Level Of Political Institutions Research Articles

Economic Institutions, Political Institutions and Renewable Energy Production in Africa

ABSTRACT This study investigates the role of economic and political institutions as drivers of renewable energy production in Africa. To achieve this, the study employs panel data of 41 African countries from 2000 to 2017. To deal with endogeneity challenges associated with panel data, we use the two-step Systems Generalized Method of Moments (SGMM). Generally, we find evidence that robust economic institutions are relevant to increasing the level of renewable energy production in Africa. Second, the disaggregated measures of economic institutions show that both size of government and Freedom to trade internationally have a positive effect on renewable energy production. On the contrary, an increase in legal system and property rights reduces the level of renewable energy production. Third, the study finds that political institutions moderate the relationship between economic institutions and renewable energy production. Therefore, toward the goal of promoting SDG 12, governments in Africa should actively strengthen economic institutions to enhance responsible production of energy. However, such efforts will be much more fruitful if the level of political institutions is also strengthened.

БАРЬЕРЫ В ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ КАРЬЕРЕ ЖЕНЩИН: ОБЗОР СОВРЕМЕННЫХ ПРАКТИК В ЗАРУБЕЖНЫХ СТРАНАХ

Based on the study of existing practices from different countries the article attempts to determine the existing barriers in the political career of women, which vary in different countries depending on the established and changing political culture, constitutional and electoral reforms. It also analyzes the foreign countries experience in moving towards gender parity at the highest level of political institutions, like national parliaments. It is concluded that such mechanisms as quotas, including internal party quotas, have served very effective in increasing a number of women in the power structures. Following the analysis of data for different countries, a conclusion is also drawn that after achieving the gender balance or gender parity in parliaments questions arise about the real influence of women on decision-making, while the mechanisms that have shown their effectiveness, but are somewhat outdated, are being rethought.

متمانەی سياسی لە هەرێمی كوردستان ٢٠١١-٢٠١٣

The Kurdistan region (KR) suffers from poor studies on the subject of political trust. This research aims to do this. The research investigates on the subject of political trust in the KR, at two levels in period of 2011-2013. Firstly, on the level of political institutions e.g. parliament, government, courts and political parties. Secondly, it addresses the salient political figures. To analyse, the available secondary data at mentioned period have been utilised, which collected by specialized organizations in conducting survey and public opinion. The data covers different geographical locations and variety of samples. The result is that the level of political trust is different between political elites o the one hand, and between political elites and political institutions, on the other. In other words, the same factor in giving trust to an elite or a political institution does not have the same impact or role to provide trust to another elite or institution. In addition, according to the results, in the KR, the trust to the whole political system is in a low level. The trust to political system depends on the trust to political elites, legislative and political institutions.

The Structural Origins of Territorial Stigma: Water and Racial Politics in Metropolitan Detroit, 1950s–2010s

AbstractThis article develops the concept of territorial stigma by analyzing how it can be cultivated at the level of political institutions across administrative divides. I consider the case of Detroit's regional water department, which until 2016 was owned and operated by the city and served over 120 suburban regional municipalities. I start by examining the cooperative city–suburban water system expansion in the 1950s and then analyze the rise of Detroit's first black‐led administration in 1974, after which the water authority became a key regional institution that provided an opportunity for white suburban leaders to organize against the city. I find that suburban leaders advanced their immediate goal of mitigating rate hikes by declaring the city to be greedy and inept, instead of acknowledging structural conditions that increased operational costs. This had the effect of reproducing racialized stereotypes at the political level, which had enduring effects. The argument builds on the existing literature on territorial stigma by (1) identifying state institutions as sites for the propagation of stigma and (2) considering stigmatized places in relation to their non‐stigmatized neighbors. The analysis integrates material‐structural and cultural‐symbolic factors in order to understand the perpetuation of regional urban inequalities.

Contributions and Limits of Rortian Pragmatism for Political Agonism

Fil: Penelas, Federico Carlos. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofia y Letras. Instituto de Filosofia ; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Cientificas y Tecnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Mar del Plata; Argentina

‘Not in my Name’: Deleuze, Zapatismo and the Critique of Representation1

The paper focuses on the contemporary crisis of representation as expressed in political theory, and also more widely at the level of political institutions and processes. Whilst most responses to the ‘crisis’ attempt to refine representation in such manner as to include the previously excluded, the purpose of this paper is to think beyond or outside representation itself. The critique of the representative claim is advanced through the work of Gilles Deleuze, and in particular Difference and Repetition, one of the first works of contemporary theory to offer a sustained critique of the ontological basis of representation. As well as outlining the case presented there I seek to explore Deleuze and Guattari’s work more broadly to establish what a post-representative stance implies in terms of a politics. These assumptions are then mapped onto the efforts of the Zapatistas to delineate a ‘post-representative’ practice. I seek to show the similarity of concern between Deleuze’s critique and the work and self-understanding of Subcomandante Marcos, a leading Zapatista spokesperson. I conclude by suggesting that, not only is it possible to think outside representation (as Deleuze argues), but also to experiment with post-representative or ‘nomadic’ forms of interaction in the present.