Liberal Democratic Culture Research Articles

Democracy for the Few

A review and application of Degenerations of Democracy, by Craig Calhoun, Dilip Parameshwar Gaonkar, and Charles Taylor (hereafter, CGT); Liberalism and Its Discontents, by Francis Fukuyama; and How Democracies Live, by Stein Ringen. A strengthened liberal democratic culture is essential for the health and vitality of democracy. This culture is made up of three components: a cluster of liberal values (rule of law, freedom, equality, and reason), a democratic governing system grounded in popular sovereignty, and a collective experience of shared respect for liberal values and democratic institutions. Has this culture lost its strength? Is the collective experience and belief in democratic legitimacy disappearing? Are liberal values increasingly contested? All of the theorists under review address these questions. And for all, the answer is “yes, but….” They make strikingly similar arguments about the sources of this culture’s strength, the causes of its current weakness, and how it can be strengthened. The general thrust of these books is this: a strong liberal democracy rests on three cultural foundations: the strength of social bonds, the level of deliberative civil discourse, and the level of economic equality. The main challenge to this threefold foundation’s strength is neoliberalism, which all authors agree has led to liberal democracy’s decline. I draw on this argument as a guide to assess the strength of liberal democracy in a small population living in rural Alpine County, California. I find that although it is relatively small and isolated, the drivers of democratic decline have found their way into this tiny community. Some aspects of liberal democratic culture have remained strong (voter turnout and volunteerism are high, and many citizens serve in elected office and on government committees); others, however, have weak roots that were never cultivated and continue to weaken further (equality, inclusion, open debate). Finally, I suggest that to strengthen liberal democracy, citizens must participate in it and leaders must work for the good of the entire community, not just the few.

The advent of the citizen expert: Democratising or pushing the boundaries of expertise?

This contribution introduces Current Sociology’s special subsection ‘The advent of the citizen expert: Democratising or pushing the boundaries of expertise?’, which deals with the increasing involvement of ‘ordinary citizens’ as experts into political and social debates. From an integrated perspective that transcends policy fields and societal realms, the special subsection deals with the epistemic and democratic implications of this transformation in civic participation and knowledge validation practice. It pays special attention to the tensions that can be implied by citizen expertise’s ‘double promise’ of tapping into novel channels of participation and idle knowledge resources at the same time. Three promising themes and research avenues are identified that the advent of the citizen expert highlights: The changes in liberal-democratic culture indicated by the emergence of this new actor category, the way societal power relations are impacted by the elevation of citizen expertise and the subsequently shifting boundaries and standards of what can count as knowledge or expertise.

The Secular Enlightenment by Margaret C. Jacob

Reviewed by: The Secular Enlightenment by Margaret C. Jacob Anna Tomaszewska The Secular Enlightenment. By Margaret C. Jacob. (Princeton: Princeton University Press. 2019. Pp. xi, 339. $29.95. ISBN 9780691161327.) The author of the seminal Radical Enlightenment (1981) has proposed another category encapsulating intellectual, social, and political metamorphoses spurred by [End Page 214] the "Age of Enlightenment." In eight chapters that take the reader through Western European and trans-Atlantic spaces and times spanning from the late seventeenth century until the 1790s, Margaret Jacob pictures the emergence of "the secular world" in which human life would increasingly center on the here and now without "a necessary reference to a transcendent order" (pp. 1–2). For Jacob, secularization does not imply a complete repudiation of religion, but redefining its meaning as a cultural practice, an approach traceable to The Religious Ceremonies and Customs (1723–43) by Jean Frederick Bernard and Bernard Picart. The secular Enlightenment turned toward science under Newton's auspices, witnessed budding sensitivity to social injustice and inequalities, criticized the alliance between church and state, and brought the development of the university culture. Clandestine literature and new forms of sociability, practiced in masonic lodges, city clubs, and cafés, created a global space of shared ideas and ideals: equality, cosmopolitanism, universal brotherhood. Inventions, such as that of the pendulum clock, prompted changes in the perception of time dedicated more and more to this-worldly activities. The secular ways became manifest in the lives of countless travelers, publishers, industrialists, academics, scientists, and poets—both minor figures, some of them female, and the leading protagonists of the epoch. France prepared the ground for the outbreak of its 1789 revolution: the deism, materialism, and atheism of the philosophes provided a setting in which the absolute monarchy and priestly privilege could be challenged. The Scottish enlighteners favored pragmatic topics: taxes, commerce, and how to counteract poverty, which would set the background for the development of capitalism and the conception of historical progress. Germany staged the advocacy of secular ethics and politics, the publication of subversive writings attacking organized religion, conflicts between rationalist philosophers and state authorities, and finally the resurgence of Spinozism that constituted the naturalist underpinnings for "a universal humanism" (p. 197). The Italians, overcoming tensions between the Catholic Church and the enlightened values, contributed to political economy with theories of money and trade, and to political theory by laying the foundations for a constitutional republic that would later serve as a model for the Americans. The way was also paved for abolishing torture, slavery, and eventually death penalty. Social and political unrest accompanied the demise of the Enlightenment, which set in motion the "creation of the democratic citizen," necessitating a "personal transformation … often transgressive of customs and mores" (p. 236), particularly those related to family life. The Enlightenment, which persisted in the writings of the Romantics, brought along "the secular" that "had become all pervasive" (p. 264). Jacob's fascinatingly many-layered and multifaceted account of the Enlightenment unfolds the extent to which its ideas have shaped our times, yet occasionally her usage of '"enlightened" slips from merely descriptive into normative. Jacob does not side with the proponents of the "religious Enlightenment"—the claim that religious controversies could have triggered the secularizing impulse (Jeffrey D. Burson) or that the "Age of Reason" made possible new forms of belief (David Sorkin). Her allegiance stays with those who, like Peter Gay, link the Enlightenment with the [End Page 215] secular. However, although Jacob's account expresses attachment to the secular values which have come to be associated with liberal democratic culture that some believe to prevail nowadays, it also perpetuates the view of those critics of the Enlightenment who would see in it a movement of dissent from Christianity. Anna Tomaszewska Jagellonian University in Krakow Copyright © 2022 The Catholic University of America Press

Reluctant liars? Public debates on propaganda and democracy in twentieth-century Britain (ca. 1914–1950)

ABSTRACT The place of propaganda in a democratic society has been discussed long before the age of fake news, as the heated debate on this issue that took place in the UK and other democracies from around 1914 to 1950 clearly shows. Drawing upon a variety of published and archival sources, the article examines the changing views of British political elites, intellectuals, publicity experts and the public on the proper role of government in the public sphere, while discussing their influence on government policies and exploring the light they shed on British—and, more broadly, liberal democratic—culture and identity.

Welfare State and Political Culture in Unified Germany

This paper addresses the assertion that preferences for a comprehensive welfare state hamper and delay the emergence of a liberal-democratic culture in East Germany. Two questions are explored: first, has the impact of welfare-state values on support of the German democratic regime declined in East Germany since re-unification and adapted to the lower levels observed in West Germany? Second, are attitudes towards different welfare-state programmes equally important for citizens’ approval of the German democratic regime? Empirical analyses on the basis of representative public opinion surveys conducted between 1991 and 2012 confirm that the effect of welfare-state values in East Germany has converged to the smaller effect size observed in West Germany. Furthermore, attitudes to welfare-state programmes aimed at reducing income inequalities turn out to be a significant determinant of regime support in both parts of Germany. It is the higher demand for inequality-reducing governmental activities which still restrains the approval of the liberal-democratic regime among citizens in East Germany.

On the Assessment of ‘Civilizations’ in Political Culture Research. Criticism and Alternative

Since Huntington proclaimed the political relevance of ‘civilizations’, the concept has been popular in political culture research. However, it lacks precision and is used inconsistently in interpreting global cultural (dis)similarities. This article aims to illustrate how these flaws can be avoided. First, the broad rubric of civilization is specified and differentiated from political culture. Then, the (dis)similarities of 39 countries in terms of political culture are visualized in a two-dimensional space using data from the World Values Survey (2005–08). The description of the countries’ configuration reveals a specific ‘liberal-democratic culture area’ and the configuration’s additional visual interpretation with both the civilization rubric and two of its core elements is more informative than the use of ‘civilization’ alone.

A Critical Examination of the Political Considerations Regarding the Admission and Reception of China Mainlanders: The Case of Hong Kong and Taiwan

AbstractIn the light of the apparent differences in political inclinations between China Mainland immigrants (or Mainlanders) and the people of Hong Kong and Taiwan, those who want to defend a restrictive policy on the admission and reception of Mainlanders by Hong Kong and Taiwan may appeal to two impartial political considerations: (1) the communitarian defence of preserving the distinctive liberal democratic culture of one's community; and (2) the need for democratic consolidation. However, various survey results suggest that the differences in political outlook between Mainlanders and other Chinese in Hong Kong and Taiwan, though significant, were not substantial enough to warrant a general rejection of China Mainland immigrants out of defence of a liberal democratic community. And the concern over democratic consolidation is not necessarily in favour of a policy rejecting Mainlanders because a more inclusive democracy which allows the participation and potential contribution of China Mainland immigra...

Democratic consolidation in Ghana: the role and contribution of the media, civil society and state institutions

Following a democratic transition in 1992, Ghana has made significant efforts to promote a liberal democratic culture and system of government. This paper provides an analysis of the extent to which Ghana's liberal democratic process is being consolidated, focusing on the role and contribution of the media, civil society and state political institutions to this process. It is argued that the country has made significant strides towards its goal of consolidating a democratic process and culture. This is evident in the five successive elections that it has held since 1992, in improvements in human and political rights, in the independence of various institutions of government such as the Electoral Commission and in the significant role played by the media and civil society organisations. Nonetheless, there are a number of constraints and challenges that need to be addressed in order to sustain the gains that the country has chalked up in the democratic consolidation process.

<i>Testimony, Tensions, and Tikkun: Teaching the Holocaust in Colleges and Universities</i> (review)

Reviewed by: Testimony, Tensions, and Tikkun: Teaching the Holocaust in Colleges and Universities Zev Garber Testimony, Tensions, and Tikkun: Teaching the Holocaust in Colleges and Universities, edited and introduced by Myrna Goldenberg and Rochelle L. Millen. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 2007. 336 pp. $50.00. The Shoah is one of great moral significance in the history of western civilization, indeed, in the annals of civilization. Genocide is the most horrible of crimes and one of the most difficult to deal with in the field of humanities, revealing the human race in its worst perspective. How to explain the descent of Man? In the second half of the twentieth century advances in understanding the causes and effects of the Shoah have been dramatic and widely chronicled. The first wave of analysis recounted the Nazi treatment of Europe's Jews in the [End Page 168] historical context of deeply rooted religious anti-Judaism and racial antisemitism. Also documented, primarily from German sources and war crime trials, was the technology of mass death administered in the twelve years of Nazi Aktionen against the Jews and other minorities and the effect on the victims. Then came the indictment of the German and Austrian nations, the Church leadership, the French, English, and Soviet governments, and the entire free world for their lack of intent and will to combat the Nazi death machine. How to evaluate the ineptness of Church and State to help, intercede, and succor victims of tyrants in the most recorded event in human depravity? Additionally, scholars have asked how much Eastern European Jewry, the main victim of Nazism, contributed to its own demise. Conclusions reached by Bruno Bettelheim, Raul Hilberg, and Hannah Arendt are critical of the Jewish leadership and the masses who did not revolt against the Nazi evil. Others refuse this stern judgment, referring to the increasing number of Jewish documents that describe exemplary Jewish resistance under the most dire circumstances. These newly available sources compensate for the limited documentation available to Bettelheim, the predominantly German sources used by Hilberg, and the largely theoretical reconstruction promoted by Arendt. What can we learn from the way of the few who honor the command: "You shall not stand idly by the blood of your neighbor"? The next phase in the study of the Shoah raised questions of psychology, philosophy, and literature. Particularly imaginative have been the theological questions: Where was the God of promises when millions of the innocent went up in smoke? What is human and divine responsibility after Auschwitz? Recent trends in research, methodology, and interpretations thus have added new issues and challenged past statements on the Shoah. For example, for Jewish and Christian views of the other, see http:www.case.edu/artsci/Rosenthal/index.html, and link to "Jewish-Christian Post-Shoah Midrash Dialogue" (accessed May 27, 2008). And the key to appreciating and understanding how and why Shoah matters is education. But how to educate the imponderable? Testimony, Tensions and Tikkun examines the dynamics of Shoah and the response to the churban in a post-Auschwitz world. By exploring the challenges, personal and professional, to those who teach and by assessing student learning outcome, this volume provides a valuable contribution to Shoah education. Following the Foreword by Hubert G. Locke on the role of teachers of the Shoah and the Introduction by editors Myrna Goldenberg and Rochelle L. Millen on the meaning and scope of Shoah study, the book is divided into three parts. The first part is an exposé of course content. It contains ten essays. By discussing the work of five contemporary artists, Stephen Feinstein argues the importance [End Page 169] of visual arts in Shoah studies. Rachel Rapperport Munn shows how architecture and urban design served the Nazi political ideology and agenda. Beth Halkins Benedict portrays the power and limitation of words in the language of the murderers and survivors. Donald Felipe focuses on the moral choices that faced individuals and corporations in the Nazi period. Tam K. Parker emphasizes the importance of courageous moral response to rectify responses of silence, useless knowledge, useless suffering, and moral relativism. And Paul A. Levine underscores the failure of liberal democratic culture in combating...

Rorty’s Moral Philosophy for Liberal Democratic Culture

Richard Rorty’s moral writings offer a cogent summary of the moral content of contemporary liberal democratic culture. Rorty insists on a divide between our public and private lives, yet he claims that moral progress (a seemingly public affair) is primarily driven by the imagination of great poetry and philosophy (which Rorty claims are private projects). A pressing tension thus emerges between private imagination and public moral justification, which is also very real in contemporary liberal democratic culture itself. I sketch a way out of this problem, which fits well with the pragmatism he shares with William James and John Dewey.

The Grooves of Change: Eastern Europe at the Turn of the Millennium

The Grooves of Change is the culmination of J. F. Brown’s esteemed career as an analyst of Eastern Europe. He traces events in this diverse and disruption-riddled region from the communist era to the years of transition after the fall of the Berlin Wall to the present. Brown also provides specific analyses of the development of liberal democratic culture in the former communist countries of Eastern Europe—Albania, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and the successor states of Yugoslavia. While acknowledging that the term “Eastern Europe” began to fall into disuse with the end of the cold war, Brown uses it as a framework for discussing the enduring features of the modern history of this region: its basic continuity, the prominence of ethnic and national factors, and its dependence on great powers or combinations of powers outside it. He explains the significance of the growing gulf between East Central Europe and South Eastern Europe, the overall political and economic deprivation and its effect on the people, the urgency of change, and the complex dynamics within Eastern Europe that have defied definitions and generalization. Finally, Brown points to the need for continuing assistance by the United States and the West and suggests what the twenty-first century may bring to this constantly changing part of the world. Those seeking a clear overview of events in Eastern Europe during the recent psat and the state of these nations now will benefit from this incisive study by J. F. Brown.

Hopes and Shadows: Eastern Europe after Communism

After the exuberance that marked the revolutions of 1989, the countries of have faced the breathtakingly ambitious task of remaking their societies. Simultaneously they have sought to build liberal democracies based on market economics, while confronting reassertions of claims for national independence long suppressed. Taking up where his previous book Surge to Freedom ended, J. F. Brown's Hopes and Shadows analyzes the results of the first four years of Europe's separation from communist rule and the prospects for the future.The forces at work in the midst of this revolution are examined from a perspective that is necessarily both historical and contemporary as the complex relationship between the tasks that face these countries and the legacy of their communist and pre-communist past shape the difficult present. As the usefulness of the designation Eastern Europe is itself questioned, Brown provides both regional and country-by-country analysis of the political situation. The Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, and Poland are grouped together, as are Romania, Bulgaria, and Albania, to address questions such as the development of liberal democratic culture, the activation of democratic institutions and procedures, and the future of former communist bureaucracies. He considers the former Yugoslavia--now torn violently apart--largely as a separate case. The theoretical, political, social, financial, cultural, and psychological dimensions of the transition from socialism to a market economy are discussed in detail. The final aspect of this revolution, the failure of which most immediately threatens the entire process, is the attempt to build new and stable national statehoods. Brown explores the history and impact of the current reemergence of nationalism and the dangers it represents.A comprehensive and authoritative survey, J. F. Brown's analysis and presentation of the contemporary European political landscape will be essential reading for scholars and specialists and of great interest to general readers.