Levels Of Political Interest Research Articles

Young People’s Interaction with Political Information in Japan

This paper investigated how Japanese young people’s attitudes toward politics and the social environments they are in affect their interaction with political information in their daily life. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with twenty people to gather data about their experiences with political information and their attitudes toward politics. The results show that they have mixed feelings about political information, which arise from personal factors but are interrelated with broader social factors. Their attitude, which comprises their sense of remoteness to politics, low political efficacy, and difficulty understanding politics, reduces their interest in knowing political information. Social factors that limit opportunities for political participation and conversation diminish the utility of information and the motivation for seeking information. The habit of monitoring political information, often facilitated by experience watching television news with family, emerges as a factor that can maintain young people’s exposure to political information, regardless of their level of political interest.

Intergenerational transmission and the reinforcement of the political engagement gap: Identifying how university‐educated parents enable their children to become more politically interested during early adolescence

AbstractResearch consistently shows that parents' educational attainment is associated with their children's level of political interest. The life stage when this relationship is established and grows has been identified to be between the ages of 10 and 16. This paper identifies the social class‐based practices that drive the influence of parental education on the development of political interest among early adolescents and explains why the social gap grows at this point. The paper draws on two panel surveys, the Citizenship Education Longitudinal Study and the Understanding Society Youth Survey, and applies latent growth curve modelling and path analysis. The findings show that university‐educated parents influence the change in political interest of their children in early adolescence by raising their educational aspirations, enabling their access to political activities in school, choosing the school for their children, taking their children to museums and art galleries and influencing their children's friendship groups.

FDI and the Triangle “Growth, Inequality and Poverty” in North Africa

The economic literature has shown that the effect of FDI on poverty through these instruments has undergone radical changes which reflect, on the one hand, the growing progress, made by the academic community, in the very complex analysis of interactions with income growth and inequality; and the level of political interest in the topic of poverty reduction.

Expressions of Interest in Politics in Authoritarian China

Abstract: Even though the public's interest in politics is an indispensable element of civic culture and is also important for the practice of democratic citizenship, it has different and local meanings in an authoritarian regime. This article analyses the dynamics of the public's interest in politics since the Communist Party of China took power and investigates the characteristics of people who express an overt interest in politics in China. The results present a sophisticated and nuanced picture of the interactions between the Chinese government and its people in contemporary China. On the one hand, as modernisation theory has predicted, people with higher levels of education and higher socio-economic status have greater levels of interest in politics. On the other hand, the expression of interest in politics in China is observed among people who adhere to authoritarian values and those who trust the national government. Conversely, citizens who are dissatisfied with the level of democracy in the current regime report low levels of interest in politics. The findings have important implications for China's future political development.

A compromising mindset? How citizens evaluate the trade‐offs in coalition politics

AbstractCoalition building depends on citizens having a ‘compromising mindset’: they must accept that parties need to compromise in order to gain influence and that this entails deviating from the original policy positions. In this study, we show that European citizens understand that compromise is essential for democratic governance and that they, holding everything else constant, prefer political parties that express a willingness to compromise. This finding appears to be independent from specific forms of coalition politics and to be widespread across different levels of political interest, formal education and even ideological extremity. Our analysis compares observational data from the Austrian National Election Survey (AUTNES) 2020 and an original survey from Denmark in 2021. We also present results from a conjoint experiment fielded in Denmark, which evaluates the effect of willingness to compromise on vote choice. Our finding is good news for European democracies where coalition politics and thus compromise is a necessity for governance. Yet, for vote‐seeking politics, the situation is complex as citizens might sometimes punish parties for compromising, but sometimes also punish them for not compromising.

The Effect of Education on the Level of Political Interest and Participation: A Study on the Students of the Department of Political Science and Public Administration at Süleyman Demirel University

İktidarın halka dayandırılması düşüncesinin yaygınlaşmasıyla bir siyasal sistemin ideolojik ve kurumsal yapısı ne olursa olsun, vatandaş/halk/yurttaş unsuru bu kurumsal yapının en temel dayanağını oluşturmuştur. Bu nedenle vatandaşların siyasal sisteme dâhil edilmesi, sistem içerisinde söz sahibi olması ve bunu mümkün kılacak araçlar, her zaman güncel tartışma konusu olmuştur. Özellikle değişen ve dönüşen dünyada son yıllarda gençlerin siyasete karşı ilgileri ya da siyasal katılma biçimlerinin nasıl değiştiği son dönemde tartışılan konular arasındadır. Bu çalışma, Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Kamu Yönetimi (SBKY) bölümüne gelen öğrencilerinin eğitime başlamadan önceki siyasete ilgi ve katılım düzeyleri ile SBKY bölümü eğitimi ve üniversitede geçirilen sürenin, söz konusu öğrencilerin siyasal ilgi ve katılım düzeylerine ne yönde etkisi olduğunu araştırmayı amaçlamıştır. Araştırmada, 2018-2019 eğitim öğretim yılının güz döneminde 1. sınıf öğrencilerine anket yapılmıştır. 2021-2022 yılının bahar döneminde 4. sınıfa gelen aynı öğrencilere aynı anket tekrar uygulanmıştır. Böylece üniversite geçirilen süre, arkadaş ortamı, siyaset bilimi ve kamu yönetimi eğitimi gibi siyasal ilgi ve katılım düzeylerini etkilediği düşünülen faktörler karşılaştırmalı olarak SPSS programı aracılığıyla analiz edilmiştir. Dört yıl boyunca araştırma kapsamında anket yapılan öğrencilerin ailelerinin siyasal ilgi ve katılma düzeyleri azalırken; öğrencilerin siyasal ilgi ve katılma düzeylerinde artış olduğu görülmüştür. SBKY eğitiminin ve üniversitede geçirilen dört yıllık sürenin öğrencilerin siyasal ilgi ve katılım düzeylerinde olumlu katkı yaptığı görülmüştür

The Politization of the Mass Consciousness of the Russian Youth in 2022: Possibilities of Evaluation on the Basis of Statistical Analysis

The politicization of the mass consciousness of young people is revealed in this study by such parameters as the level of interest in politics, readiness for certain actions to protect interests, priority sources of political information, assessment of the correctness of the direction of development of the situation in the country, as well as the relations of some of these characteristics with the level political trust. The empirical basis of the study is the results of a massive online survey of Russian youth conducted in November 2022. The method of conducting the survey was an online survey. The data were processed using traditional methods of statistical analysis: simple and combined grouping of data, analysis of standardized residuals, correlation analysis, calculation of new variables, multiple regression analysis, multivariate scaling. By modeling a new variable, it was possible to identify high rates of youth interest in politics. It has been established that the level of youth interest in politics is associated with the availability and size of material and social resources of representatives of this group. Positive and negative factors influencing the level of youth interest in politics have been identified. Since, according to the results of the analysis, the levels of political trust and interest in youth politics turned out to be unrelated, it can be argued that the rational component in the formation of political trust among young people is rather weak. The relationship between the level of political trust of young people and the willingness to take certain potential actions to protect their interests has been revealed. Two sets of related potential action strategies have been identified that young people can use to protect their interests.

Mass-Observation and Vernacular Politics at the 1945 General Election.

This article sheds fresh light on popular attitudes towards politics in the 1940s. It does so by reading against the grain of archived material from Mass-Observation's (M-O) study of the 1945 General Election, as it played out in the constituency of Fulham East. Where the formal reports from this investigation have underpinned influential accounts of 'apathy' in 1945, this article returns to the original field notes from the investigation. By attending to the framing of the M-O encounter in Fulham, it suggests that we can reinterpret seemingly apathetic responses as a reaction to the alienating high expectations underpinning the M-O questionnaire, exacerbated by the classed and gendered dynamics of the interview. In other instances, however, it argues displays of apathy or ignorance could indicate the popular delimiting of an appropriate level of political interest, confining this to voting, in contrast to the importance of critical, detailed 'study' of politics implicit within the questionnaire. The article consequently contributes to the ongoing discussions surrounding the re-use of archived social-science material by suggesting that we can only rely on such material to gain access to 'vernacular' attitudes when we reckon with its fundamentally mediated nature, framed by the assumptions and intersubjective dynamics of the social-science encounter. In turn, it offers an example of how recent interest in the vernacular might be combined with an older, more traditional form of political history, centred on elections.

Aktywność polityczna młodych dorosłych we współczesnej Polsce

This article presents the activity of young adults in the political sphere and its impact on the state of Polish democracy. Young people have a low interest in politics compared to other age groups. The decreasing involvement of young citizens in traditional forms of politics is reflected in lower voter turnout and lower participation in political organisations and parties. This is a consequence of declining trust in public institutions, as well as a feeling of a lack of influence in the political affairs of the state. Nowadays, young people are increasingly turning to alternative forms of civic and political engagement, which include being active on the Internet, signing petitions, or participating in protests and street demonstrations. At the same time, the low level of interest in politics and the decline in political participation of young adults raises questions about the state of Polish democracy. In the future, this may even pose a fundamental threat to the state’s political system.

The moderating role of interest in politics and news consumption in the relationship between political ideology and beliefs about science and scientists in the United States

In the United States, an ideological and partisan divide in beliefs about science is well documented. In this study, we further examine this partisan divide and how this relationship is conditioned on levels of political interest and news consumption. Analyzing data from three nationally representative U.S. surveys, we replicate past research and find ideological divisions in evaluations of, and beliefs about, science and scientists. We then show that greater interest in politics and news consumption is more strongly related to positive beliefs about science and scientists among liberals than among moderates and conservatives.

Political interest, recognition and acceptance of voting responsibility, and electoral participation: young people’s perspective

ABSTRACT In March 2018, Maltese parliament effectuated a constitutional amendment by which voting rights were conferred on circa. 8,000 younger citizens aged sixteen and seventeen. Concerns over the integrity of this decision primarily emanated from the prevalent portrayal of young people as politically apathetic citizens with no appreciation for the responsibility implicit in voting. This widely aired apprehension served to motivate the present study, in which the validity of these concerns was determined through measurement of young people’s levels of interest in politics, their recognition and acceptance of voting responsibility, and their intended electoral participation. The research’s objectives were accomplished through a quantitative methodology and the involvement of 143 of the newest members of the electorate. Results revealed that participants predominantly maintained moderate levels of political interest and high levels of recognition and acceptance of voting responsibility. Moreover, the greater number of participants expressed intentions to vote in the upcoming general and European Parliamentary elections. The study’s outcomes bolstered the integrity of parliament’s decision to extend the franchise to younger citizens and simultaneously undermined the legitimacy of certain opposing arguments.

Ethical consumption in Serbia: Analysing its prevalence and distinctiveness

Ethical consumption refers to the conscious decision of individuals to purchase or decline to purchase particular goods, in which their choice is guided by certain values rather than financial considerations. In this case, the decision to purchase a product (buycott) or to avoid purchasing a product (boycott) does not depend on price or availability but is instead an expression of moral attitudes, cultural preferences and distinct lifestyle choices. This paper analyses the prevalence of ethical consumption in Serbia, as well as the impact of the following factors on ethical consumption: demographic and socio-economic factors (gender, age, education, place of residence, economic status, occupation and employment status); trust in institutions (national and supranational); level of interest in politics (as well as assessment of ability to influence politics but also assessment of the ?openness? of the political system to citizen participation); political activism and political orientation and values. The analysis is based on the data of the European Social Survey (ESS) conducted in 2018.

PRE-ELECTION AWARENESS OF VOTERS IN INDIA

The present paper examines the role of voters before an election. It analyses the awareness and participation of voters before an election and what will they do to make them active partners in the democratic system of India. In this paper, right of vote, media coverage, political interest and political discussion have an impact on voters. Whether voter’s political awareness influences their participation in electoral activities. The results indicate that a majority of the voters need more awareness about politics. Their level of political awareness is accounted for by their level of interest in politics, pattern of media use and frequency of political discussion. The result also reports a limited impact of political awareness on voter’s participation in electoral activities.

Kayseri’de Yaşayan Çerkes Gençlerinin Kimlik-Siyaset Algısı: Siyasal İlgi, Bilgi ve Katılma Düzeyleri Üzerine Bir Çalışma

2014 yılında Türkiye’de yaşayan Çerkesleri temsil amacıyla kurulan ilk siyasal parti olan Çoğulcu Demokrasi Partisi (ÇDP), Çerkeslerin ilk kez kendi kimlikleri üzerinden siyasal alanda var olabilmeleri açısından önemli bir kırılma noktasını ifade etmektedir. Parti, 2015 genel seçimlerine 7 ilde 9 bağımsız adayla girmiştir. Bu illerden biri de Çerkeslerin Türkiye’de en yoğun nüfusa sahip oldukları il olan Kayseri’dir. Seçim sonuçları Çerkes seçmen nüfusunun Kayseri bazında bir belirleyiciliğe sahip olduğunu göstermiştir. Buradan hareketle bu çalışma; Kayseri’de yaşayan 18-35 yaş aralığındaki Çerkes gençlerinin bu belirleyiciliğin ne kadar farkında olduklarını, Çerkes kimliği ile siyaset arasında nasıl bir ilişki kurduklarını, ayrıca genel olarak siyasal ilgi, bilgi ve katılma düzeylerini anlamayı hedeflemektedir. Çalışma 15 Mayıs 2018 - 18 Ağustos 2018 tarihleri arasında Kayseri’de belirtilen yaş aralığında yer alan 227 Çerkes genci ile yapılan anket ve yüzyüze derinlemesine görüşme yöntemi ile gerçekleştirilmiştir. Anket esas itibariyle ilki katılımcıların siyasal öznelere, kurumlara ve süreçlere yönelik ilgi, bilgi ve katılımını, diğeri ise ÇDP ile ilgili düşüncelerini, siyaset ile Çerkes kimliği arasında kurdukları ilişkiyi anlamaya yönelik sorulardan oluşmaktadır.

Suspicion of Welfare Overuse in Sweden: The Role of Left–Right Ideology, Anti‐Immigrant Attitudes and Gender

In this study, we explore individual differences in suspicion of welfare overuse in Sweden. Focusing on previously underdeveloped areas, we find that the hitherto observed negative relationship between political interest and suspicion of welfare overuse is only valid for those who sympathize with political parties to the left (and to a lesser extent the Green Party). Conversely, individuals who sympathize with centre‐right parties or right‐wing populists differ little internally depending on their level of political interest. We also find a strong positive correlation between anti‐immigrant attitudes and suspicion about welfare overuse. Finally, we find that women are less suspicious of welfare overuse than men are, and that this cannot be attributed to gender differences in material risks or resources, education, experiences of welfare services, general trustfulness, anti‐immigrant sentiment or political orientation. Neither do gender differences vary according to strength of gender identification. Thus, being suspicious about welfare overuse is not likely to be perceived as a typically masculine or feminine posture. Based on our findings, we argue that future studies exploring partisan or ideological differences in perceptions of welfare overuse need to consider these in conjunction with political interest and political context; that rising anti‐immigrant sentiments pose a particularly serious threat to the legitimacy of welfare states, given their strong connectedness to suspicion of welfare overuse; and that gender differences in perceptions of welfare overuse are more fruitfully addressed through a lens of gender relations, rather than gender role stereotypes.

Political engagement and turnout among same-sex couples in Western Europe

This paper presents and addresses a simple, yet overlooked, research question: is there a sexuality gap in political engagement and participation between sexual minority individuals and the heterosexual majority in Western Europe? To answer this question, we employ a recently applied method of identifying lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) individuals using data on the gender composition of cohabiting partner households from the European Social Survey. Relying on a total sample of more than 110,000 individuals across 12 different countries with an identified sample of 1542 LGB individuals, we test the divergence in political interest and political participation, both electoral and non-electoral, between LGB and non-LGB individuals. The results of our empirical analyses conform with our expectations. Theorising that LGBs, as a marginalised social stratum, are incentivised to participate and ‘vote like their rights depended on it’, we find empirical evidence of a significant and positive ‘sexuality gap’ in levels of political interest, turnout and other forms of political participation in Western Europe over and above what can be determined by socio-economic determinants of political participation.

Political culture of Bogota’s citizens: patterns of political behavior ahead of the 2019 elections

El Observatorio de Medios de la Universidad de La Sabana realizó en septiembre de 2019 un estudio de cultura política de los habitantes de Bogotá. Se entrevistó a 781 personas para identificar sus imaginarios frente a la política, sus hábitos de participación, información y socialización política, y sus valores políticos, en medio del contexto electoral regional de octubre de 2019 en la ciudad. Se logró evidenciar un patrón de comportamiento que encierra una contradicción entre un alto nivel de participación electoral histórico y unos bajos niveles de interés por la política, la información sobre temas públicos y la interacción política con otras personas, así como también un imaginario negativo frente a la política y la realidad de la ciudad.

Improving the political judgement of citizens: why the task environment matters

Internal political efficacy (that is, beliefs about one’s ability to process and participate effectively in politics) is known to be shaped by factors such as levels of interest in politics, trust in institutions and awareness of political developments and debates. In this article, we show that the task environment also has an impact on internal political efficacy, and that little research has been done on this issue. We draw on data from focus groups in Australia, where citizens were asked to make political judgements in contrasting task environments: state elections and the 2017 same-sex marriage plebiscite. We examine four features of task environments: framing choice; issue content; the nature of available cues; and whether the task environment stimulates cognitive effort. We conclude that concerns about the internal political efficacy of voters should be addressed by exploring how the task environment created for political choice might be made more amenable in order to improve the political judgement of citizens.

Is love politically blind? The role that the romantic partner plays for young adults’ socio-political interest

ABSTRACT This study examined the political interest of young adults who over two years moved in or out of a romantic relationship or had a romantic partner at both ages. The sample comprised young adults in Sweden (n = 1335; Mage = 22.75, SD = 3.01). Among those who entered a romantic relationship, the partners seemed to adjust to each other’s political interest, but when separations occurred, the influence of the former partner vanished. Attending to similarities and dissimilarities in both partners’ levels of political interest, we hypothesized that in relations where both partners had high political interest, their political discussions would occur frequently, and they were likely to reinforce each other’s search for information about society more than in other romantic relationships. This hypothesis was confirmed. We also examined if partners with different political interest had lower partner commitments and later become singles more often than couples with similar political interests. We found few differences. Overall, both variable- and person-oriented analyses showed that romantic partners can both thwart and increase the political interest of young adults. Apparently, young adults’ romantic partners play a significant role for their political interest.

Too Immature to Have a Sense of Duty? Civic Duty in Youths Aged 16 and 17

An increasing number of studies investigated whether citizens under 18 are mature enough to vote. While this research addresses the level of political interest and knowledge in young citizens, and the quality of their voting decision, it does not explore their sense of civic duty to vote and its role for their participation in elections. This is surprising, as the sense of civic duty to vote is one of the main drivers of electoral turnout. Looking at the Austrian case, where voting is possible from the age of 16, we contribute to closing this gap. In particular, we investigate (1) the role of civic duty for the participation of young citizens in elections and (2) what constitutes differences in the sense of civic duty between 16- and 17-year-old citizens and those aged 18 and older. We show that the young citizens’ sense of duty to vote affects their decision to turn out, but that they display a lower sense of duty than those aged 21 and above. These differences seem to be connected to the young citizens’ level of political interest and knowledge, and their involvement in discussion networks. The results have important implications for academics, educators, and policymakers.