, namely a situation where there are things that have not been regulated by law. This is in accordance with the adage het recht hink achter de feiten aan, i.e. the law always lags behind reality. Of course, this results in the absence of legal certainty for local political parties regarding the right to establish local political party wing organisations. The driving factor in the formation of local political party wing organisations in Aceh is the urgent need for local political parties to balance national political parties in facing unequal or unbalanced conditions in terms of external support in the form of political machines outside the party.

Post-Mortem Analysis of the 2016 Elections Based on the Political Marketing Strategies Used by Local Political Parties in Dumaguete City

This research study is a post-mortem analysis of the 2016 local elections in Dumaguete City, focusing on the political marketing strategies used by the Liberal Party (LP) and Nationalist People’s Coalition (NPC) candidates. The objective was to analyze the political marketing strategies the political parties and candidates employed in the 2016 elections. It also aimed to address the research gap by systematically examining and analyzing the political marketing practices within the local context. The researcher employed a combination of descriptive-quantitative and qualitative designs. The quantitative design was facilitated by measuring the level of effectiveness of the political marketing strategies used by the party and the candidates to win votes, which was measured on a scale of 5.00, where 1.00 is not effective, and 5.00 is the most effective. The qualitative design was facilitated by the archival of documents and structured interviews. The study's respondents were the mayor, vice mayor, and ten city councilors, totaling 12 (n=12). However, only 9 (n=9) participated in answering the survey questionnaire and guide interview. Using Menon’s framework, the study found that LP dominated the election, employing strategies like clear platforms, candidate image building, party disclosure, information drives, material rewards, smart slogans, and social media use. They also managed attitudinal and behavioral barriers effectively. LP’s dominant strategies included media campaigns, house-to-house campaigns, public forums, small group meetings, and leaflet distribution. NPC, on the other hand, focused on good governance, transparency, and monetary indulgence. Both parties utilized product function, distribution function, cost function, machine politics and rewards, news management function, and communication function. The top three effective strategies were the news management function (4.61), product function (4.59), and communication function (4.58). The study concluded that LP was more thorough and organized in its marketing strategy application, giving them critical advantages in the election.

Local Political Party Voting Context Moderates Public School Principals’ Levels of Racial/Ethnic Discrimination

Local Political Party Voting Context Moderates Public School Principals’ Levels of Racial/Ethnic Discrimination

Local Government’s Effort for the Conservation of Rara Lake, Karnali, Nepal

Rara, the largest Lake in Nepal, has enormous potential for the total development of the region. It is located in the Mugu district of Karnali region at an elevation of 2990 m. However, the federal and provincial governments’ current plans and strategies are ineffective in protecting and promoting the Lake from both present and future viewpoints. Participation theory was the most commonly used idea in this study. In order to provide baseline data for the formulation of efficient strategies and policies for the sustainable development of the Lake and its environs, this study intends to investigate the role of Rara Lake in the socioeconomic development of the Province. The study uses a questionnaire survey with a variety of stakeholders, including local people, business owners, and members of local political parties. The outcome shows that, in the current situation, the Lake’s promotion and conservation are solely dependent upon national park policies, as neither the provincial nor municipal governments have taken any direct action to further these goals. The results show that for the long-term conservation and promotion of the Lake, local inhabitants, and local government must adopt an integrated approach. The Lake would have a significant impact on the Province’s and the nation’s overall development if this strategy had been successfully applied.

Upaya Membangun Public Trust terhadap Partai Politik di Provinsi Berbasis Syariat Islam Aceh

<p> </p><p><em>One of the public institutions that must provide services by referring to the principles of good governance is a political party. Political parties become part of the state due to state financing through the National Budget (APBN) and Regional Budget (APBD). The purpose of this study is to find out how public trust in local political parties, as well as to find out efforts in building public trust in local parties. The method used is qualitative with a descriptive approach. The result was that local parties must revamp party regeneration if public trust is to increase. In addition, party ideology must be clear so that it is easily understood by the public and also increases public trust in the political party itself.</em><em> </em><em>The conclusion from this research is that public trust in political parties is an important thing and one way to achieve this is for parties to be inclusive of the latest issues in their region or region. The next research recommendation that can be carried out is to explore how Islamic law is the basis of the political system in Aceh.</em><em></em></p>

Aceh’s Democratic Landscape: Exploring the Role and Impact of Local Political Parties

Abstract: After issuing Law No. 18/2001 on Special Autonomy for the Special Province of Aceh. The central government has given extensive concessions to Aceh Province by delegating various authorities, including forming local Aceh political parties. Local political parties are political organizations formed voluntarily based on similarities of will and ideals to fight for the interests of the community, nation, and state through the election of members of the Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Aceh, Governor, Regent, and Mayor. the existence of local political parties is considered effective in carrying out their roles and functions, especially in implementing the party system in the special autonomy region of Indonesia. Purpose: This study aims to identify and comprehend the role played by Aceh’s local political parties in the local-level implementation of democratization. Design/Methodology/Approach: This research method uses a legal research method with a conceptual and statutory approach. Findings: The results of the study show that the existence of Acehnese local parties can provide political advantages for interest groups to seize power, with the presence of local parties given way as a political vehicle to mobilize power in its government, both in the legislature and the executive. The existence of local parties can embrace all the aspirations of the Acehnese people more specifically than national parties. For this reason, local parties can support the implementation of special autonomy in Aceh. Originality/Value: There are many studies on local parties in Aceh, but this research explores the existence of local parties in implementing local democracy in Aceh.

Local Political Parties in Austria during the COVID-19 Era: A Comparative Case Analysis

This article examines local political party organization of the SPÖ and its handling of the COVID-19 pandemic. The practices and initiatives adopted by local political, social, and democratic party groups in two Austrian regions, a rural town in Styria and an urban district in Vienna, during the COVID-19 pandemic were examined. Using Problem-centered interviews (PCI) and group discussions as instruments for data collection, it was investigated how these parties adapted their activities to maintain engagement and support from the population in the face of unprecedented challenges. The results showed that both parties transitioned to online formats for meetings and events. Measures such as telephone assistance for emotional support, projects to support local businesses, and social measures for those in financial need were introduced to meet the urgent needs of people in the communities. Despite some challenges such as fluctuating motivation, difficulties in maintaining online engagement, ICT competencies, and dealing with personal overload, local parties demonstrated resilience and adaptability during the crisis.

0135 Better Sleep Quality is Associated with Charitable Donations: Data from Two Population-Based Surveys

Abstract Introduction Insufficient sleep alters emotional processing, leading to impaired recognition and expression of emotions, greater endorsements of punishing behaviors, and withdrawal of compassionate helping. Using data from two national surveys, we investigated whether sleep quality and sleep duration were associated with willingness to donate to local charities, religious institutions, and political parties. Methods We conducted secondary analyses of two independent samples: Wave 5 and Wave 6 of the Baylor Religion Survey (BRS-5 and BRS-6). The BRS-5 included 1,501 participants (2017) and the BRS-6 included 1,248 participants (2021). Both surveys used random address-based sample methodologies to approximate population-representative samples, with stratification weighting targets matching national demographics for age, gender, race/ethnicity, education, and region. Each survey inquired about donations to local charities, religious institutions, and political parties. In addition, the BRS-5 included questions about sleep duration and sleep quality (restedness, sleep onset latency); BRS-6 only included questions about sleep quality. Results In the BRS-5, people were more likely to donate to a local charity and a religious institution if they had better sleep durations (charity: p = .004, OR = 1.39; institution: p = .05, OR: 1.45) and better sleep quality (charity: p = .015, OR=1.18; institution: p = .003, OR: 1.38). Some of these outcomes remained significant after controlling for income, age, gender, and race/ethnicity (e.g., institution donations and sleep quality: p = .026, OR = 1.30; sleep duration: p = .05, OR = 1.48). Similar outcomes emerged in the BRS-6, with better sleep quality being associated with more local charity donations (p < .001, OR=1.33), even after adjusting for income and demographic factors (p = .029, OR=1.19). Sleep measures were not significantly associated with donations to political parties after adjusting for demographic factors. Conclusion Better sleep was associated with a greater likelihood to donate locally. There is likely a bidirectional relationship between sleep outcomes and prosocial behaviors. Support (if any) National Science Foundation (1920730 and 1943323). BRS-5 and BRS-6 were supported by the John Templeton Foundation.

Political Communication Strategies of Local Parties in the Implementation of Aceh Peace

The purpose of this research is to analyse how the political communication strategies of local parties towards the implementation of Aceh peace and the impact of political communication strategies of local parties in the implementation of Aceh peace. This research uses the theory of political communication strategies that are ethical, elegant and professionalThis research uses qualitative research methods. The research informants came from local political parties, representatives of Aceh Nanggroe Party, MoU Helsinki peace negotiators and Aceh peace activists who have information about the object of research with a qualitative approach. The results showed that the political communication strategy is through the control of legislative and executive seats by the local party Partai Aceh and Partai Nanggroe Aceh, aims to initiate both policies and regulations (Qanun) and to increase the bargaining value in communication and policy to the central government towards the Aceh government to realise the points of the Helsinki MoU, Secondly, the full control of the legislative and executive seats by the local party (Partai Aceh and Partai Nanggroe Aceh) and reunited in one command of the Free Aceh Movement, the management of the local government runs according to the expectations and ideals of the Helsinki MoU, in addition to giving birth to Qanuns and decisions that have a direct impact on the people of Aceh.