Local Patriotism Research Articles

Exploring the nexus of food citizenship and local food consumption in America's rural-urban blend: Insights from Will County (Illinois)

This paper uses Will County in Illinois as a case study to examine the relationship between food citizenship and local food consumption in what we term to be the rural-urban blend of America. Food citizenship is participating in food-related actions promoting democratic, socially and economically equitable, and environmentally sustainable food systems. On the other hand, local food consumption is choosing and preferring to buy and eat local food over other conventional forms of food. The study used data analysis from a survey of 342 residents in Will County, Illinois, to test a conceptual model that considers various socio-psychological traits that food citizens might have, which could explain their preferences for local food, including local patriotism, perceived similarity with local farmers, social concern for the community's well-being, and environmental concerns. The findings reveal the intertwined nature of local patriotism and place identity, shedding light on their direct influence on food citizens' preferences. The perceived similarity with farmers and active engagement with local food producers deepen food citizens' understanding and connection, ultimately influencing their preferences for locally sourced food. The study also highlights the distinct roles of men and women in local food preferences, with local patriotism being more significant for men aged 40 and above. Finally, the results underscore the Midwest's unique socio-political landscape and the complex interplay of factors shaping local food preferences within rural-urban blends like Will County.

Malmö in the Public Imaginary: Thin Blue Line, Dialect Television Drama, and Local Patriotism

Malmö in the Public Imaginary: Thin Blue Line, Dialect Television Drama, and Local Patriotism

Between "Silhouette d'une ville" and "Patriotisme": Analyzing those Conceptions in “La Construction des Villes” through the Lens of Georges de Montenach’s “Pour le visage aimé de la patrie"

This paper delves into Charles-Édouard Jeanneret’s inaugural urban study La Construction des Villes, exploring his pursuit of fostering citizens’ ‘local patriotism’. While Jeanneret, also known as young Le Corbusier, emphasises the importance of physical urban forms in generating this sentiment, the specific mechanism behind the emergence of local patriotism remains unclear in the manuscript. Our objective is to clarify the uniqueness and historical context of Jeanneret’s thoughts on local patriotism by examining its ideological background, particularly the foundation for creating this sentiment. The key concept, the ‘silhouette of a city’, borrowed from Georges de Montenach, lacks specific examples or forms in Jeanneret’s work. Jeanneret argues that visual clarity and its beauty form the basis for local patriotism. This abstraction, excluding the specificity of the place and translating symbolism into visual clarity, foreshadows Le Corbusier’s later modernist ideas. Unlike previous interpretations of inhabitants’ visual experiences, aligned with pre-modern German-speaking spatial theory, Jeanneret’s description of the silhouette of a city externalises the viewing subject, applying a limited scope of the landscape aligning with contemporary French-speaking discussions. The resulting collective consciousness, shared by external observers perceiving a clear silhouette of a city, is conceptualized as local patriotism.

ВІДЧУТТЯ МІСЦЯ ЯК ЧИННИК СТІЙКОСТІ ГРОМАДИ МІСТА (ДОСЛІДЖЕННЯ НА ПРИКЛАДІ МІСТА СЛАВУТИЧ, УКРАЇНА)

The importance of the sense of place issue lies in its ability to enhance the community's resilience in addressing current situational and strategic tasks related to the cohesion of residents in the face of natural, social, or military challenges. To achieve a sense of place on a collective level, it is necessary to appeal to the unique and important characteristics of a place for its residents. This includes an authentic spirit and character of place that can influence the cognitive, behavioral, and emotional dimensions of the relationship between people and places. The research goal is to investigate the influence of a sense of place on the development of a cohesive and resilient community, using the city of Slavutych as an example. Despite facing various challenges, the city has consistently demonstrated a strong sense of unity and local patriotism based on past experiences. The community of Slavutych experienced the most recent challenge during the blockade and temporary occupation in March 2022, when the city was able to drive out the russian invaders as a result of a peaceful rally, self-organization of residents, and silent resistance by Chornobyl nuclear power plant workers. This reactive participation led to an active rethinking of local meanings and contexts of sense of place. Using the example of Slavutych city, we demonstrate how two groups of factors of a sense of place (physical features and cognitive and perceptual factors) determine the infrastructural, economic, ecological, institutional, social and competence dimensions of community resilience. Based on the results of a long-term study of the city using methods of observation, surveys, in-depth interviews, and expert analysis, the article emphasizes that community cohesion manifests itself differently in peacetime and during wartime challenges. However, in both cases, it is based on a strong sense of place, solidarity, and the establishment of informal social networks. Clearly understanding the uniqueness and exclusivity of Slavutych as an ideal satellite city of a nuclear power plant, the youngest and most comfortable city in Ukraine, we believe that community cohesion during the war is a typical phenomenon of national scale for all Ukrainian communities.

Resistances from a Stubborn Past

Eels, pie, mash, and liquor is the traditional but largely forgotten food of the cockney, London working class. This paper examines the ingredients, rituals, and culture in one of the few remaining shops that serve a historical dish that is a living gustatory link with a hyper-local, early capitalist past and a gastro-nationalist present. The work takes as its starting point a sensory ethnographic investigation that interrogates a partially hidden world of performative, nostalgic memorialization in one of the very few de facto proletarian spaces within a city of neoliberal modernity. The spaces are, I argue, a negotiation with, and a micro-resistance to, the hegemonic culture memorialized within a largely insular, conservative cockney culture infused with a local patriotism. It further examines a food culture coded through ideas of respectability and manners, and via the concept of a “classed” body, the notion of sensation, disgust, and impurity that condense time and memory around the metaphor of the eel as cockney.

ENTREPRENEURSHIP BEHAVIOR OF ACEH ETHNIC

This study plans to decide how innovative conduct in Acehnese Ethnicity, ethnic socio-cultural factors that impact pioneering conduct, and the effect of enterprising conduct on Acehnese Morals on the universe of business. This study also utilizes a subjective strategy with a phenomenological approach. The quantity of respondents was chosen by sampling technique upwards of three business people from Ethnic Aceh who are in Yogyakarta, were met inside and out and saw in their conduct during the meeting and day by day in maintaining a business. The aftereffects of the information examination show that the ethnic enterprising conduct of Aceh covers three viewpoints. (a) Love in which there is an inclination of adoration in the place where there is birth, a feeling of connection, and a feeling of close confidence. (b) Intellectual information identified with strict culture and qualities, the field of business they work in, business experience they have, and future objectives. (c) Aptitudes that incorporate difficult work, creative, open and candid, autonomous, strict conduct, proficient, workmanlike and emphatic. Aceh's ethnic social culture that has an effect on the enterprising conduct of the Aceh Ethnic people group, to be specific: (a) Family custom, (b) Territorial strict character, (c) Local patriotism, (d) Provincial convention, (e) Local culture and (f) Local character. Innovative conduct on the Aceh Ethnic has a positive effect when applied in the realm of business. The uniqueness that turns into the aftereffect of research is the component of Shari'a values, historical influences, values ​​and characters of ethnic culture that is vigorously applied in the business world by Acehnese ethnic business visionaries

Redefining Fiumians: Flag Usage and the Ambiguities of the Nation-Building Process in the Former Habsburg-Hungarian corpus separatum, 1914–1924

In the late Habsburg period, Fiume's municipal flag became the representative symbol of local patriotism. This article argues that local patriotism in Fiume was a form of identification that combined features of modern nationalism with loyalties to the Habsburg Empire. With the disappearance of the dual monarchy and the subsequent transition period (1918–24), the Fiumian flag was redefined and contested both as a symbol of Italian irredentism realised through annexation and of Fiume's independence by local autonomists. Thus, the article demonstrates how local patriotism survived the empire's dissolution and how attachment to a locality was a significant feature of European political life in general during that period.

The Influence of Local Patriotism on Participation in Local Politics, Civic participation, Trust in Local Government and Collective Action

Patriotism is conceived of as a national-level concept. I posit that people hold similarly strong feelings toward their municipal area. Based on long-standing the- ories of patriotism in national politics, I show how local patriotism influences local politics. Using novel preregistered survey data from an online sample matched to nationally representative data in terms of gender, age, and race, I show that people have feelings of love, indifference, or hate toward their municipality. I also find a strong positive correlation between loving one’s municipality and partici-pation in local politics, civic participation, and trust in local government. I also conducted two preregistered survey experiments that show that priming feelings of love and/or hate towards one’s town strongly motivates the willingness to sac-rifice to solve local collective action problems. Specifically, stimuli that evoked these feelings made participants much more likely to donate the payment they earned from completing the survey to solve a town problem. These results show the crucial importance of local patriotism for understanding local politics.

Reporting Through Patriotic Lenses: How Journalists and Political Actors Understand and Assess the Community Role of Local Journalism

ABSTRACT Local news media are seen as key to local democracy and communal cohesion. This article asks how the community role of local journalism is understood and assessed by journalists and political actors. The study builds on 26 in-depth interviews with local journalists and local political actors involved in conflicts over localisation of hospitals in two different regions in Norway. Theoretically, the article draws on research into the roles of local news media and the place-making features of local journalism. We conceptualise the community role as an overarching role of local journalism, where characteristics related to, e.g., the watchdog and advocacy roles of local journalism may serve a community function. Our analysis shows that local patriotism is regarded as a key aspect of local journalism, where local news media are expected to report through specific spatial lenses to the benefit of the local community. Yet although local journalists and local political actors largely agree on key ideals of local journalism, they advance different perspectives on what form of local news reporting is in the best interest of the community. In sum, local patriotism is considered both a force and an obstacle when journalists are serving the community.

Censoring Ukrainian patriotism in the Russian Empire: the ban on the second printing of the History of the Rus′ in 1858

ABSTRACT This article examines the censorship case of the second printing of Istoriia Rusov ili Maloi Rossii (The History of the Rus′ or Little Russia). The book, which was apocryphally attributed to Archbishop Georgii Konisskii, is a history of the Little Russian Cossacks containing much fiction. It was submitted to the St. Petersburg Censorship Committee in August 1858. After consideration at the council of the Chief Censorship Administration, the highest collegial body of censorship in the Russian Empire, it was denied authorization for publication. The explicit motive for the denial was that the book contained local patriotism. This expressed motive shows that already five years before the notorious Valuev directive, which restricted Ukrainian publications in the empire, the censors were alert to the propagation of Little Russian or Ukrainian particularism and found it harmful. The files of the Chief Censorship Administration indicate the page numbers of the passages that the censors found impermissible, which makes possible a detailed reconstruction of their thinking. The censors marked the passages in which the status of Muscovy as the successor to the medieval Principality of Kyiv was questioned, as well as those that portrayed the Russian monarchs negatively.

Siberian Regionalism as an intellectual and socio-political movement in the epistolary and scientific-journalistic heritage of G.N. Potanin

The article is devoted to the problem of reception by the leader of the Siberian regionalism G.N. Potanin, factors of formation, circumstances of development and evolution of the regional movement as an ideology that was formed in the conditions of colonization in the outlying (Siberian) regions of the Russian Empire. The object of the research is the socio-political discourse of Russia in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. The subject of the study is Siberian regionalism as an intellectual and socio-political movement in the epistolary and scientific-journalistic heritage of G.N. Potanin. The purpose of this article is to identify the ideas of G.N. Potanin about regionalism as an intellectual and socio-political movement that was formed in the active phase of his life biography. In methodological terms, the formulation of the problem, its solution and conclusions are provided by approaches and practices tested within the framework of the research direction new cultural and intellectual history, one of the problematic fields of which is intellectual biography and discursive practices. Within the framework of this article, the concept of “representation” is the semantic one, reflecting the subjective interpretation of the historical reality by G.N. Potanin in connection with the functioning of the regional movement as a sociocultural phenomenon. The sources of the research are the scientific and journalistic writings of G.N. Potanin and his extensive epistolary heritage, which captured the ideas of one of the leaders of the regionalists about the evolution of the movement in the wide chronological boundaries of the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. The author concludes that the history of regionalism as an intellectual and social movement was closely associated with the biographical context of the fate of the leaders of the movement. This fact, according to G.N. Potanin determined the evolution of the regional ideology, which has come a long way from manifestations of local patriotism, radical political delusions, to the construction of an original concept based on the recognition of Siberia as a colony of Russia.

The Value of Digital Communication

The publication is devoted to the value foundations of mass communication on the sites of local news media in social networks. The relevance of the work is related to the growth of news media audiences on digital platforms and the need to involve subscribers in the life of communities based on common values. Scientific novelty is expressed in the analysis of the still unexplored formation of local communities and their values on digital platforms. The author poses the question of harmonizing communication based on constructive values, as well as the values of communication itself that support media in social ecosystems: involvement, exchange of emotions based on information, ease of demonstrating support or disapproval, direct communication with opinion leaders. The general problem of the research is designated as the axiological ambivalence of communication in the digital environment. The work used a systematic review of the literature and a qualitative generalization of the results of the author’s previous studies related to the practice of local communities on digital platforms. The review showed the presence of common characteristics for all the results obtained. Among them is the imbalance of communication depending on the region and local politics, as well as the presence of negative emotions and fake information in communications, while people tend to spread negative content of posts / actively react to them. Finally, the volume of communication itself on social networks is uneven in specific topics, periods of time and for audiences of different regions.The study showed that the value of communication in local media on digital platforms lies in the ability of messages to form values that unite the audience and neutralize radicalizing ones, to form a constructive discussion (with the search for solutions to the conflicts that have arisen), taking into account the different value foundations of the communication participants. The values of local communities are concentrated not only around local patriotism, civic activism and proactivity ‒ the named triad is able to harmonize radicalized discussions on digital platforms.

Continuity in Discontinuity? Spatial Patterns of Electoral Behaviour in the 2021 Czech Parliamentary Elections

This article examines the spatial factors that shaped the 2021 parliamentary elections. Building on a great deal of research in electoral geography and spatial analysis, it focused on specific spatial elements of voting behaviour that have not been previously studied, and on the key time-specific factors that shaped the electoral map and party system in the 2021 elections. Employing a quantitative approach to aggregate electoral and socio-demographic data, the study maps the electoral dynamic by exploiting the unique political situations that were characterized by a competition between two blocs – the two centre-right coalitions, SPOLU and the Pirates and STAN, and the populist ANO and SPD parties. Despite profound changes in the party system, the spatial stratification of Czech politics remained unchanged. Quite the contrary, the societal cleavages shaped the spatial voting patterns even more intensively. Additionally, the study shows that regional context factors modified the overall nationwide trend. Varying from region to region, factors included religiosity, local patriotism, the role of local entrepreneurs, and the effect of a popular local leader.

Культурный код города

The article explores one of the modern trends in the semiotic analysis of the city and urban environment — the study of the cultural code of the city. In the contemporary aca­de­mic discourse, the importance of studying the cultural code of the city is growing not so much as a phenomenon but as a system of decoding and cognizing each specific city in its own con­text. This aspect is closely related to the analysis of the problem of enhancing urban identity and local patriotism, as well as identifying the unique cultural meanings of the city as part of exp­loring its image in the external environment. As the basis for the study of the cultural code of the city, it is proposed to consider the following factors encoding of urban environ­ment: a) nature and climate, b) texts, where the city is conceptualized and presented in litera­ry context, c) historical events associated with the city, d) spatial characteristics, e) symbolic relationship with famous individuals (“geniuses of place”). The process of coding is inf­luenced by other features of the city, which form economic, culinary, tourist, digital and other codes of the city, and their decoding can be carried out both on the everyday level and on the expert (academic) level. The author identifies the main ways of expressing, capturing and communicating the city’s cultural code in signs of different origin.

POLITICAL MANIFESTATIONS OF SOCIAL DEMOCRATS IN LVIV IN 1905: FROM SOLIDARITY RALLIES WITH WARSAW WORKERS TO DEMANDS FOR UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE

Lviv was not the center of the labor movement and had no objective reasons for this – there was no significant number of workers. Nevertheless, in 1905, the city became a location for numerous social protests. Moreover, with a distinct national Polish character, due to the solidarity of local Poles with the insurgent Poles in the Russian Empire. The article talks about the events of the revolutionary year of 1905 in Lviv, when the social democrats, starting with rallies in support of the Poles of the Russian Empire, eventually became a key political player in the city. They organized demonstrations, supported the strikers and negotiated on their behalf. After all, when Russia announced its intention to carry out liberal reforms, the Social Democrats became the ones who most actively promoted the idea of universal suffrage in the Austro-Hungarian Empire. At the same time, they were able to mobilize under their banner those who would hardly have supported them under other circumstances. It is shown how competition between political parties and international relations influenced social protests. How the confrontation between Polish socialists and nationalists in Warsaw caused bloody conflicts on the same ground in Lviv. And how Ukrainian and Jewish socialists acted, faced with a choice between social and national solidarity. Who was accused of anti-Semitism, and who was accused of betraying national interests in favor of ephemeral justice. It is highlighted how Lviv became the arena of this struggle – where were the main places for protests, where the strikers gathered, which routes they used to conduct their demonstrations. And also which points became places of conflict, where workers gathered and where they went to protest. The factor of local patriotism was also considered: what was the policy of local self-government, how the patriotic card was played to set Lviv workers against workers from other regions of the empire. How entrepreneurs understood patriotism, how workers understood it, and how socialists tried to solve this dilemma.

«Чиїх батьків ми діти?»: історична політика «Нашого лемка»

The article analyses the construction of the politics of memory in the newspaper Nash Lemko (Lviv, 1934-1939). The study has highlighted its conceptual thoughtfulness, genre diversity, and content richness. The aggressive national policy of the Second Rzeczpospolita made the newspaper primarily tackle the issue of “polonization” of Rusins’ historical consciousness. Therefore, Nash Lemko consistently argued about the age-old connection between Rusins and Ukrainians in numerous popular surveys, local lore essays, journalistic articles, and works of art. According to Nash Lemko editorial board, the Moscophile ideology posed the same danger as Polish propaganda, sinсe Old Rusin cultural influences were traditionally popular among the Lemkos. The newspaper contributors convinced their readers that the cultural Slavophilism of the Galician activists of the 19th century had nothing in common with the aggressive ideology of modern Moscophiles. Nash Lemko also paid a lot of attention to strengthening local patriotism. Promoting a deep knowledge of history and culture, the newspaper editors encouraged Lemkos to transform the ugly present and vigorously plan for the future. All these measures had a substantial consolidating effect on the Rusin community on the eve of WWII. Due to the carefully crafted politics of memory, the Lemkos formed a most cohesive emigration communities after after being expelled from their native lands.

Everyday people’s patriotism in Russia: Possibilities and limitations of sociological study and typologization

The article is a review of the book by K. Clment Patriotism from Below. How Is It Possible That People Are So Poor in the Rich Country? (Moscow: NLO, 2021. 232 p.). The book is based on the results of the research project aimed at the detailed description of different types of everyday Russian patriotism with the help of the qualitative approach (in fact, case studies and semi-formalized interviews were conducted, although the book presents them as ethnographic research and in-depth interviews). The book identifies and describes the following types of the grassroot Russian patriotism which does not always coincide with the state patriotic discourse (patriotism from above): non-state and state everyday patriotism, non-patriotism, detached patriotism, and local patriotism. The review identifies both the undoubted merits of the book and its conceptual, methodological and analytical limitations which can become a starting point for further sociological studies of discursive practices and behavioral patterns of Russians, especially of those living in the Russian hinterland (depressed peripheral regions of the country).

Individual preferences on trade liberalization: evidence from a Japanese household survey

This paper studies an individual’s preference on trade liberalization using a Japanese household survey, the Keio Household Panel Survey. As a result, we show that preferences toward trade liberalization are affected by economic factors (income, gender, family, asset, and job status) as well as noneconomic factors (noncognitive factors and behaviroal biases). We find that male, educated, and people with smaller family prefer trade liberalization. Furthermore, people who prefer liberty to equality and have less local patriotism, tend to be positive to trade liberalization.

The Jewish Autonomous Region of Birobidzhan in Siberia

The Jewish Autonomous Region (JAR) of Birobidzhan in Siberia is still alive. The once famous “Siberian Zion”, at the confluence of the Bira and Bidzhan rivers, a stone’s throw away from China and a day from the Pacific Ocean, 9,000 km and six days by train from Moscow, is still a geographical reality. The political class of the Soviet Union decided to create a territory the size of Belgium for a settlement for Jews, choosing a region on the border between China and the Soviet Union. It believed that Soviet Jews needed, like other national minorities, a homeland with a territory. The Soviet regime thus opted to establish an enclave that would become the JAR in 1934. We should note that the creation of the JAR was the first historically fulfilled case of building an officially recognised Jewish national territory since antiquity and well before Israel. Nevertheless, many historians declared this experiment a failure and the history of the Region only tragic. It is interesting to note, however, that the survival of the JAR in post-Soviet Russia has been not only a historical curiosity, a legacy of Soviet national policy, but today – after the collapse of the Soviet Union – it represents a very interesting case study. It is also a topic useful for the analysis and understanding of inter-ethnic relations, cooperation, and coexistence and it is a unique case of geographic resettlement that produced a special case of “local patriotism”, as an example also for different ethnic groups living in the JAR, based on Jewish and Yiddish roots.

Charles-Édouard Jeanneret’s Local Patriotism in La Construction des villes and Erneuerungsbewegun

In 1910, Jeanneret began writing a text entitled La Construction des villes, when regionalism was en vogue on a central European scale. The text, however, was never published. We will first examine the content and ideological background of the local patriotism depicted in the text. Then, we will analyze the relationship between Jeanneret’s work and that of Paul Schultze-Naumburg, which is considered to be the source of his patriotism.