Local Elections In Britain Research Articles

Candidate Ethnic Origins and Voter Preferences: Examining Name Discrimination in Local Elections in Britain

This article examines the relationship between candidate names as they appear on the ballot paper and voting patterns in British local elections. Specifically, it explores whether some voters favour candidates with British-sounding names over those whose names suggest either European or non-European ethnic origins. Name classification software identifies three categories of candidate: British, other European and non-European. Separate analyses of aggregate voting data are undertaken of multi-member and single-member electoral districts. Data cover the period 1973–2012, and votes for more than 400,000 candidates are examined. In multi-member districts, after comparing within-party slates and finishing order generally, candidates whose surnames suggest a British ethnic origin perform best, while non-Europeans attract fewer votes. The analysis of single-member districts focuses on a party’s vote share after taking into account the pattern of candidate recruitment across electoral cycles. It shows that vote share is adversely affected when British candidates are replaced by those with European and non-European surnames, while the opposite pattern of succession is associated with a boost in votes. It is clear that the outcome of some elections has been determined by the parties’ choice of candidates.

BAME Candidates in Local Elections in Britain

Differences between white and Black, Asian and other minority ethnic (BAME) local election candidates in Britain are examined using survey data. BAME candidates are more likely to be younger and better educated but fewer women are recruited from among this group. Such candidates are electorally inexperienced, have stronger ties with community-related organisations and are more likely to make their own decision to stand for election rather than being approached by a fellow party member. Community ties are also evident when respondents are asked about their support network upon becoming a candidate with almost two-thirds of BAME candidates experiencing positive support from this quarter.

The Demise of New Labour? The British 'Mid-Term' Elections of 2008

The annual local elections in Britain are closely scrutinised for the clues they offer about the current state of public opinion. The 2008 contests attracted particular attention. The governing Labour party recorded its worst local election performance for 40 years; the Conservative opposition its best since John Major's electoral honeymoon in 1992. These elections, and other evidence, appear to have shifted the political narrative so that a Conservative victory at the next general election (due before mid-2010) is now seen as increasingly possible.

Trends in Local Elections in Britain, 1975–2003

Five aspects of local elections in Britain over a thirty year period are examined. First, the process of party politicisation has seen the growth of more three-party systems whilst in parts of the Celtic fringe electors may have a choice of at least four parties. The increase in party candidates has had an important impact on the second aspect considered, that of uncontested seats. In some areas, particularly in the larger towns and cities, lack of contestation has not been significant. In remaining areas the trend has been towards increased competition and challenge for council seats. The third aspect is electoral turnout, where a recent decline has prompted considerable debate. However, the benefit of a longitudinal study is to provide historical perspective. The data show fluctuations in turnout but no ‘golden age’ where participation rates were significantly higher than in the modern era. The fourth and fifth aspects are the distribution of votes and seats respectively. The two-party vote share has declined and voters appear more prepared to support minor party candidates. In turn this has contributed to a growth in the variety of party systems in local government.

Duverger's law: An application to local elections in Britain

Duverger's law: An application to local elections in Britain

Local Elections in Britain

by Colin Railings and Michael Thrasher (London, Routledge, 1997) xii+232 pp., £45 hbk ISBN 0 415 05953 4

Between first and second order: a comparison of voting behaviour in european and local elections in britain

Abstract. In Britain, both local elections and European elections can be regarded as second–order. However, voters believe that even less is at stake in European elections than in local elections, and their behaviour is congruent with this: voters are more likely to turn out in local elections, they are more likely to ‘split their ticket’ they are more likely to report that they vote on issues specific to the second–order arena. Logistic regression of party choices in the local, European and national contexts confirms this. National considerations played less part in the local election and there was some evidence that voters were influenced by the record of the locally–incumbent party. It appears that voting in the European elections has more of an expressive character, and is less instrumental than that in either local or national elections.

Calculating the total vote where the district magnitude is greater than one: A test of some algorithms using British local election data

Electoral analysis using aggregate data relies on the availability of accurate voting statistics. One vital piece of information, often missing from official electoral returns, particularly British local government elections, is the total number of valid ballot papers. This figure is essential for the calculation of electoral turnout. When voters have a single vote and official information about the number of ballot papers issued is missing, a figure for the total vote can still be derived. However, local elections in Britain frequently use a system of multiple-member wards, where voters have as many votes as there are seats to be filled. In such cases, calculating the total vote and, hence, the turnout does present a real problem. It cannot be assumed that all voters will use their full quota of votes or that voters will cast a ballot in favour of a single party. This paper develops and tests diff erent algorithms for calculating the total vote in such circumstances. We conclude that the accuracy of an algorithm is closely related to the structure of party competition. The findings of this paper have a number of important implications. First, the difficulties in calculating the turnout in multiple-member wards are identified. This will inform the debate about public participation in the local electoral process. Second, the method for deriving a figure for the total vote has an important bearing on a number of other statistics widely employed in electoral analysis.

British Local Elections - Colin Rallings and Michael Thrasher: Local Elections in Britain, London, Routledge, 1997, xii + 232 pp., hardback £45.00.

British Local Elections - Colin Rallings and Michael Thrasher: Local Elections in Britain, London, Routledge, 1997, xii + 232 pp., hardback £45.00.

Were the 1994 Euro‐ and local elections in Britain really second‐order? Evidence from the British election panel study

Were the 1994 Euro‐ and local elections in Britain really second‐order? Evidence from the British election panel study

LOCAL ELECTIONS IN BRITAIN: COMPARING MYTH WITH REALITY

Journal Article LOCAL ELECTIONS IN BRITAIN: COMPARING MYTH WITH REALITY Get access Colin Rallings, Colin Rallings Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Michael Thrasher Michael Thrasher Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Parliamentary Affairs, Volume 41, Issue 2, April 1988, Pages 182–194, https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pa.a052140 Published: 01 April 1988

Lessons of the 1982 English local elections

The 1982 local elections in Britain were the first elections fought on a nationwide basis by the Liberal/Social Democratic Party Alliance. Although there are methodological problems, the results in provincial England can be analysed to provide clues to the character of support for Britain's newest political formation. Although the Alliance achieved a substantially higher vote than the Liberals had in 1980, it proved difficult to achieve a breakthrough in terms of wards won—especially for the SDP who tended to contest poorer prospects than their Liberal partners. There is only weak evidence that the SDP could mobilize new sources of support. The even spread of the Alliance's vote was such as to cast doubt on their ability to win seats at the next general election unless a very high level of support is attained.