Liberation In South Africa Research Articles

Revisiting Black Theology of Liberation in South Africa: Through ‘new voices’ of women black theologians

Black Theology of Liberation (BTL) has done significant work for many decades in the struggle for the liberation of black people. Black Theology of Liberation is a theology which restores human dignity and identity for black humanity, and it needs to be acknowledged and celebrated. One of the most important contributions BTL made was the creation of new forms of ecclesiological knowledge, resulting from a critical look at the use of the Bible with Eurocentric perspectives, and the organisational structures of the church divided between black and white, leading to, amongst others, the dismantlement of black African knowledge, systems and their culture. From a black theological perspective, ecclesiology focused on restoration of the dignity of black persons by dismantling Eurocentric views about faith and ecclesiology that have continued to demonise black lives. Black theology, with its positive contribution, focused on racism and other constructs of oppression such as class, with very little and limited focus on sexism and patriarchy. This article will demonstrate how significant the contribution of BTL has been and also decry or denounce the fact that patriarchal violence and the liberation of women were not given equal attention.Contribution: The article contributes to theological discourse in South Africa (SA) today. It is written from the perspective of BTL and premised by the experience of oppressed black persons. In this article, it has been stated that black persons and their lived experiences are epistemologies in the quest for liberation of black humanity as a whole. The article will therefore bring forth BTL epistemologies that have been put in the periphery by western theology.

The #MustFall movements and traditions of national liberation in South Africa: Political continuities and ruptures in theory and practice

ABSTRACT The #MustFall campaigns attacked symbols of the past – physical but also mental legacies of the colonial and apartheid periods – using specific disruption mechanisms along with ideological frameworks that are sometimes consciously and/or unconsciously borrowed from previous generations of South African students. In that respect, the students claim a continuity of their present day struggle with that led in the 1970s under the banner of Black Consciousness. All the while, the born-frees completely reject the main outcome of the struggle for National Liberation – that is, the negotiated settlement signed by Nelson Mandela and F.W De Klerk in the 1990s, which could appear paradoxical. The aim of this article is to shed light on both the continuities and ruptures between the #MF campaigns and traditions of national liberations in order to discuss the political practices they entail in a post/decolonial context. Theoretical shifts in #MF notably through the engagement with concepts such as intersectionality, non-racialism and decolonization had certainly a great impact on their modes and means of protest. This comparative analysis may lead to a deeper understanding of the different interpretations of decolonization in practice between generations and the nature of the discrepancies not only between but also within political traditions of liberation .

In search of our human face: Black consciousness, black spirituality, inclusive humanity and the politics of vulgarity

This contribution grapples with the question: Is there a relationship between Steve Biko’s ‘quest for a true humanity’ or, differently put, his search for South Africa’s ‘human face’ and Vuyani Vellem’s quest for an African spirituality? Our proposition is that there is such a relationship. This discussion is framed overall by two other questions: What is the relevance of this ‘quest’ within the present South African context, what is its contribution to the global situation and, fundamentally, what is the contribution black liberation theology can make to these discourses? In the course of this exploration, we engage the concepts of Africanisation and Afrocentricity, colonisation, coloniality and decoloniality, and we ask whether a true Afro-pluralism is possible without a true African indigeneity. These concepts, we shall argue, are tools of struggle, not only in confronting colonisation and coloniality but also in battling imperialism, in the form I discuss here: the politics of vulgarity. I contend that an African spirituality, Biko’s ‘gift’ from Africa to the world, is the most appropriate vessel for that very gift.Contribution: This article serves as commemoration of the contribution the late Professor Vuyani Vellem made to the qualitative substantiation of black theology liberation in South Africa. It demonstrates the powerful way in which Afro-pluralism enhances the contra-narrative of imperialism and colonialism.

Revolutionary Ideals, Mass Action, Concrete Realities, and Transition to Democracy: Theoretical Notes on the Mass Democratic Movement (MDM) During the Last Phase of the Struggle for Liberation in South Africa

This exploratory contribution presents but one angle of the transfer of power in South Africa following the banning of the United Democratic Front (UDF) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). The Mass Democratic Movement (MDM) in South Africa played a short-lived but important role in political mobilisation before the transition from authoritarian rule to democracy through drawn-out negotiations (1991–1994). The MDM may be seen as the last phase of defiance against apartheid that forced the National Party (NP) to the negotiating table towards a new democratic order. This contribution argues that MDM activities reflected numerous strategies to achieve its objectives. Insights gained from transition theory that gained prominence as a theoretical tool during the late 1980s and early 1990s, and Maoist and other revolutionary theories explore the role of the MDM within the contemporary political context. Insights from transition theory in this article are used as a heuristic tool and not as political prescription in contrast to revolutionary theories that are built on programmes of sociopolitical action aimed at instating a new order.

Beyond Master Narratives: Local Sources and Global Perspectives on Sport, Apartheid, and Liberation

Drawing mainly on a set of oral and written primary sources situated in their proper historical and geographical context, this article explores how multiple forms of agency and memory shaped the history of sport, apartheid and liberation in South Africa. In doing so, it argues that a new revisionist history is needed in order to problematize the entrenched ‘master narrative’ of South African sport history, which privileges national redemption and patriotic heroism at the expense of more complex individual, local and global dynamics. The article concludes with suggestions for future research directions in order to assist a process of decolonizing sport history in South Africa.

The role of archives in documenting African National Congress Women’s League records that impacted the development of their records

Purpose This paper aims to assess the role of archives in documenting African National Congress Women’s League (ANCWL) records on the liberation struggle of South Africa from 1960 to 1990 with a view to recommending the best method of collection and preservation of archival materials. Design/methodology/approach Qualitative data were collected through interviews with purposively selected employees of the African National Congress (ANC), the Nelson Mandela Foundation centre of memory, the national heritage and cultural studies at the University of Fort Hare, the National Archives of South Africa and provincial archives of South Africa. Interview data were augmented through content analysis of ANC documents such as policies, websites and annual reports. Findings The study found a gap of documentation of the role of archives in documenting ANCWL’s contribution to the liberation of South Africa. The National Archives of South Africa did not play a meaningful role to document the history of African National Women’s League in the liberation struggle of South Africa. There was also a lack of coordination of community archives that keep ANCWL archives materials. There is a need to embark on oral history and bilateral relations with overseas archival institutions to repatriate ANCWL archives to South Africa. Furthermore, contemporary history records about the ANCWL records need to be listed, arranged and described and made available to the public. Research limitations/implications The research is limited to the role played by the National Archives of South Africa and community archives such as the ANC archives, the Mayibuye Centre archives based at the University of Western Cape in documenting ANC and ANCWL and contemporary issues that impact the development of ANCWL records created from 1960 to 1990. Practical implications The findings are expected to be instrumental to document the history of women’s struggle for democracy in South Africa. The ANCWL collection may contribute to social cohesion to enable society to understand the role of ANCWL during the struggle for democracy in South Africa. While the literature on women’s archives is limited, there is still much research that needs to be conducted. Increasing the body of research will strengthen understanding of the role of the National Archives of South Africa and community archives on documenting women’s liberation struggle in South Africa. Social implications The document of women’s history would enrich the archival collection. This means that records with historical, cultural and social significance will be permanently preserved by archives. Originality/value The research appears to be the first of its kind to assess the documentation on the role of archives on documenting ANCWL. The archival heritage of women’s struggle for democracy forms part of the national archival heritage of South Africa as they bridge the gap of undocumented history of South Africa.

Stephen R. Davis. The ANC’s War against Apartheid: Umkhonto we Sizwe and the Liberation of South Africa.

Stephen R. Davis. The ANC’s War against Apartheid: Umkhonto we Sizwe and the Liberation of South Africa.

O. R. Tambo in the Period of the ANC’s Illegality

Oliver Reginald Tambo’s life is best known by his association with the African National Congress (ANC) and the struggle for liberation, and as having been the foremost leader of the ANC for most of the period of its illegality. Most accounts, however, do not mention O. R. Tambo’s religious beliefs, and in this they pass off an opportunity to highlight what could have been the source of his individual strength, his spirituality. It is this spirituality that this article seeks to highlight and whose depth it seeks to explore. It aims to show that Tambo’s personal religious beliefs were infused with his political outlook and concludes that this composite belief system provided the strength he exuded throughout his service to the struggle for liberation in South Africa. The article looks at how he related to and influenced those he came into contact with, both inside his organisation, the ANC, its military wing Umkhonto We Sizwe (MK), the broader alliance, and those who were outside his close political realm. It looks at how he exercised his leadership qualities, born of his beliefs, under the pressures thrown up by the struggle, and finally how he grasped the moment at the point of the conclusion of that phase of the struggle. This article is informed by a number of sources, including books written on the subject by scholars, those who shared space with O. R. Tambo, some of his speeches, interviews, and occasionally the author’s own experience as part of the MK contingent from the late 1970s.

Book review: Stephen R. Davis, The ANC’s War Against Apartheid: Umkhonto we Sizwe and the Liberation of South Africa

Stephen R. Davis, The ANC’s War Against Apartheid: Umkhonto we Sizwe and the Liberation of South Africa. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2018, pp. 268, $35.00, Index, ISBN: 9780253032294.

Roots of Revolution: The African National Congress and Gay Liberation in South Africa

South Africa’s post-apartheid constitutions were the first in the world to contain an explicit prohibition of discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation, and that prohibition established the foundation for marriage equality and broad judicial and legislative protection of gay rights in South Africa. The source of this gay rights clause in the South African Constitution can be found in the African National Congress’s decision to include such a clause in the ANC’s A Bill of Rights for a New South Africa, published when the apartheid government of South Africa was still in power. This article traces the story of that decision, and demonstrates that the gay rights clause was included in the ANC’s draft Bill of Rights as a direct result of the ANC’s Women’s Section’s demand that the ANC confront and address a broader problem: the oppression of women. First, the article lays out the context, explaining the origins of the ANC’s Constitutional Committee, its work in presenting alternative models for a future constitutional order, and its success in securing the ANC’s commitment to true multi-party democracy and an enforceable bill of rights. The article then shows that leaders of the ANC’s Women’s Section, dissatisfied with the ANC’s constitutional proposals as they stood, sparked a thorough-going examination of the problem of sexism and women’s oppression. This examination prompted the ANC to recognize the fundamental human right of gay men and lesbians to be who they are, and led the ANC to prohibit discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation in its draft Bill of Rights.

“#DontCallMeABornFree”: Lived experiences of a black umXhosa woman in post-apartheid South Africa

abstractThe current realities of the so-called ‘born free’ generation call for a probing into how we define a ‘born free’. The term ‘born frees’ is often used to refer to those who are enjoying the fruits of the liberation of South Africa, who are free from racial discrimination and benefitting from social transformation. However, the reality is that this generation faces greater poverty and racial and gender inequalities. I therefore argue that the term ‘born free generation’ is an ideology, and not necessarily one’s reality.In the form of a personal story this profile piece uncovers my experiences while moving from different spaces in post-apartheid South Africa as a black1 umXhosa woman. I highlight the socio-psychological impact of being a black umXhosa woman among different racial and ethnic groups. I also bring to the fore the deep scars that cut through to a generation regarded as ‘born free’, and later question whether we can really regard a generation that is born post-1990 as ‘born free’.

THE CHURCH AND ITS CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE STRUGGLE TO LIBERATE THE FREE STATE PROVINCE

The article outlines the contributions of the church to the liberation struggle in South Africa. In doing so, we limit the content to the contributions of church activities in the Free State. The point of departure is that the liberation of South Africa was not only a result of the barrel of the gun – instead, the barrel was complemented by various peaceful liberation forces, including the activities and the narratives of the church. The arguments of this article are based in decolonial theory, a discourse that sensitises understanding that the liberation of South Africa should not only be interpreted politically, but that liberation transcends politics to other spheres of life, and it involves total liberation and emancipation. Data in this article was collected through interviews and questionnaires, which focused mainly on the role of the church in the liberation of the Free State. In this article, it is argued that the place of the church in the post-1994 histories and narratives should be one of being a champion of social justice, equity and the fair distribution of resources, as well as playing a role to unmask corruption, which continues to subject the people of the Free State to poverty and marginalisation.

SOWING THE SEEDS OF POLITICAL MOBILISATION IN BANTUSTANS: RESISTANCE TO THE CESSION OF THE KANGWANE BANTUSTAN TO THE KINGDOM OF SWAZILAND

This article on the proposed 1982 land deal between the Kingdom of Swaziland and the South African Government to cede the KaNgwane Bantustan and Ingwavuma to Swaziland, focuses upon the geopolitics of southern Africa and the trajectory of the struggle for national liberation in South Africa, particularly on the role of the African Nationalist Congress (ANC) in Bantustan politics. By focusing specifically on the geopolitics of the liberation struggle in southern Africa, this article adds new dimensions to the work of Shireen Ally, Hugh Macmillan and other scholars, whose research on the proposed cession of the KaNgwane Bantustan focuses primarily on ethnic nationalism and ethno-nationalistic politics.

The Role of “Freelance” Underground Operatives in the Struggle for Liberation in South Africa: The Case of Eastern Transvaal, 1980–1990

On 8 April 1960, the National Party (NP) government proscribed the African National Congress (ANC) and Pan Africanist Congress. This broke the back of black political opposition in South Africa, if only temporarily. In exile, the ANC introduced four pillars of its liberation struggle against the NP government. These were the armed struggle, international solidarity, mass mobilisation and underground work. A substantial body of work has been produced on the role of the first three but very little is known about underground work. This is largely due to its covert nature. Yet underground operatives played a significant role in reviving political mobilisation in South Africa that finally led to the defeat of the oppressive regime. In this article I will use the then Eastern Transvaal (today’s Mpumalanga Province), particularly parts of the Lowveld region, as a case study to demonstrate the impact underground work had on mass political mobilisation inside the country. Drawing on oral testimonies from a number of underground operatives, I will argue that this kind of “work” was not only carried out by individuals who were connected to the ANC, but also by those who were not; i.e. by “freelance” operatives, particularly women.

Xenophobia: Healing a Festering Sore in Nigerian-South African Relations

Xenophobia: Healing a Festering Sore in Nigerian-South African Relations Ademola Pius Adebisi, Ph.D. Abstract Nigeria and South Africa are two leading countries in Africa. Located in different sub-regions on the continent, Nigeria in West Africa, South Africa in Southern Africa, they have been involved in each other’s spheres of life since the days of the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. In their relations however, there has been palpable rivalry and envy which centre majorly on the leadership of the continent. While at inter-governmental level the rivalry has been fairly healthy, shortly after the liberation of South Africa in 1994, however, the South African citizens began to express xenophobic feelings against African immigrants including Nigerians almost with rhythmical regularity, a trend that has been persistently straining the official relations between the two countries. It is against this backdrop that this study examined the causes of xenophobia in South Africa and how it can be curbed with a view to improving the often strained Nigerian-South African relations. The study using secondary data, discovered that xenophobic attacks in South Africa can be largely hinged on relative deprivation, extreme nationalism and poverty among others. The study therefore, recommended among others, social re-orientation, poverty alleviation; and good governance as the panacea to the festering challenge of xenophobia. Full Text: PDF DOI: 10.15640/jirfp.v5n1a6

Sustainable Local Economic Development (LED) and Rural Land Reform Challenges and Prospects in Post-Apartheid South Africa—A Policy Perspective

One of the many grievances behind the struggle for liberation in South Africa was the question of land. In the post-apartheid era the priority is on rural land reform to promote local economic deve...

Women and national liberation in South Africa: an oral history perspective

The historiography of the national liberation struggle in South Africa is dominated by the feats of heroic male activists, in which women’s activism and the impact of the antiapartheid struggle on women and families are largely occluded. The past decade has witnessed the growth of a more inclusive ‘struggle’ historiography due to the mushrooming of women’s biographies and autobiographies. This article is based on interviews with five women whose partners were involved in anti-apartheid activism and who were either banned, forced into exile or incarcerated on Robben Island. Focusing on ‘ordinary’ women who had to see to the subsistence of family and household for extended periods contributes to a more inclusive narrative of anti-apartheid struggles. These gendered biographies highlight the multiple forms of oppression to which women were subjected and their multiple roles in the anti-apartheid struggle, and stress that gender should be a key part of one’s analytical toolbox.

The struggle continues towards a genuine and lasting emancipation: South Africa in the past 20 years

The article underlines the fact that most of the problems facing the African National Congress (ANC) as the ruling party in South Africa are not new. A comparative analysis of the ANC's Consultative Conference held at Morogoro in 1969 with its national conference held 38 years later at Polokwane in 2007 proves this glaring point. The article also focuses on the battle of ideas by highlighting the intellectual struggles waged by African leaders against neo-colonialism – including racist white rule in apartheid South Africa. These leaders, including Kwame Nkrumah, Mwalimu Nyerere and O.R. Tambo among others, emphasised the centrality of both African and international solidarity in the struggle for national liberation in South Africa. Their viewpoints can be contrasted with intellectual diatribe against the national liberation struggle in South Africa spewed by white academics such as Belinda Bozzoli and Peter Delius. The latter were also dismissive of the role of African intellectuals in providing solution to the South African question. Such viewpoints correspond to those held by the President Jacob Zuma who contemptuously refers to African intellectuals as ‘clever blacks’ and has consistently ignored their crucial role in terms of providing lasting solutions and innovative ideas to problems bedevilling the post-1994 democratic state. Regardless of Zuma's foibles, the persistent battle of ideas in South Africa underscores the central role of African intellectuals in defining the African Progressive Movement whose task is to defeat the forces of neo-colonialism, continue to fight against the rampart poverty afflicting the masses and corrupt self-enrichment of the professional political class. This also includes fighting against the democratic South Africa reverting to a predator state after the demise of white rule. Furthermore, by discussing political dynamics in Zimbabwe, the article supports the view that among other pressing matters, the African Progressive Movement's task is to support South Africa's constructive conflict prevention role in the African continent. Steering away from international diplomacy and geopolitics, the article also discusses internal dynamics afflicting the ANC and its alliance partners by using GEAR as a case study. The resulting fractious debates have led to a situation wherein the ANC is treated as an organisation which has no right to be its sovereign self. Taking sectarian positions towards the ANC, antagonists view the ruling party as a candidate for capture by fortuitously positioned factions. Finally, the article showcases the ruling party's report presented by Thabo Mbeki at Polokwane. The report calls for organisational renewal and belabours the point that the fractured ANC, as a liberation movement which has attained political power in South Africa, needs to clear away the cobwebs of the present incumbency which has been veering off course because of high levels of corruption and the allurements of power.

Forced removals and migration: a theology of resistance and liberation in South Africa

This paper investigates the intensification of the scope of migrant theology by forced removals in the 1960s and 1970s in South Africa. Forced removals in South Africa were carried out by the white government, especially in the late 1950s and 1960s, with the support of the white churches (particularly white Afrikaans churches) underpinned by a series of laws which entrenched racial segregation and inequality and which led to millions of black peoples being forced to leave their ancestral land and white cities to live in barren and overcrowded places. The policy of forced removals accompanied by its resultant reprisals led to a mass exodus of many black people going to settle in the neighbouring countries either to join the arms struggle or further their studies abroad. Those who remained in the country were forced to resist the policy either through violent protest or peaceful resistance. The policy led to black people developing theologies of survival in the country of their birth since they were exposed to a condition of poverty, exploitation and alienation from their cultural heritage, while ensuring exclusive privileges to whites in the country. The paper seeks to investigate how the migrants developed a theology of resistance amidst their dislocation and the heavy-handedness of the government.

Geestelike veerkragtigheid as reaksie op kerkskeuring

Resilience as answer to the problem of church schism. The article investigates theories of resilience as applied to individuals and groups. From a group perspective, the potential of and obstacles to resilience are examined against the backgound of post-apartheid South Africa. Individual perpetrators and victims, as well as corporate bodies such as institutionalised faith communities have been affected. For the liberation of South Africa’s wounded soul, resilience is needed. In the article, psychological dimensions of resilience theory are brought into dialogue with the theological hermeneutical model of Ernst Fuchs in order to show how an encounter with the Jesus narrative of care for wounded people can foster resilience, liberate and bring healing to both faith communities and to this predominantly religious country.