Liberation Of Africa Research Articles

Chinese Funding: A Curse to Africa

The role of China in the liberation of Africa from colonial rule cannot be down played as I laid a foundation to Africa today. Most African countries were aided by China militarily and ideologically in the fight against Western colonial rule. Though some scholars would suggest that China`s contribution was as a result of the hostility that was there in the times of the cold war between the self-acclaimed democrats of the Western bloc and the Communist Eastern bloc. Philosophers like Marx Engel, Karl Marx, Lenin and Mao Zedong had a major influence on the liberation of Africa. The purpose of this paper is to show how the relationship that started as sincere has become a curse for the poor and unconnected Africans. In recent years the Chinese has overtaken the Briton hood Institutes of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank as the major lenders of loans to African States. Kwame Nkrumah warned us of the danger of Africa being recolonised in what he termed neo colonialism where the colonisers will come as investors. Neo colonialism is no longer a theory but has become a reality as will be exposed in this article using empirical, qualitative and quantitative research methods to show how a friendship with China has benefited the elite politicians at the cost of citizens affairs. Africa is endowed with natural resources yet it has the poorest population per Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita. The paper will show how it is easy for a Chinese to own a business in Africa compared to the native Africans using the case of Shurugwi in Zimbabwe.

What shapes international air transportation in Southern Africa? − The evidence considering the impact of Covid-19

The lack of intra-continental air connectivity in Africa has long been criticized. This paper aims to understand the factors determining intra-regional air transportation in the Southern Africa region and the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Firstly, we analyze the geospatial characteristics of the air transport network, airport connectivity, and market structure before and after the pandemic. We also examine the progress of air transport liberalization in Africa and its impact on market structure and airline privatization. We find that the liberalization facilitated market competition and the progress of privatization, but its influence didn’t sustain long. Secondly, based on monthly data at the city level from April 2012 to December 2021, using monthly Total Night-time Light Intensity (TNLI) as a proxy of gross regional product (GRP), we develop a gravity model to empirically investigate the determinants of international air passenger flows within Southern Africa. The analysis shows that the factors promoting air traffic include GRP, air transport liberalization, the presence of low-cost carriers, and airline privatization, while high market concentration and diplomatic disagreements hinder air passenger flows. The pandemic and associated government restriction measures have severely impacted intra-regional air transport connectivity, while the vaccination program has significantly contributed to the recovery of air transportation.

Exploring the Intellectual Legacies of Patrice Lumumba: An Analysis of his Contributions to the Decolonisation and Liberation of Africa

Exploring the Intellectual Legacies of Patrice Lumumba: An Analysis of his Contributions to the Decolonisation and Liberation of Africa

Everyday Communists in South Africa's Liberation Struggle: The Lives of Ivan and Lesley Schermbrucker

Everyday Communists in South Africa's Liberation Struggle: The Lives of Ivan and Lesley Schermbrucker

Growth, fiscal and welfare implications of trade liberalization in Africa: A macro‐micro modeling assessment of the Senegalese economy

AbstractThe African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) has been hailed as a key pillar and catalyst for economic growth, industrialization, and sustainable development in Africa. One of the anticipated benefits is the promise to increase intra‐African trade through the elimination of import duties and other tariffs among countries. However, due to the heterogeneity between the African countries, questions remain as to whether each country will benefit from tariff elimination. This paper aims to evaluate the macroeconomic, fiscal, and welfare consequences of import tax removal in Senegal with the rest of Africa. We link an extended version of the partnership for economic policy (PEP) static computable general equilibrium (CGE) model with a non‐parametric microsimulation approach. We calibrate the model with Senegal's most recent Social Accounting Matrix. The microeconomic model is calibrated using the latest Senegalese household consumption survey. The findings indicate that tariff removal from the rest of Africa has favorable economic, fiscal, and welfare impacts for Senegal. The paper suggests that it will lead to an increase in economic growth and investment. The removal of tariffs is expected to favor urban households over rural ones and leads to a modest decrease in income inequality, accompanied by a 3.36% reduction in the number of poor.

Bridger, Emily. Young Women against Apartheid: Gender, Youth and South Africa's Liberation Struggle.

Bridger, Emily. Young Women against Apartheid: Gender, Youth and South Africa's Liberation Struggle.

Education for Control and Liberation in Africa and among the Black Diaspora

Education for Control and Liberation in Africa and among the Black Diaspora

Wollstonecraft on Patriarchy, the Myth of African Matriarchy and Emancipation of African Women through the SDGs

The myth of African matriarchy militates against the feminist agenda of women emancipation and liberation in Africa. This paper adopts the textual analytical method of research in exploring the relevance of Mary Wollstonecraft’s views on patriarchy to unpacking the myth of African matriarchy and how the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), can help to achieve effective of emancipation of African women. An unpacking of the myth of Africa’s claim to matriarchy relying on Wollstonecraft’s position on patriarchy, shows that patriarchy has been a feature of African societies from time immemorial, and not a product of colonialism. This paper argues that denying the fact of precolonial African societies being patriarchal is the reason that the ills of patriarchy persists in contemporary African societies. Hence, this study maintains that unearthing the ugly consequences of patriarchy in ancient African societies can pave way for realizing the feminist agenda in the continent. It recommends concerted effort by states in the continent towards implementing the SDGs with the idea of human rights, as the key to women emancipation in Africa.

Pinning down Pan-Africanism: Exploring the Definition(s), Utility, and Durability of an Ideology and the Movements It Engendered

Pinning down Pan-Africanism: Exploring the Definition(s), Utility, and Durability of an Ideology and the Movements It Engendered Kenja McCray Adi, Hakim–Pan-Africanism: A History. London: Bloomsbury, 2018. 297 p. Rabaka, Reiland, ed.–Routledge Handbook of Pan-Africanism. London: Routledge, 2021. 548 p. People are likely to provide a myriad of responses if asked to describe Pan-Africanism. This diversity of perceptions reflects the enduring challenge of defining and discussing the topic. Hakim Adi begins Pan-Africanism: A History by employing a broad understanding of the term as an ideology and the movements it catalyzed. He writes that Pan-Africanism is “the striving for the unity and liberation of Africa and Africans” (p. 221). According to Adi, a single, universally accepted definition has never existed. He goes further, determining that the hazards of pinning some authors down to a definitive meaning stem from the reality that Pan-Africanism has assumed so many different forms over time and space (p. 2). Adi’s conception of its protean and enduring nature dovetails with the central framing of the Routledge Handbook of Pan-Africanism, which is edited by University of Colorado, Boulder Professor of African, African American, and Caribbean Studies, Reiland Rabaka, and contains multiple, adaptable meanings. Both books address the critical need to formulate a clear, concise definition of Pan-Africanism. They also wrestle with conceptions like Ashley D. Farmer’s. A specialist in Black women’s intellectual history, Farmer writes, “the destruction of racism, capitalism, sexism, and homophobia will not come from a uniform idea but rather from the recognition and implementation of the array of political imaginings that those fighting oppression develop.”1 Adi and Rabaka deliberate on several interrelated issues in delineating Pan-Africanism. They examine its durability and [End Page 177] critique its pragmatic expressions from two different but equally useful entry points: a single-authored survey and a multi-authored compilation of essays. Undergraduate professors and scholars of Black liberation movements will appreciate Adi’s Pan-Africanism for its concise survey of a central topic in African and diasporic history, which he covers with appropriate depth. The book emerged from Adi’s experiences as a Professor of History at the University of Chichester in the United Kingdom. Few suitable, up-to-date texts existed for instructors such as himself to assign to undergraduate students. Adi’s interests include the African continent and diaspora, with an emphasis on twentieth-century Britain. His specialization in Africa and the diaspora in Britain gives the book a particular focus on aspects of Pan-African history occurring outside the United States. He decentres both the United States and Whiteness, for example, when discussing the formation of the diaspora (p. 2). In contrast to Adi’s succinct survey, the term “handbook” is a misnomer for Rabaka’s hefty tome of detailed essays. With 36 chapters, it could be more precisely identified as a compendium on Pan-Africanism. A strength of this approach is that, like Adi’s survey, it generally avoids a longstanding tendency within the literature on Pan-Africanism to emphasize diasporic countries (especially the United States) and metropolitan cities in the West instead of centring continental African locales and Global South perspectives. The Handbook sidesteps this pitfall, in part, by showcasing diverse voices hailing from Kampala to Mexico City. When read together, these two books cover a breadth of subjects at the intersections of Pan-Africanism, race, class, gender, sexuality, politics, economics, and culture. Adi delineates Pan-Africanism by outlining two major phases. The first era began during the transatlantic trade with the concerted endeavours of eighteenth-century African-descended activists in the diaspora to either end the trafficking and enslavement of Africans or to emigrate to the continent. This initial period ended with the 1945 Manchester Pan-African Congress (PAC). Adi identifies the second phase as one during which “Pan-Africanism returns home” to the continent (p. 129). It emerged from anti-colonial struggles, beginning with the post-Second World War period, and ended with the establishment of the African Union (AU) and the reparations movement during the last years of the twentieth century. The way Adi organizes his chapters reveals a shorter, thematically driven periodization...

Everyday Communists in South Africa's Liberation Struggle: The lives of Ivan and Lesley Schermbruker

Everyday Communists in South Africa's Liberation Struggle: The lives of Ivan and Lesley Schermbruker

Fighting for Time: Rhodesia’s Military and Zimbabwe’s Independence by Charles D. Melson

<i>Fighting for Time: Rhodesia’s Military and Zimbabwe’s Independence</i> by Charles D. Melson

Revolutionary State-Making in Dar es Salaam: African Liberation and the Global Cold War, 1961–1974 by George Roberts

A bomb inside a parcel bearing stamps from Moscow tragically ended Eduardo Mondlane’s life in 1969. He was forty-nine. After being educated in Portugal and the United States, and teaching at Syracuse University, he was living with his American wife and their children in a suburb of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania’s capital. Mozambique was still a colony of Portugal, and Mondlane, immensely likable, tall, imposing, and with a formidable presence, was the leader of Frente de Liberação de Mozambique (frelimo), a Soviet-backed liberation movement that had training bases in Tanzania and guerillas in the field against the decaying Portuguese dictatorship.The Soviet stamps were false flags. The Tanzanian police have never made arrests, but they determined that the bomb was constructed in Dar es Salaam (two others were found) and inserted into Mondlane’s mailbag by a frelimo worker. Apartheid South Africa, China, the Soviet Union, and Portugal might each have had reasons for assassinating Mondlane. So would more radical rivals within frelimo. Portugal was an obvious suspect, but eliminating Mondlane would have paved the way for a more strident antagonist to assume control of frelimo (which is exactly what occurred). Or private Mozambican business interests close to dictator Salazar may have arranged the detonation. Tanzanian officials who disliked Mondlane were also implicated.The mystery remains. But Mondlane’s death greatly transformed his own country’s liberation trajectory and, arguably, led to a civil war within independent Mozambique and the descent into corruption that now consumes the nation. Mondlane’s removal also preceded similar kinds of suspicious losses in other Tanzanian-based liberation movements, especially within the Zimbabwe African National Union (zanu), as well as atrocities amid the training camps of all of the southern African guerrilla contingents.The examination of Mondlane’s demise is this book’s most significant contribution to the workings of anti-colonial machinations in one of its main African hubs. But the book has much more of value to modern African history and politics.Supporting the liberation of Africa was the guiding star of Tanzania’s “front-line” policy under its Afro-socialist founding president, the amiable and charismatic Julius Nyerere. frelimo was but one of Nyerere (and Tanzania’s) many anti-colonial causes. Tanzania had won its independence from Britain in 1961 without much of a struggle. Thereafter it served as the safe haven and operational base for the South African African National Congress (anc), zanu, Namibia’s South-West African People’s Organization (swapo), and frelimo, among other less successful nationalist groups.Nyerere’s backing and the support of his sometimes-divided government was critical to the maturing and ultimate success of the armed struggles in all of these eventually independent countries—even distant Namibia. Nyerere shepherded zanu particularly, even when Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda, his close collaborator, preferred the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (zapu), a rival Zimbabwean movement.Roberts’ well-researched book is about the interplay of the various liberationists and ruling party Tanzanians from its own independence to the fall of the Salazar dictatorship in Portugal. There are important discussions of Tanzania’s transforming itself into the “spearhead of Third World revolution.” Tanzania, writes Roberts, “routinely adopted the most radical stances toward questions of anticolonial liberation on the international stage” (10). Indeed, as the author explains in several places, and fully explores in a very salient chapter on the Arusha Declaration of 1972, “Revolution beyond its [own] borders went hand in hand with revolution within them …” (10). Ujamaa (family community togetherness, in the sense of brotherhood) and rural transformation rather than heavy industrialization became the emphasized pathways to an envisaged prosperity and development that never matured. Millions of peasants were relocated, nomads gathered in clusters, and plantations nationalized. Media freedom was also eliminated; a very important chapter details how the press was curtailed, and then made subservient to the new nation.The state became more and more authoritarian, as this book demonstrates. Indeed, Roberts says that Nyerere’s promotion of anticolonial liberation was closely connected to its accelerating authoritarianism (15). As well, Roberts shows how authoritarianism had its internal critics, and how the early indigenous local founding political elites were replaced by more pliant “second generation” leaders—how Oscar Kambona and Paul Bomani, to give two examples, were superseded as the state drifted away from its early democratic roots.Because Roberts chose to focus on Dar es Salaam rather than Tanzania, this book is less a political history of Tanzania than it is a series of loosely related—but stimulating and intelligently crafted—essays on how Tanzania altered internally (from idealism to cynical statism) while simultaneously (and at some substantial cost to itself) helping to free southern Africa from white domination.

African Socialism, the Economy of Affection, and a Concern for Foreign Affairs

Julius Nyerere, the first President of Tanzania, is known as the ‘Mwalimu’ (the Great Teacher) for his roles and expansive thinking about the liberation of Africa. While he belongs to an older generation of politicians, it is opportune to reflect on his philosophical contributions at a time of extreme poverty and inequality in developing countries, and as Africa largely takes a backseat on the Russia-Ukraine war. Nyerere’s contributions tend to be forgotten, due to little contemporary academic work on his thoughts, criticism of his Ujamaa socialist policies, and ‘Nyererephilia’ (love/sentimentalism for Nyerere). This Nyererephilia remarkably persists even 61 yearsinto Tanzanian independence. This paper uses excerpts from the vast archive of Nyerere’s speeches to reflect on how he subversively defined the Global South to implement African socialism, an economy based on interconnectedness and compassion, and a belief that Africa has to be concerned with foreign affairs. In his time, he was seized with grand questions like self-reliance, educational reform,international debt and global inequality, nuclear weapons, non-alignment, African independence, and African unity. A contemporary vision for confronting contemporary questions could lean on his conception of the Global South. In Nyerere’s view, the Global South was not the underdeveloped world but was the ‘Third World’, which meant the third vision/way/subjectivity. This ‘way’ can only bepracticed through unity, otherwise the small states of the Global South are weak states that cannot participate as equals in the global system.

Africa's liberation generation

Today's African political class is much more diverse in character and aspiration than the one that overcame colonial rule and inaugurated independent governments. Sons of early liberation leaders now jostle for power in a few countries (Chad, Kenya), descendants of successful autocrats perpetuate family rule in others (Gabon), several long-serving hegemons remain in control after decades in office (as in Cameroon, Djibouti, Rwanda and Uganda), a clutch of kleptocrats continue to defraud citizens (as in Equatorial Guinea and Zimbabwe), upstart soldiers oust elected placeholders (Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali), and here and there democratic stalwarts (Botswana, Ghana, Malawi, Senegal, South Africa, Zambia) are delivering authentic, uplifting, leadership to their followers.

Gendering South Africa's Struggle - Young Women Against Apartheid: Gender, Youth and South Africa's Liberation Struggle By Emily Bridger. Rochester, NY: Boydell &amp; Brewer, James Currey: 2021. Pp. 242. $99.00, hardcover (ISBN: 9781847012630); $24.99, e-book (ISBN: 9781800100619).

Gendering South Africa's Struggle - Young Women Against Apartheid: Gender, Youth and South Africa's Liberation Struggle By Emily Bridger. Rochester, NY: Boydell &amp; Brewer, James Currey: 2021. Pp. 242. 24.99, e-book (ISBN: 9781800100619). - Volume 63 Issue 1

Return to the Source: Cabral, Fanon, the Dialectic of Revolutionary Decolonization/Revolutionary Re-Africanization, and the African Renaissance

In the most general sense, the African Renaissance entails Africans combatting the racialization, colonization, and neo-colonization of Africa and committing to the decolonization, re-Africanization, and liberation of Africa. When Amilcar Cabral and Frantz Fanon’s radical theory and revolutionary praxis (i.e., Cabralism and Fanonism, respectively) are placed into critical dialog a groundbreaking dialectic of revolutionary decolonization and revolutionary re-Africanization emerges. This article argues that this dialectic is sorely needed to reanimate—perhaps even radicalize and, indeed, revolutionize—contemporary conceptions of the African Renaissance. To that end, first, this article will explore the conceptual connections between Cabral’s theory of “return to the source” and Fanon’s theory of “the wretched of the earth.” Next, it will investigate Cabral’s distinct discourse on revolutionary decolonization and its implications for the African Renaissance. Lastly, the discussion will examine the ways in which Fanon’s theory of radical political education is key to understanding his and Cabral’s conceptions of, and key contributions to, both revolutionary decolonization and revolutionary re-Africanization, as well as their reverberations within the discourse on the African Renaissance.

Building a Novel Future: Connecting Peoples and Cultures

Current humanity is experiencing extraordinary levels of material and ideal connectivity. Change being constant and stability exceptional and provisional; one has to expect a significant acceleration of change in the next hundred years. The core question is therefore: What kind of future is being shaped for the next generations, our grandchildren and greatgrand children? Without going too far back in time, it is fair to say that the current world was shaped by two different, successive and antinomic global processes: imperial expansion, colonization and domination on the one hand, and resistance, struggle for liberation, and the search for a more equitable world order on the other hand. Against all the odds, European imperialism, civil war, wars of aggression, and Western ostracism, China was an influential actor in the struggle for liberation of Africa from colonialism, got its rightful place in the international world order and is now the second economy of the planet. Globalization resulted in the emergence of a de facto multipolar world, with different models of societies and organizational cultures. These are dialectic processes constantly in operation, but there is however a third crucial area of interest, generally taken granted, that of people and culture. Peaceful relations and sustainable economic development backed by greater cultural and demographic connectivity are better options for the construction of a novel future for humanity. Universities and higher education institutions can play an important role in spearheading and implementing these new orientations for the construction of a future peaceful and sustainable human world in which war will be outlawed. This paper outlines what academics can do to promote such a vision.

Ocena wyników portów lotniczych w czasie pandemii COVID-19

1. Abate M. [2016], Economic effects of air transport market liberalization in Africa, Transportation Research Part A: Policy and Practice, 92: 326–337, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tra..... CrossRef Google Scholar

Connections of Maghrebin and Sub-Saharan Intellectuals: Trajectories and Representations

Faced with the complex reality of their countries in the grip of multifaceted crises, the intellectuals in the Maghreb and sub-Saharan Africa are baffled. Indeed, this situation, with a wealth of lessons, ought to challenge them to reflect together on the current upheavals in their societies. Nevertheless, faced with the intricacy of current problems and their heterogeneity, these intellectuals find themselves scattered. Yet, in the past, they were bound by the same objectives. Thus, if the religious elites of the Maghreb had, during the 15th century, forged links with scholars of sub-Saharan Africa, a second wave of intellectuals succeeded them to think about the liberation of Africa and the Pan-African ideal in colonial and post-colonial contexts. However, immediately after this generation disappeared, the one that followed did not resist the disenchantment of the populations and the expansion of Arabism that influenced the formation of a generation of Maghrebin thinkers. With the bankruptcy of the socialist regimes, this hiatus heralded an era of intellectuals crumbling to the point that, with globalisation in the 21st century and the eruption of a plurality of questions, they found themselves helpless in these countries. Apart from a few attempts at building common frameworks for reflection such as those of CODESRIA or the “Esprit Panaf” pavilion at the Algiers International Book Fair, links between intellectuals from the Maghreb and sub-Saharan Africa are rare. Opposed to this type of scholars, mainly Francophone and secularised, a second type of intellectuals, rather Islamised, sharing the same representations, dominate the different spaces of the countries concerned. This paper is an attempt to explore the historical trajectory of these two types of intellectuals and then explain why, in recent decades, such a connection has marked the future of the relationship between the Maghreb and sub-Saharan Africa.

Knowledge, Power, and the Search for Epistemic Liberation in Africa

ABSTRACT In this paper, I show that the strong relations of knowledge, power and liberation are worth reassessing and clarifying in light of the indigenous people of Africa’s quest for epistemic liberation. I argue that knowledge confers power to its producers that might be inappropriately deployed to impose an inferior status to those contentiously considered incapable of producing it. This has often been the character of relations of cultures where those considered as bereft of knowledge are put at the service of those who claim expertise and exclusive title to the production of the same. Yet, as much as it has been employed as an instrument to conquer and to subjugate, knowledge can also be an instrument of liberation. I argue that if ‘knowledge is power’, then the acceptance of the epistemic contribution of those who have been historically marked as without any knowledge is necessary if their agency is to be awakened and their liberation realised. This discursive move may be a necessary corrective for the indigenous people of Africa who are yet to emerge fully from the condition of physical and epistemic conquest.