Liberal Democracy Research Articles

Cas Mudde: “O termo populismo não é apenas um eufemismo. Falta-lhe clareza e temos termos melhores para descrever o mesmo fenômeno”

n this interview, Cas Mudde, one of the most influential political scientists in the United States and an international reference in the study of populism and right-wing extremism, criticizes the concept of populism and emphasizes why his current work is focused on the concept of far-right. Mudde also compares the far-right in the Global South and the Global North and explains what he understands by mainstreaming and normalization. Finally, the political scientist warns about the threats to liberal democracy.

Power Reduction in Constitutional Democracy

The study of constitutional democracy essentially refers to the first two basic conceptions, relating to the journey of democratizing power and law in the life of the state, which is theoretically a study of state power to exercise people’s sovereignty in a constitutional democratic socio-political system. Second, with regard to the limitation of the power of the holder of the exercise of popular sovereignty which is espoused in a democratic and constitutional state constitution. This article aims to analyze the principle of implementing popular sovereignty. The 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia also affirms that Indonesia is a state of law. With a linear understanding, it can be explained that all state administration must be fully based on law. On that basis, the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia before affirming Indonesia as a state of law, first affirmed the position of state sovereignty which is in the hands of the people as a source of legitimacy. This means that the choice of the rule of law in Indonesia depends on the sovereignty that is in the hands of the people or a democratic rule of law.
 Keywords: constitutional democracy, people’s sovereignty, constitutional law

Factions and the Redistributive Effects of Reform in Japan

Campaign finance and other political reforms often have redistributive consequences when they improve the position of one group over another. When potentially redistributive reforms are debated or passed, groups may resist or support such reforms depending on their belief about whether the reforms will be advantageous or not to their own position. In dominant party systems such as Japan, we expect that major reforms will have heterogeneous effects for different factions within Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). In 1975 and 1994, reformers in Japan introduced major changes that they hoped would reduce corruption and strengthen political parties over factions. In this article, we empirically investigate the asymmetrical impact of the reforms on the total amount of revenue and contributions disclosed by factions in the LDP. We find that the 1975 reform had significant redistributive effects, including a relatively adverse impact on the faction linked to Tanaka Kakuei in terms of total revenue. The 1994 reforms, in contrast, reveal that the Tanaka faction did the best among the factions in collecting revenues and consolidating its power.

Preserving Law and Order: How Institutions Implementing International Norms on Refugee Protection Can Restrict Asylum Outcomes

Abstract The international frameworks on refugee protection, including the 1951 Convention and the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, are among the strongest norms to govern international mobility. Despite the salience and universality of these international norms, however, asylum outcomes, as indicated by refugee recognition rates (RRRs), vary extensively across state parties. The variation in RRR signals a critical normative gap between the institutionalization and implementation of international norms on refugee protection. In this article, I offer an explanation for this gap by examining the role of domestic institutions responsible for implementing relevant international (and domestic) laws on the ground. Through in-depth interviews, participant observation, and analysis of government, media, and non-governmental organization materials, I investigate the case of South Korea, a wealthy liberal democracy known for its exceptionally low RRR. I argue that South Korea’s low RRR is a result of the preexisting and prevailing ethos of the institutions responsible for refugee status determination, which is deeply rooted in the preservation of law and order and therefore fundamentally conflicts with the human protection principles underlying the Convention.

Why Does Disinformation Spread in Liberal Democracies? The Relationship between Disinformation, Inequality, and the Media

In principle, liberal democracy is about an equal right to decision-making and presumes a public sphere, equally open to all. However, in practice, this normative ideal, articulated, among others, by Jürgen Habermas and John Dewey, is farther away today than ever since WWII. The “real” public sphere, distinguished from its ideal, is harmed by conflicting and divisive interests, often presenting themselves in the form of information campaigns targeting the most vulnerable groups of society. The information offered is often labelled as disinformation, i.e. information that is misleading or purposefully false. However, this article claims that we must distinguish between different uses of the concept of disinformation. Although disinformation campaigns are increasingly harmful for democracy, the label of disinformation can be used to silence necessary critical voices and movements in society, thus promoting a public sphere based on a forced consensus. This article focuses on current European developments, although there are references to the developments in other continents as well. It is based on a review of recent research publications and public policy documents about different aspects of disinformation and inequality.

Stochastic terrorism: critical reflections on an emerging concept

ABSTRACT This paper critically discusses the recent concept, stochastic terrorism – broadly, the idea that influential individuals may demonise target groups or individuals, inspiring unknown actors to take up terroristic violence against them. I collect together different strains of thought on the emerging concept, reflecting critically on what a suitable definition of the phenomenon would look like (or whether it would be needed), what the social urge to coin the concept may reveal about authoritarian power and violence, and what makes this form of political violence possible. I argue that present commentary fails to emphasise sufficiently the role of mistruth and deceit in such rhetoric, as well as its historical and mainstream precedents. Moreover, I understand the phenomenon to be specifically authoritarian in nature, which not only demonises but dehumanises its targets. In light of this, I suggest that given both the mainstreaming of racist conspiracy theory and the historical and continuing presence of centrally constructed “folk devils”, the authoritarian problem which can manifest into stochastic violence is very much endemic to modern liberal democracies. With this framing of stochastic violence in mind, we ignore it simply as a buzzword at our peril: even if the theoretical issues I have highlighted continue to persist, even if we struggle to pin down the concept with desired clarity – it bears a phenomenological significance and reflects an ongoing political structure of violence.

The Global Resistance to LGBTIQ Rights

Abstract: This essay explores the troubling global pattern of illiberal governments weaponizing the issue of LGBTIQ rights. We argue that the fluidity of sexual orientation and gender identity makes LGBTIQ people susceptible targets for antidemocratic forces, allowing autocratic and illiberal regimes to contrast these identities with the perceived stability of tradition, national sovereignty, and conventional notions of "nature." Political homo- and transphobia are used by illiberal governments as tools to mobilize constituencies by framing LGBTIQ rights as incompatible with traditional values. Based on interviews and observations of participants at international forums, we also chart the global movement opposing LGBTIQ rights and explain how it undermines liberal democracy and threatens human-rights egalitarianism, weakens international institutions, and weaponizes democratic pluralism in divisive culture wars. The essay calls for a nuanced understanding of the complex interplay between illiberalism, homo- and transphobia, and the challenge posed to the foundational values of liberal democracies. We also offer ideas for how actors in liberal democracies can respond to and defend LGBTIQ rights effectively.

Postmodern Interpretation of the Rise of Populism in Italy in the Context of the Offensive Against Liberal Democracy

The article is devoted to the peculiarities of the rise of populism in Italy against the background of the crisis of liberal democracy. The aim of the work is to determine the influence of postmodern phenomena described by such scientists as J.F. Lyotard, J. Der Derian and J. Baudrillard, on the rise of populist parties and movements in Italy. The object of the study was the phenomena of the postmodern world. The subject of the work is their influence on the rise of populism and disillusionment with liberal democracy in Italy. Special attention is paid to the new challenges of the 2020s for Europe and especially for Italy, where populists have achieved particular success. Against the background of these challenges, the phenomena characteristic of the postmodern era made Europeans doubt the liberal democratic paradigm, which led to the strengthening of right-wing radicals and populists. The novelty of the study is directly highlighting the connection between the rise of populism in Europe and the crack of the liberal democratic paradigm against the background of the migration crisis, the coronavirus pandemic and the deterioration of relations with Russia due to the situation with Ukraine through the prism of the works of postmodern philosophers. In the course of the study, the author came to the conclusion that the postmodern processes of the modern world, such as the collapse of meta-narratives, global surveillance, the creation of myths, images and simulacra, are not correlated with the traditional representation of liberal democracy. Against the background of new challenges and threats, it discredits itself, which gives rise to the spread of populists who skillfully take advantage of the situation that has arisen. According to the results of the content analysis, it was confirmed that the opinion of populists depends on the current agenda. It has been hypothesized that the image of liberal democracy imposed by Europe does not correspond to the image of liberal democracy in the eyes of ordinary Italians, so they see the salvation of their roots and identity in populists.

O que é Liberalismo? Um Estudo de Método Misto sobre Ideologia e Representação nos Sistemas de Partidos Latino-Americanos.

Abstract What is the concept of liberalism? Despite being a conceptually contested term, political parties still label themselves liberal and seek legitimacy by joining Liberal International (LI). In this paper, I adopt a mixed-methods strategy to assess what this ideology means in Latin America. First, I rely on economic and political theory to propose four potential components of liberalism: private property, liberal democracy, non-conformism, and social justice. Then, I search for these components in the declaration of principles of all the region’s LI members. Next, I assess liberals’ relative support for these components by comparing the attitudes of their elites and voters to those of conservatives and socialists in Paraguay, Honduras, and Nicaragua. This paper finds that liberal democracy is the only core component of liberalism in Latin America. Even though non-conformism and social justice are widely mentioned in political documents, their support among elites and voters is context-dependent. These results emphasize the contestability of liberalism while shedding light on what unites liberals in Latin America.

Особенности сотрудничества Германии и Литвы в конце 2010- х — начале 2020-х годов: военные и политические аспекты

Since the mid-2010s, Germany has significantly adjusted its approaches to the use of the Bundeswehr, pivoting its strategic focus from regions distant from the Euro-Atlantic community to those within or near it. This has underscored the pressing need to address issues related to securing steadfast allies in Eastern Europe and enhancing cooperation with them. This article aims to explore the current evolution of German-Lithuanian re­lations in both political and military domains. The approach of Germany to the factor of historical memory is demonstrated, along with its aspiration to position itself as the defender of Lithuanian national sovereignty. Yet, there was a notable lack of strategic focus from Germany towards Lithuania in the early 21st century, contributing to a decline in bilateral relations in 2014 and 2015. Amid the confrontation between the ‘Western democracies’ and Russia, Germany adopted a strategy of gradually but steadily increasing pressure on the opponent. The perception of this approach by Lithuanian elites has shifted from negative in the mid-2010s to increasingly positive as Germany has become more involved in deterrence of Russia. This article explores the process of the Bundeswehr troops’ deployment and buildup up to having constituted the ‘core’ of a multinational brigade in Lithuania under NATO’s mandate. The study focuses on the im­pact of military cooperation on political collaborations, as illustrated by the case of the B3 + 1 format, which has brought together high-ranking public officials from the three Baltic states and Germany since 2018. It is concluded that Germany has developed a dependence on Lithuania, driven by the increased desire of the former state to maintain the latter as a reliable junior partner.

Self-efficacy in educational contexts: a comparative analysis of global perspectives

This comprehensive research explores the pivotal role of self-efficacy in the educational experiences of students, particularly emphasizing its significance in the context of increasing global mobility and diverse educational settings. The paper's primary focus is on understanding how different educational environments, ranging from liberal democracies to more controlled societal structures, shape and influence students' self-efficacy. The study posits that self-efficacy, defined as an individual's belief in their ability to succeed in specific situations or tasks, is a critical determinant of how students engage with their educational environment, confront challenges, and achieve both academic and personal goals.Through a detailed analysis of recent research in educational psychology and sociology, the paper synthesizes pioneering studies and theories, notably Albert Bandura's social cognitive theory, to provide a comprehensive framework for understanding the development of beliefs in one's capabilities. The research underscores the intricate relationship between self-efficacy and academic achievement, highlighting how self-efficacy impacts not only academic performance but also students' motivation and persistence, especially in foreign academic settings. Methodologically, the study employs a systematic comparative approach, integrating both qualitative and quantitative methods. Qualitative methods such as in-depth interviews and content analysis of educational literature provide insights into students' subjective experiences and perceptions. Quantitative methods, including surveys and statistical analysis, measure and compare levels of self-efficacy among students in different educational settings. Additionally, structural-analytical and comparative-historical methods are utilized to examine the impact of educational systems and historical and cultural factors on student self-efficacy.The findings reveal that educational environments significantly influence the development of student self-efficacy. Students in more open and supportive educational practices, typical of liberal democracies, often exhibit higher levels of self-efficacy. In contrast, those in more controlled educational systems face challenges in developing self-efficacy due to restrictive academic environments. The study further demonstrates the vital role of cultural, social, and educational structures in shaping students' beliefs about their abilitie.Conclusively, the paper advocates for educational practices that recognize and support the diverse needs of students. It emphasizes the need for educational systems to foster a sense of autonomy, competence, and resilience in students, preparing them to navigate complex global challenges with confidence and skill. The research contributes significantly to the discourse on student development and success in international education, offering valuable insights for enhancing educational practices and policies in a globalized world.

Bosna i Hercegovina - (ne)praktična politika i (ne)logično pravo

There are numerous issues of the constitutional system of Bosnia and Herzegovina which are controversial. They are often conditioned by the author's ideological and political views, but also by different theoretical approaches to the analyzed problems. These are fundamental questions of every constitutional system, on the solution of which more important things than academic discussions depend like the functioning of the state and the realization of fundamental constitutional principles. The author of this paper has used the opportunity to present his views on a number of fundamental issues in one place, to explain them once again, to compare his views with the views of other authors and to point out the structural flaws in the Constitution itself, which allow opposing views. The author deals with issues such as: minimal and fundamental consensus necessary for the functioning of the constitutional system; the nature of the mandate of the members of the Presidency; the relationship between consociation and liberal democracy in the constitutional system; the problem of legal (dis)continuity of entities.

Judge Irving Kaufman, the Liberal Establishment, and the Rosenberg Case

Michael Meeropol, son of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, examines a recent biography of Irving R. Kaufman, the judge who sentenced the Rosenbergs to death. Using his own deep research into his parents' case, Meeropol shows how Kaufman's virulent anti-Communism led him to put his thumb on the scales of justice, despite the later progressive liberalism for which he is often lauded. This in turn reveals a key contradiction: "Liberal democracy is fine as long as the basis of the system is not threatened. When it is…'dangerous' people—Communists and other leftists—are dealt with by any means necessary."

Liberal Democracy in Eclipse: The Economy Post-February 2020, Nourished by Four Odds—Disease Phobia, Profanity in the Media, Unethical Profit Seekers and Tail Risk

Liberal Democracy in Eclipse: The Economy Post-February 2020, Nourished by Four Odds—Disease Phobia, Profanity in the Media, Unethical Profit Seekers and Tail Risk

Enhancing accountability for police use of lethal force: Global monitoring and comparative benchmarking

Abstract Policing and law enforcement bodies and the public authorities that govern them should be accountable for all deaths connected with a use of force. Accountability is a requirement of international human rights law and related provisions on the use of force, and foundational to legitimate, constrained, and consensual policing in liberal democracies. However, divergence in normative compliance and types of state system means that accountability for lethal force is inconsistent around the world. This paper discusses how a global system for monitoring lethal force could enhance accountability by making effective use of comparative benchmarking.

Gender differences in Chinese policing: Supervisor support, wellbeing, and turnover intention

Abstract Many studies have been conducted over the past few decades to assess gender differences in police officers’ attitudes towards critical aspects of policing. Nonetheless, this line of inquiry has focused predominately on police officers in Western democracies, with limited attention to gender differences in societies where cultural traditions and gender inequalities remain influential in shaping police officers’ occupational attitudes. Using survey data collected from over 1,900 police officers in a northern Chinese province, this study assesses whether female and male officers differ in their attitudes towards supervisor treatment, psychological and physical conditions, and intention to leave the profession. We found that female police officers displayed occupational attitudes that distinguish them from their male counterparts. Contrary to Western evidence, Chinese female officers expressed lower intentions to leave the police profession than male officers. Female officers also reported better wellbeing with lower stress and health concerns than their male counterparts. We also found that supervisors’ procedurally fair treatment and support of technological advancement are associated with lower turnover intention. Implications for policy and future research are discussed.

Hindu Nationalism and the New Jim Crow

Abstract: This essay draws a parallel between the political and social dynamics of Hindu nationalism in India under Narendra Modi and the policies of racial segregation of the Jim Crow era in the United States (from approximately 1880 to 1965). As with the marginalization of black Americans based on race during Jim Crow, Hindu nationalism aims to marginalize Muslim Indians based on religion. Methods similar to those used in the Jim Crow South—including exclusionary laws, segregation, and vigilante violence—are now being deployed in India to subdue Muslims. Such actions go against the principles of equality established by India's 1950 Constitution. As in the Jim Crow South, the judiciary in India has proven slow to play its assigned role as guarantor of liberal constitutionalism. Friends of liberal, constitutional democracy will be wise not to count on judges to salvage the situation. In the end, only the voters can decide to stop Hindu nationalism, or else underwrite its final advance.

Populist Challenges to Truth and Democracy Met with Pragmatist Alternatives in Citizenship Education

AbstractPopulists employ truth as a tool for aligning the people against the elite. Citizenship education rarely takes up critiques of liberal democracy, discussions of populism, or conversations about what truth is. This paper provides an alternative pragmatist vision of truth that builds on the populist call for democracy to better reflect the will of the people, while also pushing back against the harms potentially caused by populism. Students today need to learn how populism works performatively and through discourse. But more importantly, they also need to learn how to engage with populism by taking up some of the real challenges it poses in their communities today. Citizenship education that overtly talks about how truth operates and demonstrates how inquiry can be used to determine “what works” better prepares students for the flawed democracy we see at play today and provides pathways for improving it in the future.

Expansion of Russia-China Duo in Asian Region and the Future of Democracy

The world has become multi-polar with the emergence of Russia and China into the forefront of world politics toward the beginning of the twenty-first century. Within a couple of decades, they have acquired considerable economic and military might. As part of fulfilling their expansionist ambitions both Moscow and Beijing have succeeded in establishing political and economic grips in many parts of the world including Africa and Asia. Apart from possessing economic and political clout, they have been offering an alternative model of governance instead of liberal democracy championed by the West. Critics claim that this phenomenon is detrimental to the future of democracy. However, the alternative models of governance along with their underlying principles seem to be more acceptable to many national governments across the globe. They consider them suitable and pragmatic for the local environment. The Asian region has become a pivotal area of the expansion of Russia and China. The West also tries to build a democratic coalition in the region to check the progress of Russia and China. Against this backdrop, the present paper discusses the impact of increasing Russian and Chinese footprints in the contemporary period on the prospect of democracy in the Asian region with a special focus on Central and East Asia. The paper is divided into two major sections. The first part will discuss the impact of China on democracy and the second section with deal with the Russian influence. Keywords: Democracy Promotion, Russia, China, Neo-Liberalism, Central Asia, East Asia

Habermas and the mutations of the public sphere

In this article, I argue that concern with the public sphere and the necessary conditions for a genuine democracy can be seen as a central theme of Jurgen Habermas's work that deserves respect and critical scrutiny in the contemporary moment, when throughout the world liberal democracies are in crisis. My study intends to point to the continuing importance of Habermas' problematic of the public sphere and its relevance for debates over democratic politics and social and cultural life in the present age, in an era in which the Occupy Movements, Black Lives Matter, #MeToo, the Trump Resistance Movement, and Ukraine and Palestine Solidarity groups use social media to struggle against multiple forms of oppression. At stake is delineating a concept of the public sphere which facilitates maximum public participation and debate over the key issues of the contemporary era and which consequently promotes the cause of radical democracy and social transformation.