Limited Membership Research Articles

Legitimacy of power exercised by FATF under international law

Purpose This study aims to focus on the legal status of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) regulatory spread in spite of its limited membership in international law. This is conducted by examining the regime of the FATF with the normative regime of public international law and trying to identify common grounds and conflicts between the two. Design/methodology/approach This study adopted an exploratory approach involving a thorough examination and analysis of accredited text, command papers and reports, archival materials, national obligations, websites as well as other documentary evidence. Findings This research gives an empirical determinant of compliance behaviour in response to FATF regulatory standards and the interplay of international law. Research limitations/implications The findings here are not exhaustive and could be approached from other perspectives. Researchers are therefore encouraged to engage by testing the findings further, as this is only a blueprint for further research. Practical implications This study provides implications for the need to open up the current membership of the FATF, as it appears discriminatory in nature and could inhibit effective compliance with its regulatory standards. Social implications FATF regulatory standards do not just revolve around its members and rule-takers but also affect unintended and vulnerable people who were never in contemplation when these regulations were debated without a global consensus. Originality/value The main aim of this study is to advocate for a rethink of FATF’s regulatory strategy by ensuring that its operations are more inclusive, where jurisdictions can participate as members, creating a sense of belonging and commitment in the fight against money laundering.

The OECD's Education Agenda: Balancing Limited Membership, Global Reach, and Domestic Interests in Latin America

Global dynamics are becoming more prominent in education policy discussions, with the OECD standing out as a major player in the global education policy arena. Despite its selective and limited membership, the OECD’s reach and influence extend across the globe. This paper explores this paradox through an analytical review that bridges the field of education policy to the broader panorama of global governance, examining factors related to the growing involvement of Latin American countries with the OECD’s education agenda. Delineating the organization’s history and expansion strategy, as well as domestic drivers for membership and participation, this article examines the complex interplay between globalization, international mechanisms of norm diffusion and soft power, national interests, and internal politics. It concludes by outlining the multidimensional game that links institutional reasons, international dynamics, and domestic motivations with the appeal of organizations such as the OECD and its education initiatives in the Latin American region.

Modularity explains large-scale reef booms in Earth’s history

Drivers of reef decline are well known both today and in the geological past. Considerably less is known about the preconditions for a pantropical expansion of coral reefs. The geological record of reef building is characterised by considerably long intervals with very limited reef expansion and geologically brief (< 20 million years) episodes of prolific, pantropical reef growth. Here, we propose a new "co-occurrence hypothesis" (COH), which posits that reefs thrive when fast-growing hypercalcifiers co-occur with encrusting organisms such as calcifying microbes or coralline algae to construct wave-resistant structures. While there is little evidence of the effect of abiotic drivers on reef proliferation, we find that positive co-occurrence patterns are significantly more common in reefal as compared to non-reefal communities, suggesting that biological interactions are more relevant in reefs than in non-reefs. Supporting COH, we also show that reefs after the end-Permian mass extinction became more modular in nature with limited membership in reef assemblages during reef booms than in typical periods of reef growth (background intervals). Modularity in reefs may have led to the stabilisation of reef ecosystems, giving them the ability to recover from small perturbations, promoting reefal carbonate accretion and prolific reef growth.

The identity trap of community renewable energy in France

Although growing in number, the contribution of Community Renewable Energy (CRE) organizations to the Grand Challenge of energy transition remains small in volume. Scholars have attempted to explain and understand why CRE organization may not want or be able to scale up and highlighted the role of both exogenous and endogenous factors. This paper contributes to this work by analysing how organizational identity (OI) influences CRE organizations’ scaling strategy. Building on both OI literature and institutional logic literature, we formulate hypotheses about the relationships between OI and scaling strategies. To test these hypotheses, we conducted a survey among members of French CRE organizations. Results provide evidence that there is a high consensus among CRE members about what CRE OI is and that few members aspire their organization to change. We also show that a limited membership base would prioritize scaling strategies that are likely to increase institutional complexity. We summarize these results by arguing that French CRE organizations are facing an identity trap that limits their scaling potential. We discuss how CRE organization could escape this identity trap. Above its contribution to current scholarly debates on CRE organizations scaling potential, this research has implications for policy makers and CRE organizations.

Review: A Nation of Descendants: Politics and the Practice of Genealogy in U.S. History, by Francesca Morgan

Review: <i>A Nation of Descendants: Politics and the Practice of Genealogy in U.S. History</i>, by Francesca Morgan

The League of Nations and the post-Ottoman recolonization of the Nile Valley: The imperial Matryoshka of Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, 1922–1924

AbstractThis article addresses the Anglo-Egyptian dispute over Sudan following the Ottoman defeat in World War One and Cairo’s nominal independence in 1922. Drawing from Foreign Office documents, League of Nations archives, Egyptian parliamentary records and contemporary academic jurisprudence, it traces the failed Egyptian attempt to activate the settlement mechanisms of the Covenant after the assassination of the British governor of Sudan. In parallel, the article investigates the British preparations to face international arbitration, including the hypothetical request for a League mandate over Sudan. Through Cairo’s and London’s perceptions, we can grasp the global reach of the Geneva organization beyond its limited membership and agency. Although the League undertook no measures, the possibility of its intervention triggered competing legal arguments, as well as rival discourses of Egyptian and Sudanese self-determination. Thus, this essay sheds light on a recolonization process pre-dating World War Two. The clash of British and Egyptian imperial projects in the Nile Valley warns historians against forcing a teleology of the end of empire on the interwar roots of decolonization.

Bangkok motorcycle taxis as eyes on the street?

The importance of motorcycle taxis in Bangkok's intermodal commuter system is acknowledged in studies of urban transport but rarely in sociology. This study aims to clarify the phenomenon of eyes on the street performed by motorcycle taxi drivers. The concept of ‘eyes on the street,’ crime prevention, and motorcycle taxi services in Bangkok were investigated to conceptualize the theoretical framework. In cases of Chatuchak District, motorcycle taxi stands called ‘Win’ and crime incidents recorded in 2016 were mapped. Data show that crime incidents within 100-m. radius from Win were less than areas without Win. The theoretical model describing the eyes on the street from the motorcycle taxis is the natural surveillance that can deter crime. There is three dimensions of eyes on the street: 1) Within a 100 m. radius from the Win; 2) Within an isovist field (24 m. radius from Win); and 3) Dynamic eyes on the street along the service route of motorcycle taxis. This natural surveillance is driven by three self-organization mechanisms: strategic location, limited membership, and territorial service boundary.

Determinants of Ethiopian Commodity Exchange Participants Membership Category

Purpose: The Ethiopian Commodity Exchange (ECX) was established to revolutionize Ethiopian agriculture and transform the economy through introducing a dynamic, efficient and transparent marketing system. Properly implemented and regulated, commodity exchanges can contribute greatly to the achievement of a country’s economic and developmental goals and strengthen the bargaining power of participants. Hence the overall objective of this study is to assess the trading practices and challenges of the newly established commodity exchange in Ethiopian. Design/Methodology/Approach: The study adopted a descriptive cross-sectional research design . Using a structured questionnaire survey by interviewing a sample of 80 randomly selected participants an analyzed using both descriptive and inferential data analysis techniques. F indings: The study found that practicing an open outcry and spot contract trading system. Results of the econometric-model analysis revealed that time of participation, limited membership seat, membership seat fee and occupation were found to be significant predictors that influence the choice of membership category. Result of the study also indicated that lack of adequate warehouses, grading and sampling system, higher penalty cost related to warehouse service, availability of in-store credit, higher membership seat fee and transaction cost, were found to be some of constraints that hinder participants from the smooth functioning of transactions in the exchange. Originality/value: This study is important especially to policymakers and development practitioners to make informed decisions in an effort to transform the economy through strengthening transparent marketing system in the country. In this regard, this study provides valuable information and evidence on the performance and challenges of ECX. Keywords: ECX, ECX participants, trading practice, quality grading system, market information system DOI: 10.7176/RJFA/11-17-04 Publication date: September 30 th 2020

A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE SOCIAL SUPPORT IN SOLITARY SENIORS WHO ATTEND CLUB ACTIVITY OR GO OUT TO SEE FRIENDS

The Toyoshiki-dai housing complex, constructed in 1960s, is located in one of the commuter towns in a metropolitan area of Japan. Those who moved to this area as youngsters are now aged over 75 and many live a solitary life; making social support vital to prevent social frailty. The municipalities and universities have been hosting interventions, e.g. club activities, to make social connection but the effects remain unclear. In this study, the relationship between activity participation and the size of social support was explored to develop an effective method to increase social connections. A cross-sectional study was conducted in October 2018 and 200 questionnaires were distributed at a lunch event at the housing complex. The participants were solitary and independent seniors over the age of 70 (M:F=14.4:67.5). The frequency of going out to participate in club activity, see friends, and the geriatric social support scale were used for analysis. As a result, compared to seniors who went out to see their friends, the size of social support was smaller in groups that remained isolated (N = 161, odds ratio = 0.26, 95% CI=0.11-0.60). On the contrary, seniors who joined club activities had similar size of social support despite the frequency of participation. Clubs in Japan are often closed groups with limited membership, which may have restricted the addition of new social connection. Future intervention researches should focus on modifying the membership system of clubs and opening of a public space where seniors can casually access and talk to acquaintances.

How to Enlarge NATO: The Debate inside the Clinton Administration, 1993–95

Abstract Newly available sources show how the 1993–95 debate over the best means of expanding the North Atlantic Treaty Organization unfolded inside the Clinton administration. This evidence comes from documents recently declassified by the Clinton Presidential Library, the Defense Department, and the State Department because of appeals by the author. As President Bill Clinton repeatedly remarked, the two key questions about enlargement were when and how. The sources make apparent that, during a critical decisionmaking period twenty-five years ago, supporters of a relatively swift conferral of full membership to a narrow range of countries outmaneuvered proponents of a slower, phased conferral of limited membership to a wide range of states. Pleas from Central and Eastern European leaders, missteps by Russian President Boris Yeltsin, and victory by the pro-expansion Republican Party in the 1994 U.S. congressional election all helped advocates of full-membership enlargement to win. The documents also reveal the surprising impact of Ukrainian politics on this debate and the complex roles played by both Strobe Talbott, a U.S. ambassador and later deputy secretary of state, and Andrei Kozyrev, the Russian foreign minister. Finally, the sources suggest ways in which the debate's outcome remains significant for transatlantic and U.S.-Russian relations today.

Secret Groups in Ancient Judaism by Michael E. Stone

Reviewed by: Secret Groups in Ancient Judaism by Michael E. Stone L. Scott Brand Michael E. Stone. Secret Groups in Ancient Judaism. New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. 176 pp. doi:10.1017/S0364009419000138 In this study, Stone endeavors to demonstrate that certain social groupings within Judaism in the Second Temple period may reasonably be described as secret societies. Stone's examination begins with a definition of basic criteria for groups that will ultimately qualify for inclusion under this rubric: (1) limited membership; and (2) a process of gradual initiation into esoteric doctrine or praxis. These a priori considerations then inform the study as a whole. Beginning with chapter 1, Stone explicitly prioritizes for consideration the Essenes and Therapeutae. The Qumran sectarians in particular are characterized as an ideal test case, owing to their fortuitous attestation by both "insider" and "outsider" evidence; accordingly, they are treated as the study's point of departure. In chapter 2, the author rejects the prevalent anachronism of attempting to derive a normative typology for ancient esoteric groups from Renaissance Hermeticism, instead seeking to locate the phenomenon of secrecy within the more apposite context of ancient social convention. Stone first examines how the ancient use of esoteric literary and hermeneutical modalities may have functioned as claims of authority. He then revisits his own earlier research into apocalyptic literature, focusing on the formulaic tabulations of revealed lore within the genre, and identifying a manifest discrepancy between such secret (cosmological, eschatological, etc.) knowledge as is typically claimed in these summary lists, and the content actually revealed in the course of the narrative. Since apocalyptic, in its wide circulation, may have constituted more of an exoteric than an esoteric literature, Stone posits that this suggestive incongruence may betray the existence of an underlying esoteric lore: a closely guarded tradition intimated by, but not fully revealed in, the texts themselves. The social dimension is explored further in chapter 3, where the author draws heavily on earlier sociological studies to consider how secrecy may be [End Page 204] utilized both to define a given esoteric group against the majority culture, and to structure its internal power hierarchy. Stone then proceeds to examine how claims of esoteric religious experience may have been intended to consolidate authority, whether in the context of actual group power dynamics or merely as a literary motif within various textual traditions. Chapter 4 departs from methodological considerations and moves instead to the specific analysis of Stone's proposed comparanda, as he examines the Greco-Roman mystery religions as potential analogues to the Jewish groups under discussion. Agreeing with the opinio communis that the Qumran sectarians are to be identified with the Essenes, Stone ultimately concludes that (particularly as represented in the Community Rule and the Damascus Document) they did in fact represent such a secret group. In support of this assessment he notes that the Qumran group not only featured an exclusive and hierarchical social structure, but also "cultivated and transmitted secret teaching" (67), although he does acknowledge that, given their special focus on the community's collective spiritual and eschatological standing, the analogy with the mystery religions is imperfect. Next, the use of cryptic scripts in certain manuscripts is adduced as evidence that the community took pains to keep certain teachings secret, and also that such teachings were revealed to initiates in the course of a graded system of progressive initiation, as was characteristic of the mystery cults. In the case of the Therapeutae, the author focuses on their attested penchant for allegory and somniloquy in attempting to prove that they too practiced secret traditions that would justify their characterization as an esoteric society. Stone then continues the examination of the Qumran sectarians' apparent social organization in chapter 5. Again appealing in particular to the Community Rule, he discerns a hierarchical structure in the chain of authority, beginning at the top with the Maskil, running down through the "inner, elite group" (85) of fifteen who are selected for additional instruction, and finally reaching the lowest level with the membership at large. In addition, Stone characterizes another pattern evinced in Essene praxis—namely, careful selection of candidates, followed by regular evaluation and confirmation by oaths—as a...

Towards a More Accountable G20? Accountability Mechanisms of the G20 and the New Challenges Posed to Them by the 2030 Agenda

The legitimacy of the Group of 20 (G20) is frequently challenged: the group has been criticised by non-member states, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and in both the scientific and broader public debate with regard to the content and effectiveness of its policy measures and its limited membership structure. Accountability mechanisms can attenuate these shortcomings in different ways: they can increase the capacity of the citizens of the member states to surveil the activities of the G20 and can form the basis of learning processes within the group so as to increase effectiveness. In addition, accountability mechanisms directed towards non-member states can make the G20 more receptive to the interests of people who do not live in its own countries but are nevertheless affected by the policies of the G20. In this paper we analyse the existing accountability mechanisms of the G20 and discuss the challenges that the adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development as a guiding framework for G20 work poses to them. While the G20 also constitutes a platform for the reciprocal accountability of its individual member countries, our focus lies on the accountability mechanisms of the institution of the G20 as a whole. Based on the literature, we can identify three elements of accountability: transparency, justification, and enforcement. The institutionalised accountability mechanisms of the G20 are primarily directed at the first two elements of accountability, as the G20 ¬¬¬- like all club governance institutions is not subject to any formal sanctioning mechanisms. However, besides being valuable in their own right, transparency and justification make weaker forms of sanctions such as criticism by independent agents as well as reputational effects possible. The most prominent accountability mechanisms of the G20 are its interaction with the media; the publication of accountability reports; and a dialogue process with the so-called Engagement Groups from civil society, business, and academia. In the end, these mechanisms are intended to render the G20 accountable to the citizens within and outside G20 countries (either directly, or mediated by other agents). At the same time, however, they sometimes also fulfil an additional function for the G20 itself, namely tracking its own work towards its commitment to learn from past experiences.In 2015, the international community adopted the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development as a universal development agenda. The G20 assumed the principles of the 2030 Agenda and a special responsibility for its implementation through its 2016 G20 Action Plan on the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Thereby, new challenges for accountability in the G20 have arisen. When looking towards the future, several suggestions for the G20 can be raised in order to increase its accountability, particularly in light of the demands set by its role in the implementation of the 2030 Agenda. To increase the credibility of its accountability processes, it is necessary to allow for more independent evaluation. For this to be possible, the work of the G20 must become first and foremost more transparent. Possible ways to achieve this range from the establishment of a permanent website, over allowing selected civil society members to attend its working group meetings, to publishing agendas, minutes and issue notes. Self-reports should best be concentrated on descriptions rather than selfevaluation. In order to allow for coherent reporting on the 2030 Agenda, one central report should overarchingly cover all relevant G20 actions in the so-called Sustainable Development Sectors (SDSs) of the G20 Action Plan on the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (and its 2017 Hamburg Update). Comprehensive reporting on joint actions taken by the G20 could complement the United Nations follow-up process for individual countries. If given sufficient access to the relevant information, Engagement Groups such as the T20 (Think 20) could play a vital role in providing credible and informed independent evaluation of G20 policies. This would be a particularly promising way forward in the context of the 2030 Agenda, as the agenda will require common efforts by both policymakers and society for its successful implementation. Improving on its existing system of accountability mechanisms cannot fully compensate for the lack of legitimacy that is associated with the exclusionary institutional set-up of the G20. Yet establishing “streamlined, coherent, and credible” accountability processes (G20, 2016, p. 15) could prove to be a key element in addressing its legitimacy problems.

One-To-One Initiative Implementation from Insiders’ Perspectives

This study examined how one-to-one initiatives were conducted in rural public K-12 educational settings in a mid-western US state. Research data were gathered from interview responses from 15 school personnel who were either educational technology directors or school principals at 15 rural public K-12 schools. The study found that when schools decided to embrace one-to-one initiatives, decisions were often made by committees with limited membership and cost was frequently and/or primarily the committees’ major consideration. In addition to cost, device management, durability, and ease of use were factors that school committees were interested in, when selecting devices. Two notable discrepancies cited that should be addressed by committees considering implementing one-to-one initiative are: 1. Not preparing teachers and administrators to effectively use those devices prior to the implementation of the initiative. 2. Not evaluating the instructional effectiveness and learning gains after the implementation of the initiative.

Inclusion of ‘Outsiders’ by Japanese Unions? The Organizing of Non-Regular Workers in Retail

A strong rise in non-regular employment has posed a major challenge to Japanese trade unions which have long limited membership to regular employees. However, a number of mainstream unions in the retail industry have responded by organizing non-regular workers. The article draws on a series of semi-structured interviews with union representatives to analyse the initiatives by the industrial federation UA Zensen and three affiliated enterprise unions. It addresses the implications for both the workers and the unions concerned. Unions have provided a stronger voice to non-regular workers and negotiated better working conditions. However, it has not brought material equality with regular workers or major changes to Japanese unionism. Instead, the enterprise-based and cooperative nature of unionism has shaped the initiatives and reproduced traditional equilibria and processes between labour and management, thus constraining the ability of unions to develop a strong stance for the emancipation of non-regular workers.

Focus: Trade unions in Israel: a resurgence of unionism?

18 | International Union Rights | 25/2 FOCUS | TRADE UNION RIGHTS IN THE MENA COUNTRIES The new millennium ushered in a wave of unionising and major labour disputes in Israel. While the country had experienced many protracted labour disputes in the past, this wave was notable for the number of new unionising initiatives and some precedential court decisions which reflected the fact that labour organising was now taking place in a very different legislative, institutional and political context. In some ways, this context was similar to that faced by labour movements around the western world: a reduction in disposable income, wage erosion, the increase in non-standard employment frameworks and growing precariarity, fuelled by outsourcing, deregulation of financial markets, and the influx of migrant labour. In a word, neoliberalisation and the squeeze on middle classes who had been the main beneficiaries of the former neocorporatist regime. These were the same factors that led to the social protest movement of 2011, which took inspiration from movements such as Occupy Wall Street and Los Indignados but attracted incredibly high levels of support and active participation throughout the country. However, the Israeli context also has peculiarities of its own, due to the singular history of the country’s labour movement. Israeli industrial relations are dominated by the General Federation of Labour in Israel, commonly known as the Histadrut. This organisation had a crucial role in facilitating Jewish settlement in British Mandatory Palestine before the State of Israel was established, a role that must be understood in order to appreciate recent developments in Israeli IR. The Histadrut was not established as a labour federation, but as an administrative organisation cooperating with employers in promoting the Jewish settlement project by providing essential services to immigrants; worker representation came later. It went on to own concerns in industry, health, agriculture, housing and construction, finance, and transport, and maintained close links with the government until well into the 1970s. Throughout its history, the Histadrut has grappled with the contradictions that stem from its multiple roles, as a ‘national’ institution taking a ‘responsible’ part in nurturing the economy of the (‘Jewish’) state; as a large employer second only to the state; and as a representative worker organisation, negotiating vis- à-vis the state, public sector employers and, to a lesser extent, private sector employers. This was not a union, but a Jewish, nationalist organisation cooperating with capital to further the Jewish statebuilding agenda, an identity reflected in its relationship with Israel’s Palestinian Arab citizens: Palestinians were unable to benefit from the activities of an organisation whose overarching aim clashed with their own national aspirations; they were granted limited membership in 1959 and full membership with voting rights only in 1965, though membership only tells half the story of discrimination and exclusionary practices. Throughout the 1980s and onwards, the Histadrut continued to dominate as it had done since the 1920s, but a series of developments left it significantly weaker than it was in its heyday around the 1970s. Elections in 1977 brought in a government far more hostile to labour. Liberalisation and deregulation followed in the 1980s and 1990s, including the reduction of subsidies for industry, the removal of protective tariffs and the privatisation of state and Histadrut enterprises. Notably, the National Health Insurance Law of 1995 severed the Histadrut from its HMO and thus, at a stroke, deprived it of its main recruitment tool. By 2003, after the Histadrut’s pension funds were nationalised, the Finance Ministry was able to declare its greatest achievement had been breaking organised labour. By 2006, union density had dropped to about 33 percent, down from around 80 percent in 1981. Nonetheless, the institutions of tripartite neocorporatism are still sturdy and unionising workers can still depend on their support, despite over 40 years of efforts to undermine them. These include the independent labour court system, political norms of collective bargaining, and well-established traditional IR social partners encompassing a wide range of employer organisations and trade unions. Due to its historical role, the Histadrut had had little need to unionise – workers joined because they needed its services – while strong political support for neocorporatism ensured widespread legitimacy for unionism. The decline in this support and...

Focus: Trade unions in Israel: a resurgence of unionism?

18 | International Union Rights | 25/2 FOCUS | TRADE UNION RIGHTS IN THE MENA COUNTRIES The new millennium ushered in a wave of unionising and major labour disputes in Israel. While the country had experienced many protracted labour disputes in the past, this wave was notable for the number of new unionising initiatives and some precedential court decisions which reflected the fact that labour organising was now taking place in a very different legislative, institutional and political context. In some ways, this context was similar to that faced by labour movements around the western world: a reduction in disposable income, wage erosion, the increase in non-standard employment frameworks and growing precariarity, fuelled by outsourcing, deregulation of financial markets, and the influx of migrant labour. In a word, neoliberalisation and the squeeze on middle classes who had been the main beneficiaries of the former neocorporatist regime. These were the same factors that led to the social protest movement of 2011, which took inspiration from movements such as Occupy Wall Street and Los Indignados but attracted incredibly high levels of support and active participation throughout the country. However, the Israeli context also has peculiarities of its own, due to the singular history of the country’s labour movement. Israeli industrial relations are dominated by the General Federation of Labour in Israel, commonly known as the Histadrut. This organisation had a crucial role in facilitating Jewish settlement in British Mandatory Palestine before the State of Israel was established, a role that must be understood in order to appreciate recent developments in Israeli IR. The Histadrut was not established as a labour federation, but as an administrative organisation cooperating with employers in promoting the Jewish settlement project by providing essential services to immigrants; worker representation came later. It went on to own concerns in industry, health, agriculture, housing and construction, finance, and transport, and maintained close links with the government until well into the 1970s. Throughout its history, the Histadrut has grappled with the contradictions that stem from its multiple roles, as a ‘national’ institution taking a ‘responsible’ part in nurturing the economy of the (‘Jewish’) state; as a large employer second only to the state; and as a representative worker organisation, negotiating vis- à-vis the state, public sector employers and, to a lesser extent, private sector employers. This was not a union, but a Jewish, nationalist organisation cooperating with capital to further the Jewish statebuilding agenda, an identity reflected in its relationship with Israel’s Palestinian Arab citizens: Palestinians were unable to benefit from the activities of an organisation whose overarching aim clashed with their own national aspirations; they were granted limited membership in 1959 and full membership with voting rights only in 1965, though membership only tells half the story of discrimination and exclusionary practices. Throughout the 1980s and onwards, the Histadrut continued to dominate as it had done since the 1920s, but a series of developments left it significantly weaker than it was in its heyday around the 1970s. Elections in 1977 brought in a government far more hostile to labour. Liberalisation and deregulation followed in the 1980s and 1990s, including the reduction of subsidies for industry, the removal of protective tariffs and the privatisation of state and Histadrut enterprises. Notably, the National Health Insurance Law of 1995 severed the Histadrut from its HMO and thus, at a stroke, deprived it of its main recruitment tool. By 2003, after the Histadrut’s pension funds were nationalised, the Finance Ministry was able to declare its greatest achievement had been breaking organised labour. By 2006, union density had dropped to about 33 percent, down from around 80 percent in 1981. Nonetheless, the institutions of tripartite neocorporatism are still sturdy and unionising workers can still depend on their support, despite over 40 years of efforts to undermine them. These include the independent labour court system, political norms of collective bargaining, and well-established traditional IR social partners encompassing a wide range of employer organisations and trade unions. Due to its historical role, the Histadrut had had little need to unionise – workers joined because they needed its services – while strong political support for neocorporatism ensured widespread legitimacy for unionism. The decline in this support and...

Новые и «традиционные» многосторонние банки развития: результаты и перспективы сотрудничества

Most experts on multilateral development banks (MDBs) mention the possibility of large-scale co-financing in their forecasts concerning their future operations. However, interaction between MDBs and other actors, including co-financing, is rarely considered as a research problem for analytical and scientific papers. Yet this type of cooperation is one of the most important factors of effectiveness for the entire system of MDB financing. Thus, working in partnership with governmental institutions (development assistance agencies, export credit agencies, etc.), MDBs help attract additional financial resources and expertise in the countries where they are active. Working on state, regional and global levels, multilateral banks cooperate not only with governmental institutions, but also with private sector and civil society representatives. Such cooperation benefits both parties. In addition to mobilizing additional financial resources, it improves project preparation and implementation, taking into account national peculiarities, while partner institutions get a chance to use their experience and expertise. Given the recent establishment of the New Development Bank (NDB) and Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), they are unlikely to achieve their main goal of narrowing the infrastructure financing deficit in developing countries without active cooperation with other institutions.This article discusses the results and examines the prospects of the NDB and AIIB cooperating with traditional MDBs. It also focuses on the new banks’ engagement with other financial institutions, including commercial banks and national development banks.The author analyzes interbank memorandums and agreements as a formal basis for cooperation between various institutions, and examines in detail the examples of co-financing infrastructure projects by the new and traditional MDBs, as well as new multilateral cooperation mechanisms established by development banks.The author concludes that the new banks’ strategies differ from those of other institutions, and each has its own advantages. The AIIB seeks to establish cooperation primarily with large institutions to use their considerable experience and explore co-financing opportunities for large-scale projects. The NDB, with limited membership and geographical representation, focuses on, inter alia, cooperation with MDBs with a small number of participants, national development banks and commercial banks, which allows it to adopt the best international practices and gain experience in specific countries, receive consultative support for issuing bonds and improve financial management.

The Dangers of Limited Member Treaties: The ACTA Case

In the context of the initiative for Upgrading the Single Market, the Commission has put forward a re-evaluated approach to trade – Trade for All. The EU prioritises a return to global trade negotiations and puts forward a three-prong strategy for re-invigorating the World Trade Organisation’s role in trade negotiations. The first two prongs – the WTO to play a central role and single issue focused negotiations – are fairly straight-forward. However the third prong – letting subsets of nations advance particular agendas, with others to follow later – raises some concerns. While the Trade Facilitation Agreement appears to be a successful example of this, the ill-fated Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA) is another story. The European Commission was a strong advocate of this proposed treaty, but it was roundly rejected by the European Parliament. This paper reviews the experience of the ACTA negotiations to identify important lessons if the EU is to pursue limited membership treaties with greater success.

Belgian Freemasonry and the Colonial Project in the Congo (1876-1914)

Although the history of Belgian colonization of the Congo is predominantly associated with the hegemony of the Catholic Church over the territory, first in the Congo Free State, later in the Belgian Congo, Belgian freemasonry was not uninterested in the colonial projects of King Leopold II and in the subsequent take-over by the Belgian state. However, before 1914, the interaction between freemasonry and the colonial history of Congo would prove relatively brief and rather limited. It would mainly show how far the metropolitan political struggles of a liberal, secular and anticlerical freemasonry were extended to the country’s colonial territory. In contrast to colonial settings other than the Belgian one, the Congolese lodges were far from numerous and had a very limited membership. That same membership was more international than average, but remained quite Belgian nevertheless. The endeavour to introduce lodges into the colonial territory had a distinct Belgian nationalist ring to it, as it was clearly related to a determination not to let foreign grand lodges best the Grand Orient de Belgique in a kind of masonic ‘Scramble for Africa’.

Justice in Transnational Governance

AbstractThe small portion of philosophical work on global distributive justice that directly discusses particular agents, institutions or practices in global politics tends to focus on a narrow range of the existing set. The emphasis is chiefly on bilateral diplomacy or intergovernmental organisations, to the neglect of a variety of more recent forms of transnational governance, many of which incorporate non‐state actors, have more limited membership, involve informal and dynamic structures, employ cooperative and reflexive methods for ensuring compliance, and operate largely out of the public eye. This article considers how philosophers should conceive of distributive justice in relation to these neglected sites of transnational governance, using the International Organization for Standardization (ISO) as an illustration.