Local Elected Officials Research Articles

Problem of mobilizing local financial resources for grassroots development: Case of CDL and CP in the urban commune of Kissidougou

Insufficient mobilization of local financial resources in Kissidougou hinders its development, requiring strategies for fundraising, management and governance. Our work took place from June 4 to August 20, 2023; The general objective is to identify the various factors that undermine the effective mobilization of local financial resources through the CDL and the CP. The specific objectives aim to: · -Identify the various resources mobilized in the municipality from 2021 to 2023; · -Evaluate and analyze the level of mobilization of the CDL and the CP; · -Identify the various obstacles that limit this mobilization with a view to considering suitable solutions. To achieve these objectives, we adopted the following methodology: -Planning of activities; -Consultations of documents, frameworks and archives; -Surveys: (sampling, development of survey sheets, data collection); -Processing, analysis and interpretation of the data collected. Our surveys focused on a sample of 100 people including 10 local elected officials, 10 SPI agents and 80 taxpayers. At the end of our work, we arrived at the following results: o In 2021, on a forecast of 156.552.000 GNF, 63.181.000 GNF was recovered, i.e. an achievement rate of 40.35%; o In 2022, on a forecast of 222.190.000 GNF, 162.751.345 GNF was recovered, i.e. an achievement rate of 73.24%; o In 2023, on a forecast of 368.880.000 GNF, 282.093.253 GNF was recovered, i.e. an achievement rate of 76.47%. This gap between forecasts and achievements is due to the problems that hinder mobilization. This is why solutions and decision-making must be immediately applied to resolve these problems.

United States Precinct Boundaries and Statewide Partisan Election Results

We describe the creation and verification of databases of all precinct boundaries used in the United States 2016, 2018, and 2020 November general elections, enhanced with election results for all partisan statewide offices. United States election officials report election results in the smallest geographic reporting known as the precinct. Scholars and practitioners find these election results valuable for numerous use cases. However, these data cannot be augmented with other geographically-bound data, such as U.S. Census data, without precinct boundaries. Here we describe the collection of precinct boundary data from state and local election officials, sometimes provided in GIS formats, images, text descriptions, and – in rare cases – verbally. We describe how we verify boundaries with other election data, such as geocoded voter registration files. Our open-source data has appeared in redistricting litigation argued before the United States Supreme Court; and has been used by state and local redistricting authorities, media organizations, advocacy groups, scholars, and a vibrant community of mapping enthusiasts.

Strategic Evaluation of Community Health Activities: Case of the Parakou/N’Dali Health District

Community health is based on primary health care and all countries must respect these principles of actions community-based health. <i>Objective</i> is to assess the relevance of community health activities in the Parakou / N'Dali Health District (PNHD) in 2020. <i>Method:</i> It was an evaluative observational cross-sectional study with an analytical aim carried out from August to September 2020. It focused on the community volunteer, qualified community health workers, local elected officials and health professionals of PNHD. Assessment of the relevance of activities at the community were in three dimensions: the relevance of the activities, the adequacy of the profile of agents committed to this task and respect for the principles of community action. Overall relevancy assessment ruled according to the Varkevisser rating scale. <i>Results</i>: The relevance of community health activities in the PNHD is poor (69.0%). Community volunteer does not have an adequate profile to carry out community health activities in basis of Primary Health Care (76.6%) and the basic principles of community action were not respect for 43.0%. Associated factors with the relevance of the activities observed are age between 40 and 60 (p˂.01), the gender of actors (p=.035). <i>Conclusion</i>: The community health activities carried out in the PNHD are globally not relevant as challenges persisted and required a great effort on human resources.

Who still wants the Olympic Flame? Analysing the implementation of the Olympic Torch Relay of Paris 2024

ABSTRACT As the Games model becomes increasingly contested, Paris 2024 aims to set a new standard for sustainable mega-events. Explicit ambitions include making the Paris Games those of France, a crucial component for legacy. To achieve these goals, organisers ran several programmes with the Olympic Torch Relay (OTR) being one of the most emblematic. In this paper we analyse this nationwide mobilisation Olympic programme, in order to sought grasp on what happened between what is planned (enthusiasm anticipated and hoped for by organisers in associating territories with pre-Olympic activities) and what is perceived (controversy that arose following the refusal of many French departments to commit to the project). Adopting an interpretative approach of implementation, we identified three indicators to shed light on adherence’s mechanisms to the OTR. Local officials’ refusals more specifically stem from a rejection of the OTR’s implementation modalities rather than an outright rejection of the Games. Decisions made by the pro-Olympic coalition underscore a focus on population hubs and growth poles over rural areas. This inclination directing negotiations towards entities more conducive to contractualisation result as a neocorporatist model of implementation. Given the escalating controversies associated with mega sport events and the Olympic Games, this study offers a novel lens through which one can evaluate local elected officials’ relationship with Olympism.

Did private election administration funding advantage Democrats in 2020?

Private donors contributed more than $350 million to local election officials to support the administration of the 2020 election. Supporters argue these grants were neutral and necessary to maintain normal election operations during the pandemic, while critics worry these grants mostly went to Democratic strongholds and tilted election outcomes. How much did these grants shape the 2020 presidential election? To answer this question, we collect administrative data on private election administration grants and election outcomes. We then use advances in synthetic control methods to compare presidential election results and turnout in counties that received grants to counties with similar election results and turnout before 2020. While Democratic counties were more likely to apply for a grant, we find that the grants did not have a noticeable effect on the presidential election. Our estimates of the average effect on Democratic vote share range from 0.03 to 0.36 percentage points. Our estimates of the average effect of receiving a grant on turnout range from 0.03 to 0.14 percentage points. Across specifications, our 95% CIs typically include negative effects and all fail to include effects on Democratic vote share larger than 0.58 percentage points and effects on turnout larger than 0.40 percentage points. We characterize the magnitude of our effects by asking how large they are compared to the margin by which Biden won the 2020 election. In simple bench-marking exercises, we find that the effects of the grants were likely too small to have changed the outcome of the 2020 presidential election.

Difficulties in land regulation in Greater Lomé and Atakpamé. Contexts and explanatory factors

In Togo and particularly in greater Lomé and Atakpamé, we see that the State has difficulty regulating or controlling land. The objective of this article is to examine the factors that make land regulation difficult in Togo in general and in greater Lomé and Atakpamé in particular. To achieve this, the research used quantitative and qualitative approaches based respectively on questionnaire administration and individual interview techniques. For the quantitative survey, 208 landowners were interviewed in greater Lomé compared to 122 in Atakpamé. Concerning the qualitative approach, 24 resource people were interviewed in greater Lomé compared to 21 in Atakpamé. The results of the investigations showed that the non-registration of plots purchased in the cadastral service, the absence of land mapping, unconventional subdivisions, land speculation and the purchase of family land constitute factors which make regulation and management difficult. land security. To compensate for illegal urban practices and sustainably control land, it is necessary, in addition to existing measures, to adopt an inclusive and participatory approach which would bring populations, local elected officials and the state into a chain of collaboration.

Guardians of the Ballot Box: Addressing Cybersecurity Vulnerabilities and Privacy Concerns for Local Election Officials in Digital Spaces

Guardians of the Ballot Box: Addressing Cybersecurity Vulnerabilities and Privacy Concerns for Local Election Officials in Digital Spaces

선출직 지방공직자에 대한 이해충돌방지법제의 개선

The issue of conflict between transparency and fairness and administrative efficiency and expertise has been also continuously raised in France. As part of an important recent reform, on the recommendation of the French High Commission for Public Transparency, the scope of Article 432-12 of Criminal law on obtaining illicit profits has been extended. The scope of the crime of obtaining benefits due to conflict of interest was confretely defined. In adition, through the adoption of the “3DS Act” in February 2022, standards for the discipline of conflict of interest situations were introduced. Before 3DS Act, many elected officials excluded themselves from such work due to the concerns that the legal framework would put them in a dangerous situation where they would be mistaken for corruption when performing official duties in external organizations. The law confirms the reform's commitment to address the situation of local elected officials on transparency issues related to the modification of the crime of obtaining unlawful gains as defined in the law of December 22, 2021. One of the most important backgrounds for the enactment of Korean Conflict of Interest Prevention Act was the need to effectively manage conflicts of interest, especially for elected officials. There has been continued criticism of the need for effective sanctions against corruption activities by mmber of the Ntional Assembly and heads of local governments, in particular, compliance with the principles of disclosure and transparency regarding secretive local administration that receives less media attention and coverage over a relatively wide. Cases such as when the head of a public institution orders a construction project to his spouse, or when a high-ranking public official instructs the public institution to which he or she belongs to provide preferential treatment for his children, does not result in the direct benefit of the public official, but it does not accrue to his or her relatives or society. This is something that can definitely be influenced by indirect influence in relationships. In particular, in the case of elected officials, it is easy to be tempted to defend the interests of an organization or group in order to receive votes for re-election after their term of office. A comparative legal review of the French system provides useful implications for improving this legal system.

Achieving electoral equity after Brnovich: A case study of Native activism in Nevada

AbstractObjectiveWe examine the role of local election officials in voter suppression of Native Americans and opportunities for legal redress using state law.MethodsWe present a case study of the Shoshone and Paiute Tribal leaders, Native activists, and lawyers in Elko County, Nevada, to provide electoral access on the Duck Valley Reservation.ResultsWe document the successful legal strategy against Elko County officials in state court following a newly adopted provision of the state constitution that committed Nevada to providing “equal access to the elections system without discrimination.”ConclusionThis case study is a reminder of the discretionary power wielded by local election officials in the United States, and it presents a potential roadmap for fighting voting abuses using state laws and courts following the Supreme Court's Brnovich v. Democratic Central Committee (2021) ruling.

Migrants’ community building in two Montenegrin informal neighborhoods

ABSTRACT This research aims to benefit displaced people due to conflict in Kosovo and their commitment to community building in two Montenegrin informal neighborhoods. Drawing on qualitative data from observations, questionnaires, and semi-structured interviews, the author examines the potential for urban cohesion through inhabitation and political agency in the urban-occupied territories attributed to the physical and social qualities of neighborhoods. Urban cohesion involves feelings of trust, gathering, acceptance, and connectedness, while political agency entails the broadest and freest access to community tools. The consequence is a communal building that opposes dependence on the leadership of the elected representatives. Proponents of residents’ trust in the effective leadership of local elected officials and community representatives promote productive community development. Since evidence of the efficacy of this model is lacking in Montenegro, this article seeks to address inhabitants’ engagement with political parties, leading toward communal consciousness.

‘Making the global local’: Insights from the cities for CEDAW (C4C) campaign in the United States

In this article, I analyze the C4C campaign for insights about the multiscalar and multidirectional human rights activism and their consequences for gender justice. I find that the C4C campaigns have contributed to gender justice in two important ways. First, the campaigns have succeeded in passing CEDAW resolutions and ordinances at the city, county, and even the state level in the case of California and Oregon, showing the power of legalism from below to promote gender equity; second, it has developed, in collaboration with other local social justice movements, what I call a trans-local, intersectional human rights infrastructure that includes education and socialization of grassroots movements and local elected officials, using CEDAW principles and mechanisms for local and global activism, and coalition building. The campaigns, however, have also faced issues of sustainability, following the passage of the ordinance or resolution, and the lack of funding and follow through by cities that are confronted with budget cuts and other challenges such as the pandemic. Nonetheless, the trans-local, intersectional human rights infrastructure provides hope for the continued glocalization of human rights—that is, local implementation of global human rights standards.

Citizens’ and Politicians’ Definitions of Corruption, Corruption Survey Quality, and Political Will for Anti-Corruption Reform: The Portuguese Case Put to the Test

Corruption is recurrent in conversations and political debates, but it can have different meanings. This study aimed to assess how the words that 1,020 citizens and 120 politicians in Portugal associated with corruption interacted and varied. Data came from two surveys that collected responses to “What words do you associate with corruption?” from October 2020 to April 2021: the EPOCA-FCT survey conducted with citizens and the ETHICS-FFMS survey conducted with MPs and local elected officials in office. We used network analysis to find that the mass-elite incongruence when defining corruption can be used (a) to enhance corruption surveys and (b) as a tool to foster political will for anti-corruption reform in areas/sectors that are linked to corruption. In Portugal, corruption came down to “theft of money by politicians” (citizens) and “dishonesty and illegality in a crony relationship” (politicians), and the promotion of integrity in the Banking sector emerged as central to any anti-corruption reform. This was the first attempt to show that knowing what citizens and politicians have in mind can be a valid tool to enhance both the quality of future corruption surveys and the implementation of anti-corruption policies when no short-term political will for a change exists.

Taking the Pulse of Georgia Local Election Officials After Senate Bill 202

In the aftermath of Republicans’ stinging losses in 2020 and 2021, which contributed to relinquishing the presidency and U.S. Senate majority, respectively, Georgia’s GOP lawmakers passed comprehensive electoral reform in Senate Bill (SB) 202. In this Field Note, we outline SB 202’s major provisions, and then present results of a survey querying Georgia local election officials (LEOs) to assess how SB 202 affected administrative performance in the 2022 midterm elections. Unquestionably, SB 202’s raft of reforms greatly altered Georgia’s administrative apparatus, but it is anything but clear that these changes in the aggregate either improved or detracted from the system it replaced. Indeed, the most credible judgment rendered from LEOs, is that administrative performance is case-specific, and therefore highly contingent upon the reform of interest.

Does municipal amalgamation affect trust in local politicians? The case of Norway

When municipalities merge, they grow and, at the same time, experience a comprehensive reform process, both of which may affect political trust. We explore whether and how the large-scale municipal amalgamation reforms in Norway in the 2010s affected citizens’ trust in local and national elected officials and assemblies. We examine the effects of both changes in size and reform processes using survey data on trust in local and national political officials and assemblies before, and at the time, of the merger. In contrast to studies conducted in Denmark, we do not find evidence that the Norwegian Local Government Reform had significant negative effects on political trust. We argue that this difference between Denmark and Norway can be explained by differences in how the two reform processes were implemented.

Ensuring an Equitable Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic in Pima County, Arizona, Through Local Political Support and Policy Action.

In the United States, persistent health disparities and preexisting gaps in local public health infrastructure led to disproportionate effects of COVID-19 across populations at high risk of COVID-19-related morbidity and mortality. In Pima County, Arizona, equity-centered local government engagement and policy action, multipronged community-based responses, and expansion of historically underfunded local public health infrastructure improved equitable outcomes and addressed multiple systemic factors. This case study examined Pima County's 3-pronged public health response to COVID-19 using an equity-based approach. As a result, COVID-19 was the third leading cause of death in Pima County in 2021, compared with being the leading cause of death in Arizona. Strong political support from local elected officials created the authorizing environment for the Pima County Health Department to advance health equity. Passage of a resolution in December 2020, which framed the racial and ethnic health and socioeconomic inequities as a public health crisis, supported innovation and fostered the creation of an Office of Health Equity, a public health policy program, and a data and informatics program. New structures for community engagement were formed, including an ethics committee and a community advisory committee, to ensure a formalized process for community participation in public health actions, during and after the pandemic response. Key lessons learned included (1) the importance of local government support, codified to allow implementation of creative strategies; (2) opening avenues for community voice and engagement in planning and implementation to respond in areas of greatest need; and (3) having flexible funding to sustain an equitable response.

Aligning Land Grant leadership programs with the needs of elected officials through Extension: Perceptions, priorities, and participation among Florida county commissioners

Addressing complex challenges has become the norm for local elected officials, and the need for skilled leadership at the local level has never been greater. County commissioners are not only tasked with day-to-day county management but must also make crucial decisions on issues such as pandemic response, rapid population growth, and natural disasters. The purpose of our study is to assess a university-based leadership development program for county commissioners, offered in collaboration between Extension at the University of Florida and the Florida Institute for County Government. We explore attitudes toward leadership programs among Florida county commissioners, show which competencies commissioners prioritize for leadership development, and identify potential barriers to participation. We find that county commissioners believe that leadership programs improve the effectiveness of leaders and the quality of local government. Additionally, we discover that the highest priority leadership competencies are strategic planning, communication, economic trends, conflict resolution, and critical thinking. Finally, our study shows that universities that partner with county government associations to offer leadership programs can create an important avenue for rural, resource-constrained counties to build the capacity of elected officials.

지방자치단체 예산의 방만운영과 낭비 예방을 위한 입법적 해결방안

Among the writings on local government operation published since the 1970s until recently in the UK, which can be said to be the suzerain of local autonomy the representative characteristic is the focus of research on the logic that threatens the traditional status of local autonomy which has been understood as a sound symbol of democracy in the past. Korea has been experiencing incomplete local autonomy with insufficient decentralization for over 30 years but it is not much different in that local autonomy is rapidly being absorbed into turbid central politics as in the UK and Western Europe. In addition to the influence of central politics lacking national trust local election officials bandwagon of popularism drives unit local governments to serious budget waste. The problems arising from the continuous budget waste and lax financial management of local governments can be limited to a unit area in a microscopic view but expand as a side effect of the nation's overall financial management in a macroscopic view. In particular, such a side effect is that it promotes distrust between social classes, while eventually causing serious obstacles in the operation of local autonomy, which is the basis of democracy. The patterns of budget waste in the budget management process of local governments typically show behaviors such as hasty decisions, exhibitionism, patronage and sharing. The main background of this problem is the selfish judgment of the political party that does not properly accept the voters' demands. In other words, rather than managing their finances soundly, they focused only on spending their budgets by pandering to popularity. It has also encouraged a waste of budget due to the private use of public powers. Therefore, we urge the introduction of a local government bankruptcy system and a taxpayer lawsuit system as a way to solve the problem. At the same time, the improvement and strengthening of the ordinance legislative power which has been continuously requested from the local government field and that is an urgent issue. Along with improvement of the current self-audit function of local governments. In the future I would like to suggest that it is necessary to establish a 'Local Board of Audit and Inspection' gradually divide the country into regions.

The Implementation of a Prehospital Whole Blood Transfusion Program and Early Results.

In far-forward combat situations, the military challenged dogma by using whole blood transfusions (WBTs) rather than component-based therapy. More recently, some trauma centers have initiated WBT programs with reported success. There are a few Emergency Medical Service (EMS) systems that are using WBTs, but the vast majority are not. Given the increasing data supporting the use of WBTs in the prehospital setting, more EMS systems are likely to consider or begin WBT programs in the future. A prehospital WBT program was recently implemented in Palm Beach County, Florida (USA). This report will discuss how the program was implemented, the obstacles faced, and the initial results. This report describes the process by which a prehospital WBT program was implemented by Palm Beach County Fire Rescue and the outcomes of the initial case series of patients who received WBTs in this system. Efforts to initiate the prehospital WBT program for this system began in 2018. The program had several obstacles to overcome, with one of the major obstacles being the legal team's perception of potential liability that might occur with a new prehospital blood transfusion program. This obstacle was overcome through education of local elected officials regarding the latest scientific evidence in favor of prehospital WBTs with potential life-saving benefits to the community. After moving past this hurdle, the program went live on July 6, 2022. The initial indications for transfusion of cold-stored, low titer, leukoreduced O+ whole blood in the prehospital setting included traumatic injuries with systolic blood pressure (SBP) < 70mmHg or SBP < 90mmHg plus heart rate (HR) > 110 beats per minute. From the date of onset through December 31, 2022, Palm Beach County Fire Rescue transported a total of 881 trauma activation patients, with 20 (2.3%) receiving WBT. Overall, nine (45%) of the patients who had received WBTs so far remain alive. No adverse events related to transfusion were identified following WBT administration. A total of 18 units of whole blood reached expiration of the unit's shelf life prior to transfusion. Despite a number of logistical and legal obstacles, Palm Beach County Fire Rescue successfully implemented a prehospital WBT program. Other EMS systems that are considering a prehospital WBT program should review the included protocol and the barriers to implementation that were faced.

What is the Future of Survey-Based Data Collection for Local Government Research? Trends, Strategies, and Recommendations

Surveys are an important vehicle for advancing research on urban policy and governance. The introduction of online tools eased survey-based data collection, making it cheaper and easier to obtain data from key informants like local elected officials or public administrators. However, the utility of web-based survey administration may be diminishing. To investigate this dynamic and search for strategies to support survey research in urban studies, we perform a systematic review of survey research in urban policy and administration scholarship and conduct an original survey follow-up experiment. Our findings identify a clear downward trend in survey response rates that was accentuated during the COVID-19 pandemic. Results from our survey experiment show distinctly different costs per solicitation and per completed survey, depending on administration mode. These findings stimulate discussion on how scholars may continue to use surveys to generate high-quality, empirically rigorous research on urban affairs in light of recent trends.

Politics and the Public Health Workforce: Lessons Suggested from a Five-State Study.

The COVID-19 pandemic exposed the shortcomings of the United States public health system. High on the list is a public health workforce that is understaffed, underpaid, and undervalued. To rebuild that workforce, the American Rescue Plan (ARP) appropriated $7.66 billion to help create 100,000 new public health jobs. As part of this initiative, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) distributed roughly $2 billion to state, local, tribal, and territorial health agencies for use between July 1, 2021, and June 30, 2023. At the same time, several states have enacted (or are considering enacting) initiatives to increase state funding for their local health departments with the goal of ensuring that these departments can deliver a core set of services to all residents. The differences in approach between this first round of ARP funding and theseparate state initiatives offer an opportunity to compare, contrast, and suggest lessons learned. After interviewing leaders at the CDC and other experts on the nation's public health workforce, we visited five states (Kentucky, Indiana, Mississippi, New York, and Washington) to examine, by means of interviews and documents, the implementation and impact of both the ARP workforce funds as well as the state-based initiatives. Three themes emerged. First, states are not spending the CDC workforce funding in a timely fashion; although the specifics vary, there are several organizational, political, and bureaucratic obstacles. Second, the state-based initiatives follow different political paths but rely on the same overarching strategy: gain the support of local elected officials by providing funding directly to local health departments, albeit with performance strings attached. These state initiatives offer their federal counterparts a political roadmap toward a more robust model of public health funding. Third, even with increased funding, we will not meet the nation's public health workforce challenges until we make public health a more attractive career path (with higher pay, improved working conditions, and more training and promotion opportunities) with fewer bureaucratic barriers to entry (most importantly, with less reliance on outdated civil service rules). The politics of public health requires a closer look at the role played by county commissioners, mayors, and other local elected officials. We need a political strategy to persuade these officials that their constituents will benefit from a better public health system.